Venezuela

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blindpig
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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Sat Mar 22, 2025 2:59 pm

Ocean and thought: wide and deep

Image The Cayapo

March 21, 2025 , 2:10 pm .

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We must place Chávez at the level he deserves, because he is the generator of the thought that can constitute us as a people (Photo: El Cayapo)

We slaves today have a new opportunity. It's up to us to violate the still, which, as a matter of custom and tradition, always tries to stop the unstoppable.

Once again, we've won another long and arduous battle in which the enemy risked everything, but they lost, leaving behind on the battlefield a great wealth of spoils that we must learn to exploit, not only in terms of physical resources: cars, land, factories, and other small things, but also in terms of fundamental resources: knowledge of all kinds acquired in the struggle, which we must study thoroughly and prepare for new challenges. Let's not repeat the example of the old elites, dedicated to consuming circumstantial abundance only to be left once again in ruin, weak and awaiting the next blow from their now-restored masters. Of course, back then, we slaves were the ones who bore the brunt.

We must always remember that this war was not ours to wage, but imperialist capitalism, seeking our resources, the appropriation of territory, and the people capitalism needs. With this battle, we have bought time to better equip ourselves and avoid further attacks, no matter what happens, because the enemy is wounded and thirsty for revenge. We must never let our guard down; on the contrary, we must increase our alertness and gain more allies. The key is to think about how to definitively escape the imperialist capitalist embrace.

Now it's time to talk about events that occurred outside of everyday life. After World War II, the order imposed by capitalism in the Treaty of Westphalia was contradicted. Now the war is for absolute control and the new rules that the capitalist sector that dominates the planet will impose. The truth is that after this process, the trend is toward the disappearance of the nation-state and other international structures that served as the basis of the global capitalist regime, and the imposition of corporations like the oil companies, which understand that they can only exist within the framework of chaos, that is, in anarchy, regimented by the power of transnational corporations, where governments, regardless of their ideology, will be merely a figment of their agenda.

To achieve these goals, the struggle today is to the death; the masters are fighting for power. Humans will use every means at their disposal, regardless of the outcome. As an idea, as an imaginary, as a system, they will continue to dominate the planet based on their culture. Unless something different happens, which will be forced by another way of thinking, replacing the current system.

Faced with these facts in full action, the vast majority of enslaved people understand little or nothing, we understand, what power is despite feeling its immense weight on their backs, at most we confuse it with the State, which we always blame for everything that happens without fully understanding that power is not a mysterious, miraculous fact, that power is a real, verifiable fact, that power is a compendium of weapons and words that inhabit a real world, physically constructed over the centuries, which is sustained by myths, imaginaries, methods, constructions, conventions, institutions, laws that always favor whoever exercises it, in whatever name it may be.

Stubborn reality tells us that power cannot be wielded like a jerk, that power doesn't work to settle drunken arguments, that power is a tool to achieve objectives—and until now the elites know this very well—concretized only through bullying, whether well-dressed, with flattery, or with missiles.

The question for us slaves is: Which whip will we follow in the struggle? Or is it possible to think, design, and construct something different? Will we be able to resolve the master-slave contradiction and build a culture that replaces humanist culture and its productive apparatus: capitalism? Because we understand that the masters have no interest in changing what exists, since they are their father, mother, and child at the same time, the three divine persons, and only one true capitalism, whichever master wins, will impose its system on us.

We started as an imitation
If we slaves truly want to live differently, it's best to start now by abandoning our illusions, our pipe dreams, our hopes of becoming masters, and focus on thinking about a different culture that will replace the current one that keeps us enslaved. Enough of joining the victors after every major war between capitalists; we slaves need to create our own vision of life; otherwise, we'd be talking philosophical nonsense that only leads to illusion, and those who live on illusions die of disillusionment.

The first thing we must confront is that we are not a people; we do not exist as such, even though we are designated or named as such in law or the constitution. Let's start there: when the War of Independence took place, there was no people within the established social and economic structure. During what was called the colonial period, in these territories, there were feudal lords or Mantuans, and their slaves with certain licenses, some freedmen who had no rights to anything, even though they could walk around without a whip on their backs; it was the only thing they could do, but as soon as they slipped, that disappeared. That was what happened. But there was no constituted people, but rather a landowner with his servants, who paid for protection to the crown, which extended its criminal arms to these territories through individuals whose only desire was to get rich at any cost. And that idea was transmitted to the Mantuan elites. That's what really existed in this mine, which has never ceased to be one, throughout the world invaded by capitalism.

The truth is that the concept of "people" is an invention of the owners who organized themselves, called themselves "people," and demarcated the territory. They had their coat of arms, their flag, their charter of rights, a justification for robbing their neighbors and taking what they owned, while slaves were not considered people. This is a problem that no one wants to interfere with as a politician, and that is because, for the owners, we slaves were, and are, nothing more than merchandise, because they bought us, and continue to buy us, just like any other.

The liberators, with Bolívar at their head, attempted to create or shape a people, but the slaves' lack of unifying ideas and the foreign-imitating elites' thirst for wealth conspired to assassinate Bolívar and keep us in the hands of foreign masters. Just as is happening today with María Corina, a simple junkyard worker educated to sell off the land, resources and people, to favor the interests of transnational corporations by offering the absolute privatization of all natural resources, especially oil, without regard for the people, because that idea doesn't exist in her, and shame for treason is not an intrinsic component of her core ethic, nor is it for all those who accompany her in these bastard intentions.

They are simple wandering beings who can serve any traveling circus that pays for their tricks, depopulated people, nothingness.

One example is the political action we're involved in. When Chávez came to control the state, but not power, in the hands of the owners as we've already defined it, politics was settled between political parties that, generally regardless of their professed ideology, were all part of the "democratic game." Politics was just another business, with its believers and fanatics led by leaders, managers, or, as the new pitiyanquis like to call it: CEOs.

No one questioned who they served; everyone understood that the policy was to maintain the exploitative conditions that the oil companies had maintained in the country for a century, exploiting it like their mine. Politicians knew that government could not be governed without the consent of the oil companies; for a hundred years, the oil companies had appointed and removed leaders without anyone questioning their decisions.

They met in structures of equal standing, according to their position within them, but the plans of speculative financial capital to eliminate nation-states and create controlled chaos resulted in the emergence of Chavismo in history, which cracked those already exhausted and ossified structures that could never be repaired. This generated a clash for power; the owners appealed to their own CEOs, their "community management," who took on politics as just another business, because their worldview is: I am the owner, I command, and everyone obeys, without half measures or chiaroscuro.

So, the old and new politicians who belonged to the stale party structures have been relegated after some skirmishes. As a result, the Parras, Britos, Gutiérrez, and other lieutenants in those parties realized that they were leaders at their level, but that with the new situation and the new formations for war, they would never rise in the opposition because to reach power they would have to bypass the oligarchy, and this would never allow them for a very simple reason: they no longer need stewards because they will exercise politics directly as just another business. Therefore, as intelligent politicians, the lieutenants realize that, within Chavismo, while they will not overthrow Chavismo, they can be deputies, governors, councilors, mayors, representatives, and will have some influence in negotiations. They will have a political life and will be part of a country. And they are fine knowing that they will be treated as equals and respected. But they also learned that with María Corina at the head and the thugs who accompany her, no one will respect them because the oligarchy considers them second-class villagers, that is, slaves exercising politics in favor of the owners.

When we analyze who the scorpions are, mostly people from the interior of the country, who have risen in politics, like the vast majority of Chavistas, that is the harsh and real truth of a country like this. When we talk, for example, about the historical bloc, we are talking about including these slaves in contradiction, even if they continue to think they are masters or aspire to be masters, strutting around in their suits imitating mantuanos. But it is with them that we will seek, within the framework of contradiction, to consider the construction of a people in this territory, where we live by certain rules. And for that people to exist, we must forge it, sow it, create intrinsic ways, customs, and habits, where we will never again be named or designated but rather name ourselves with pride. We are. May their name never and never forever be in vain, the plaything of bandits, looters, and traitors.

To achieve this, all its proponents will have to discuss and confront each other regarding the existence or non-existence of capitalism and oligarchic privileges. As the novice hunter says, "that is a difficult issue to resolve," but we are sure that we will resolve it, as Carlitos Gonzáles said: "I have seen uglier ones, and they have gotten married."

For now, we have things to think about and resolve. On one side, we have the internal owners who refuse to let go and are willing to betray and destroy this territory by filling it with blood, just as they are already doing, as long as they remain. We also have the foreign owners, who care even less about what happens here, as long as they are provided with their statutory surplus value, their dowry, their fattened tithe. And on the other side, we are slaves yearning to be owners because we slaves have no other option in mind, because we don't know it and aren't even interested, for now, in knowing it. At most, we join the offerers of happiness, of illusion, demagoguery, chimeras, hopes, of fictional worlds where the slave's mouth waters, magical worlds sated with food and pleasures, without the worries of work, simple tales from the Arabian Nights with which the same-old politicians have dazzled us, regardless of their ideology.

The only possibility is for us slaves to understand the need to generate a different idea that makes us feel like substitutes for the owners, but not in property but in life, because we stopped being slaves and we do not need to be owners and that is the contradiction in which we have to enter as slaves, whether we are lawyers, doctors, politicians, engineers, managers, intellectuals, poets, academics, bricklayers, carpenters, farmers, fishermen, philosophers, in order to become a people, because we are not at the level of a people in belonging, we are barely the imitation, the crude imitation, of paraphernalia and pageantry of the invaders, at most skeletal guilds used in our name, to maintain the ambition and misery of those leaders, whatever defenders they may be.

When we hear Chávez say that our future has been stolen, what is he saying? None of us has a future; he's speaking from the oldest to the youngest, and we can extend that, if we set our minds to creating the idea, to five unborn generations, because it's a long time, a long journey to establish ourselves as a people.

When the masters of capitalism appeared in Europe, thousands of years of confrontations, thefts, crimes, and murders ensued before the concept of the predestined, of manifest destiny, could emerge in the minds of those who, upon arriving in North America, said: "This is the territory," because capitalism cannot develop in Europe as we dream of it. In fact, we see that the greatest development of capitalism is in the United States, where they were able to murder, exterminate the inhabitants, or reduce them to reservations. It was a scorched-earth policy, where they destroyed forests and exterminated animal species that contravened their presence, the proper functioning and development of capitalism, and the fulfillment of the higher precepts of humanism. All in the name of the all-powerful individual ego-god.

The United States was conceived as the territory where the capitalist experiment would yield the expected results. It was already known what had to be done, and by not considering the original inhabitants as people, they invaded the territory devoid of people. That is, crime wouldn't bring pangs of conscience. They could build in the United States what they called the empire of liberty, and so they did. Everything else is symbolism, a totem, but the essence of the problem is that they took the concept of liberty, democracy, equality, and fraternity to sublime achievements, where they truly practiced a system, a mode of production, and managed to develop it to its full potential. It is no coincidence that it was in the United States that the first Declaration of the Rights of Man was produced, which, four years later, was adopted by the French Revolution.

People should ask themselves, for example, how Thomas Jefferson, who wrote the first American Constitution, which stated that all men were free, with rights, how is it that this man who had many slaves, even relationships with the black slaves who bore him children and none of them had any rights to his fortune, was a true pater familias , who without a blemish went down in history as the president of the United States and drafter of the Constitution, who did not grant freedom and gave rights to his enslaved children? There is no better representative of humanity, he had all the cards.

Why not in India or China? For the simple reason that they were already cultures, civilizations that could not be exterminated, because the costs of such an undertaking would ultimately bankrupt nascent capitalism. The vast labor force and resources of India, New Zealand, Australia, Asia, Africa, South America, and part of the Caribbean serve to generate vast accumulations of capital, which, in turn, finance the great works of capitalism and its expansion across the planet, establishing itself not only as a plundering apparatus of production but also as the highest humanistic culture.

Rights belong only to the master, in the slave it is an illusion
What really determines law? Is there a divine or earthly law that created them? As far as we know, this didn't exist until very recently in history, when the owners of the thirteen colonies issued them for the first time in 1776: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights; that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It was then endorsed with the so-called French Revolution in 1789. These were rights created by humans, white men who were owners and believed themselves predestined as the superior race, imposed by God to dominate and subdue nature in general, that is, everything that wasn't owned, white Anglo-Saxon, who drafted this act or manifesto.

Another interesting fact: these rights were wielded against the power of the crown and the church, that is, the confrontation was between owners, and each owner knew that his reason and rights begin and end with the power of his weapons and that of others.

We slaves never had rights because they belonged to powerful men. Slaves were not considered worthy of rights by these men. That is, apart from white Anglo-Saxon owners, the entire world population was not considered people, which includes women. But slaves, instead of creating their own rights, embraced the idea that they too should be owners, and here we are with the same illusion, fighting for the rights of owners, liberty, equality, fraternity, democracy, progress, without realizing that everything happens through the effort of our backs and brains, that as long as we fight for those carrots, we will remain the same slaves, generation after generation.

Only after World War II were the so-called universal human rights implemented within the United Nations, a tool used to negotiate whether or not to subjugate underworld countries, according to the interests of the world's masters. These unwritten rights are manipulated by slaves, which many domestic slaves and those accommodated in the skirts of their masters are responsible for using to benefit one or another master. An example is the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, which they try to intimidate by accusing it of violating the human rights of terrorists every time it defends itself against their actions. All the cockatoos of the world cry out in unison: "Venezuela, terrorist!" But in reality, it is the masters who rock the cradle of the world's terrorists with their finances in the name of their reason and rights, which they uphold by force.

In the various processes of slavery throughout history, neither the owners nor the slaves ever spoke of rights for slaves. In other words, the slaves didn't understand any rights; they only knew about work and more or less whippings on their backs. These laws were only enforced by the master; they knew they belonged to the master. Within this framework, the slaves' miserable, dignified, or intermediate behaviors each had a punishment, a reward, and that's it.

The violence that has been exercised against slaves is brutal and bestial. In the United States and around the world, it's clear that in the slave-master relationship, the slave has no reference points, no alter egos, other than the master and his cultural influences. Therefore, no one wants to be a slave, but they do want to be a master because it's their only cultural, philosophical, and conceptual reference. In other words, we slaves don't think about ceasing to be slaves; for now, we only cry out for the masters to love us as themselves. To accept us, as if they no longer accept us as the slaves we are. We still can't imagine what it will be like to be human.

That illusion has been sold out completely, and we've bought it, complete with toys. That's what the middle class is doing, "We're out to take on the world," without understanding that the system is eating us. The middle class is the domestic slave that has been transformed over time with professions, sports, and cultural affectations, but it's the same domestic slave that believes itself to be the master because it lives in the master's house, hiding its daily crimes, sleeping in hidden rooms, eating in the kitchen, and paying good attention to the masters' visits.

The slave-master relationship is a love-hate relationship because we want to be the master who subjugates, and we hate it because the master subjugates us, does not let us be the master, the trap is perfect, absolute, it is a real problem, but also conceptual and referential because we have no other reference and the offerers of possible worlds offer us illusions, utopias, chimeras that never materialize and become salt and water and, of course, we have never thought not because we do not have a brain but because we have not seen any other perspective than that of the master.

The possibility of thinking lies in the future because it has no reference to an owner, and thinking is the only way we can overcome the present, but we were sold the trick that in the future, if we work our backs off, remaining loyal to the corporation every day, we will become happy owners.

So, my friend, building ourselves as a people is a painful, serious, complicated, far from simple, and far from pleasant conversation, because we ourselves are denied the possibility of thinking of ourselves from any other perspective than that of being the owner. To think of another possibility, we need to abandon the illusion of the big car, the big pool, the stunning models, the grand trips, which we've never had, and even if we dream of them, we'll never have them, the same for women, who are no different in slavery than men.

If this conversation doesn't arise, there's no way out of the trap, because in capitalism there's no solution to anything. The trap is perfect: it produces the poor it needs to continue reproducing itself as a system, and there are no people willing to get rid of that because the slaves, whether they be intellectuals, professionals, administrators, artists, politicians, or academics, are all aspiring to control, just like the master.

In previous wars, whether for independence or whatever, domestic slaves, faced with the promise of plunder, went with their masters wherever their masters went, and it's the same thing that happens to this entire middle class with María Corina, with the Capriles: we see stupid slaves living in Miami, serving men or plundering misery.

This is one of the most important discussions we must have when considering the idea of ​​creating a country, but we are obliged to move away from the old frameworks that maintain the platform, the totem poles, the flags, the coats of arms, the anthems, the borders. All of this must be subjected to the fire of conversation, because if we don't discuss it, we cannot solve the problem and we will always be, through ignorance, sleeping with the enemy.

For us, speaking like slaves in contradiction, in the savannah of creating thought, the discussion before us is quite complicated, but it must be had, and that's where issues of corruption, whether AD or COPEI, socialists, communists, Chavistas, or anything like that don't come into play. Rather, we submit everything we've thought to the bonfire, and whatever has vital force will survive. If Bolívar, Miranda, Rodríguez, or Zamora sustain themselves with a serious and profound analysis of reality, they're welcome. It's not us, as fanatics, who will uphold or condemn them, but their work.

We need to raise a multitude of thoughts and ideas and promote a conversational structure that addresses each of these topics to be able to say that this structure contains the thinking that will make us Venezuelans, or even question the term "Venezuelans."

We must place Chávez at the level he deserves, because Chávez is the generator of the thought that can constitute us as a people. To achieve this, he issued many of the keys and codes; the problem is sitting down with teams to dissect those codes. For example, when he says: "The future was stolen from us," who are we? We must understand that we are not a small or great civilization; we were not born from a great or small powerful myth; we are not the chosen ones of God or gods; we are not descended from any distinguished superior race; we have never been conquerors, invaders, or plunderers; we are not heroes, nor do we descend from them; perfection does not dwell within us; we have not created nor profess any philosophy that we should impose on anyone; we are not predestined to dominate and subjugate the species or nature in general; we were not born to have enemies, even if the enemy enslaves us, because we are only slaves entering into contradiction, trying to speak as a species, as a body, as a form of life. To stop being what we are and propose what is different, what is original, in short, we are what is possible, what thinks to be thought, to authentically be in belonging.

Therefore, everything we can derive from his codes is valuable for analysis, because he didn't have time to reflect, to philosophize about what he said, but the depth of his speeches, the phrase "They stole our future" is a book that must be written.

There are a number of his speeches that are very precise. When he tells the Americans and the Europeans to go to hell, every one of those things, he's telling us that with what exists, it's not just that we should build what we have to build—this can't be the windows, the doors, the mirrors, the walls, the floors of the other house—but that we must be authentic, original. This is one of the great tasks we have and that thinking teams will have to undertake in the future, because it's no longer possible to do it individually. This task can't be undertaken, for example, only by university students, as technically university students, by academics, by poets, by painters traditionally conceived as individuals, because they already have European thought seared into their brains, and there's no way to scrape off those stickies, there's no rust we can apply. That rust has already killed those brains, and there's no way to relearn or unlearn, that's not possible.

They don't have their own ideas; they're copies of copies of copies. It's crude, unoriginal, pure rehash. They don't have a serious analysis that separates itself from the entire political and philosophical world. If they talk, for example, about Chávez, what almost always comes up is petty mockery, fear, denial, disdain, excessive insults, expressions of hatred and fear, if not formulas learned from anti-communist manuals, or the miracle, the religious nonsense, or the witch doctor, the predestined. But there's no serious, calm study of time, of the space in which we live. Ideology manifests itself in all of them as a false perception of reality; but not the analysis that needs to be done: Where did Chávez come from? Why this process? How did he reach the conclusions that led him to the actions he implemented? What were his methods, his visions, his dreams? What is his concept of a country other than the mine that we are?

The root of thought is as broad and deep as the ocean, as ancient and new as life itself, born for the different, the created, the original.

https://misionverdad.com/chavismo/ocean ... -profundos

Google Translator

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Tren de Aragua: Reality and Propaganda
March 22, 2025

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Photo composition showing two criminals captured by police officers, with a firearm in the background. Photo: Ojo Público/file photo.

By Eligio Rojas – Mar 21, 2025

“Cosmic dust.” This is how President Nicolás Maduro described the defunct Tren de Aragua, the criminal gang whose name echoes across Latin America and beyond as if it was an organization with a central command, camps, and an arsenal.

“The Tren de Aragua is cosmic dust in Venezuela; it no longer exists, we defeated it,” President Maduro declared on Wednesday, March 19 before a group of cattle ranchers at the Simón Bolívar Park in the Generalísimo Francisco de Miranda Air Base in La Carlota, Caracas. It was the 48th National Zebu and Cattle Fair, where the president took the opportunity to respond to his US counterpart Donald Trump’s claim that all Venezuelan migrants belong to the Tren de Aragua gang.

This criminal organization went through three phases, according to documents compiled by the Venezuelan National Anti-Extortion and Anti-Kidnapping Command. The first phase began with its founding in 2008 around railway construction projects in central Venezuela. The gang, led by Johan Petrica (one of the group’s founders), extorted “protection fees” from workers’ cooperatives. This is how the name Tren de Aragua (Aragua Train) originated.

Héctor Guerrero Flores (alias Niño Guerrero), who began his criminal career in 2005 with the murder of police officer Oswaldo Antonio González Castillo on September 3 of that year in the 24 de Julio neighborhood of Santa Rita, Aragua state, later joined this gang. He avoided arrest at the time.

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Wanted criminal Niño Guerrero was one of the leaders of the post-election violence after July 28, 2024.

First arrest
Niño Guerrero’s first arrest occurred on January 19, 2010, on the Maracay-Turmero Intercommunal Road in the Samán de Guere sector of Aragua state. There, he was set to meet with his gang to review recent home robberies in southern Aragua state.

That day, a Scientific, Penal, and Criminal Investigative Corps (CICPC) task force arrested Niño Guerrero and Freddy La Fresa, as well as other criminals. Authorities confiscated 13 watches of various brands and models, a Gamo-brand replica firearm, four pistol magazines, and 36 bills of various currencies.

This imprisonment marked the second phase of the Tren de Aragua. From the Aragua Penitentiary Center in Tocorón, Guerrero began establishing gang cells in central Venezuela, focusing on home robberies in Maracay and other towns.

Two years after his arrest, on August 29, 2012, Niño Guerrero and 14 gang members escaped the Aragua Penitentiary Center, fleeing to Lara and Portuguesa states. He paid 500,000 bolívars to Luis Alberto Gutiérrez Linares, director of the Tocorón Prison, to facilitate the escape.

Nine months later, on May 18, 2013, Niño Guerrero was recaptured in the Nueva Segovia housing area of Barquisimeto, Lara state. Back in prison, the Tren de Aragua leader continued his criminal operations, now stockpiling firearms, ammunition, and explosives.

Tocorón prison raid
This second phase of the gang ended on September 20, 2023, when the government deployed 11,000 security agents to take control of the Aragua Penitentiary Center in Tocorón through the Gran Cacique Guaicaipuro Operation. By the time of the raid, the Tren de Aragua’s leadership had fled. Remigio Ceballos, interior minister of Venezuela at that time, claimed that Niño Guerrero lived in the prison though he “enjoyed total liberty.” “He was here, but he was already free,” Ceballos stated while displaying seized military equipment.

Niño Guerrero’s escape: The third phase begins
Upon request from Venezuelan authorities, Interpol issued Red Notices for Héctor Guerrero Flores (Niño Guerrero) and Josué Santana (El Santanita), key operators of the Tren de Aragua. Both fled Tocorón before the raid.

The third phase saw the Tren de Aragua fragmented into transnational cells operating without a central command. Media reports highlight how the group’s name is now exploited by opportunistic leaders for political purposes. For example, in February 2024, an alleged Tren de Aragua cell was hired by Iván Simonovis to assassinate Ronald Ojeda, a Venezuelan former military officer under Chilean government protection. Simonovis allegedly sought information on weapons linked to Operation White Bracelet, a plot to abduct President Maduro. Simonovis believed that Ojeda had sold the weapons to others without his permission.

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The group that killed Ojeda was composed of Rafael Enrique Gámez Salas (El Turco), Carlos Francisco Gómez Moreno (Boby), Luis Alfredo Carrillo Ortíz (El Gocho), and Dayonis Junior Orozco Castillo (Botija). El Turco was arrested in the US on December 30, 2024. The others were captured in Colombia. Venezuela has requested their extradition.

Another faction of the disbanded Tren de Aragua was allegedly sheltered by former Colombian President Iván Duque and sent to Venezuela ahead of the July 28, 2024 presidential elections. Led by Niño Guerrero, the group’s mission was to create violence in the streets and declare the alleged victory of the far-right candidate Edmundo González. On July 29, the group attempted to storm Miraflores Palace after President Maduro’s victory was announced.

Cabello: Someone is lying
The Trump administration labeled the Tren de Aragua an international terrorist organization, and with this allegation deported Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador, where President Nayib Bukele shaved their heads and detained them in a concentration camp-like prison.

Venezuelan Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello questioned whether all deportees were Tren de Aragua members, and demanded the US extradite captured suspects. “The US is acting in a confusing manner. They promised to send us Tren de Aragua members but they have not. Someone there is lying.”

Venezuelan Attorney General’s Office describes the Tren de Aragua as “the most powerful criminal gang in Venezuela, the only one to establish transnational cells abroad.” Sentence 013 of the Supreme Court’s Criminal Chamber approved the extradition of four suspects from the US and Colombia for Ojeda’s kidnapping and murder.

“It is essential to understand the adversary being combated, and in this specific case, it involves the Republic of Chile, the Republic of Costa Rica, the Republic of Colombia, the Venezuelan State, and various Latin American countries,” reads the ruling. “We are confronting the most powerful criminal structure in Venezuela, and the only one that has been able to establish cells on foreign borders, transitioning from a confined prison gang into multiple transnational cells with a broad criminal portfolio. Notably, this case highlights the roles of Venezuelan citizens Carlos Francisco Gómez Moreno alias ‘Boby,’ Dayonis Junior Orozco Cartillo alias ‘Botija,’ and Rafael Enrique Gamez Salas alias ‘Turco,’ as leaders of these cells tasked with executing criminal acts both within and outside the Venezuelan national territory.”

(Últimas Noticias)

https://orinocotribune.com/tren-de-arag ... ropaganda/

President Maduro Receives Family Members of Venezuelan Migrants Illegally Imprisoned in El Salvador
March 21, 2025

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Family members of Venezuelan migrants illegally imprisoned in El Salvador, accompanied by Venezuelan National Assembly President Jorge Rodríguez, hold a press conference at Miraflores Palace, Caracas, March 20, 2025. Photo: Presidential Press.

The relatives of Venezuelan migrants illegally imprisoned in El Salvador met with Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, who listened to the complaints of fathers, mothers, siblings and other family members of those arrested in the US and transferred to a maximum-security prison in El Salvador on false allegations.

“Today at the Miraflores Palace, the President of the Republic, Nicolás Maduro Moros, accompanied by the First Lady of the Republic, Cilia Flores de Maduro, Vice President Delcy Rodríguez, Minister for Territorial Socialism Héctor Rodríguez, and myself held a meeting with relatives of our brothers and sisters abducted in El Salvador,” National Assembly President Jorge Rodríguez announced to the press on Thursday, March 20.

Rodríguez then introduced several relatives of the migrants and emphasized that “it is important for the people of Venezuela to hear from the relatives of our abducted brothers and sisters … the truth about these sisters, about these brothers who are going to be rescued by the force of truth, by the force of God and by the force of the people of Venezuela.”

“The US government deceived the migrants who were waiting for a flight to be repatriated, sending them instead to concentration camps in El Salvador. We will not rest until they are rescued. This country is waiting for them with open arms!” he added.

“We are going to move heaven and earth, we are going to talk to whoever we have to talk to,” he stressed. “We are going to do whatever we have to do to bring all Venezuelans from the United States of America, but first we will ensure that the 238 Venezuelans kidnapped in El Salvador return to the safety of their families in their homeland, in their territory, in the homeland that we all carry in our hearts.”

Jorge Rodríguez: Everyone’s profession was known

Rodríguez pointed out that all the migrants illegally sent to El Salvador had known professions in the United States, which exposes the falsity of the accusations that they are criminals.

He said many were detained at their workplaces, on roads, and even at immigration offices where they went to express their desire to be transferred to Venezuela.

However, they were illegally detained and sent to a maximum security prison in El Salvador.

Women sent to men’s prison
Rodríguez also noted that eight Venezuelan women were sent to the men’s prison in El Salvador.

“How is it possible that Bukele accepts, allows and also charges money for taking abducted young people who have committed absolutely no crime, neither in El Salvador, nor in the United States of America, nor in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela?” he asked.

He called the situation “a vulgar abduction, and they are subjecting innocent young people to slave labor. How is it possible that eight young Venezuelan women have been sent to a highly dangerous prison where there are only men?”

He criticized the abduction and imprisonment of even a 20-year-old. “How is it possible that they have kidnapped a minor according to US standards? This boy just turned 20, and in the United States the age of adulthood is 21 years. How is it possible that they sent young men to El Salvador and left their wives and children who at this moment have no idea what they can do?”



US State Department blocking repatriation
Rodríguez dismissed the US State Department narrative that claims Venezuela does not want to repatriate Venezuelans.

“Who is preventing those flights from taking place?” he asked. “It is the State Department of the government of the United States. We repeat, we are ready to take whoever we have to take from the United States, at the frequency that is established. If it were up to us, we would bring them all to us. If it were up to us, we would not leave a single Venezuelan to be mistreated in the United States.”

“We will not rest, and I am referring to all the people of Venezuela, to President Nicolás Maduro, to the government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, to the National Assembly, and above all to the mothers and fathers of our children, we will not rest until we see them landing at the Simón Bolívar Airport in Maiquetía, here in their homeland, in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. We will not rest and we will achieve it.”

Family members of migrants decry atrocities
The relatives of the Venezuelan migrants also made statements at the end of the meeting. They specified that none of their children detained in El Salvador has committed any crime.

Jepzy Arteaga, who was introduced by Rodríguez as “the mother of one of our kidnapped brothers,” said that what happened to her son is an atrocity.

“We came today to condemn the atrocity that is being perpetrated against our children, since none of them has committed a crime, all of them are innocent, not because we say so, but because it has been demonstrated,” she said.

She added that rather those who kidnapped them “are committing the crime against our children … We ask for help, everyone’s help with signatures, we will take to the streets if necessary, but we want our children back. Please, we need the help of all of you.”

Osvaldo Moreno, father of another kidnapped Venezuelan, said, “I have come to say to the world, to the country, that we must create awareness that what they are doing to our children is a total injustice, they are destroying our lives, our hearts.”

“Here there are broken parents, broken families, innocent children who are in that maximum security prison next to criminals, simply because of our nationality, for being Venezuelan,” he added. “May this demonic duo of Trump and Bukele fall! Open your eyes, Venezuelans, today it is us, but we all run this risk simply because we are Venezuelan. Migration is not a crime.”

“Our children have not committed any crime, and it has already been verified,” he continued. “All the people who are in that prison are innocent. Their only crime for this demonic duo is to be Venezuelan. Let us defend our nationality before the world, and we urge the international human rights organizations to raise their voices against this atrocity.”

(Últimas Noticias) by Aura Torrealba

https://orinocotribune.com/president-ma ... -salvador/

Mother of Venezuelan Illegally Imprisoned in El Salvador Ready to Do Anything to Rescue Her Son
March 21, 2025

Image
Venezuelan march in support of migrants in the US unjustly detained and sent to a Salvadoran prison on allegations of ties to gangs, Caracas, March 18, 2025. Photo: El Correo del Orinoco.

“If I have to go to El Salvador to look for my son, I will do it; if I have to chain myself to that prison, I will do it, because I am ready to do anything for my child. I never imagined being in this situation in which I am at this moment,” said Jepzy Arteaga, mother of Carlos Alejandro Cañizales Arteaga, one of the 238 Venezuelan migrants detained by the Trump administration in the United States and then, on March 16, illegally transferred to the Confinement Center for Terrorism (CECOT), a maximum-security prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador. Human rights violations are common at the facility, according to various legal and social organizations.

In Caracas’ Plaza Bolívar, where a signature collection campaign against US policy toward Venezuelan migrants was held Wednesday, March 19, Jepzy Arteaga told Diario VEA that her 25-year-old son, Carlos Alejandro, is unjustly imprisoned in El Salvador. He is not a criminal and does not belong to any criminal organization. The young man, a resident of Valencia in Carabobo state, left for the US six months ago seeking better economic opportunities to support his family but instead faced suffering and injustice.

She explained that before being sent to El Salvador, he was imprisoned in the US since February 17. He had been arrested in North Carolina as an “undocumented immigrant.”

Carlos’ wife and his sister remain in the US; they are terrified and want to return home.

How she found out that Carlos was sent to El Salvador
“Because everything added up,” she said. “On Saturday [March 15] he called me, saying, ‘Wait for me, I will be with you people today.’ I, happy, arranged a welcome for him for Saturday, because he was supposed to be here by the evening. He did not arrive on Saturday; I thought something must have delayed him, he will be here on Sunday. On Sunday, his wife called me and asked, ‘Did you check social media?’ My daughter also called me and asked me, ‘Did you see what is happening?’ I said no, and they told me that all those who had been transferred for deportation were sent to El Salvador. I did not want to believe them.

Holding a placard with a picture of Carlos, she continued, choking, that after hearing the news she “started to investigate. I wanted to pay for a lawyer. I asked them to look for a lawyer in Texas.”

On Monday, March 17, her daughter called her again and explained, “We cannot have any lawyer here, because Carlos is already in prison in El Salvador.”

How his wife and sister came to know
“I asked her the same thing: ‘Daughter, how can you be sure?’ And she responded, ‘I am going to send you the video,'” Arteaga said. “And when I saw the video, when they were shaving my son’s head with that machine, he was a bit unrecognizable, but we were able to identify him. My daughter told me, ‘That is Carlos Alejandro.'”

“From that moment we do not feel alive,” she continued. “God gave me the strength to come here today and to keep fighting.”

“What worries me the most is what they are living in El Salvador,” she added, referring to all the Venezuelan migrants illegally imprisoned in that country. “Everybody has seen that prison, how dangerous it is. They are not used to living like that, because they are not criminals.”

Arteaga called upon the Salvadoran authorities to investigate. “Those who have criminal records, they can pay for their crimes, but those who are innocent, please bring them back home,” she urged. “Here all the mothers are desperate, and we will keep fighting.”

“I never imagined being in such a march, I never imagined going through this, but only God knows why he does these things,” she lamented.

She also prayed for strength to tolerate the pain that she is suffering. She prayed for the Salvadoran authorities to come to their senses, to carry out investigations, and “to return our children to us.”

No contact
Jepzy Arteaga still has no information about her son. “We cannot contact him. I looked up on the internet, in that prison you are not even allowed to call anyone,” she said.

She added that while her son was detained in the US, she at least received information as to his situation. “The only thing that he was allowed there was to call me when he could,” she explained. “He could not call everyday, but he could most days… He was not provided proper food, but at least I had information of him. I was content with hearing his voice every time he could call me.”

Are her daughter and daughter-in-law engaged in procedures to return?
“See, that is not easy either, because they do not have the economic means to return on their own now,” she responded. “And the way these deportations are going, I am afraid if they could return. What if they too are deceived, what if they are told that they were being taken to Venezuela and then they are not sent here? I would prefer things to calm down a bit. They have already decided to return, they are only going to work out how to return.”

Her message to Venezuelans thinking of migrating
“Please do not do that, please don’t imagine a life that doesn’t exist,” she urged. “As my grandmother used to say, we tried to make a joke and ended up with a scowl. Money does not bring you happiness.”

Her message to Nayib Bukele and Donald Trump
“They should put their hands on their heart, they should realize that one day God will take it into his hand, that this will not remain as it is,” she said. “I know that it is not just my child but many other people. Sometimes they think themselves God because they have a position, they have power.”

Her message to the far right that is celebrating how Venezuelans are being treated
“They too have children, and I am sure that they have family members who are in the same situation,” she remarked.

Does she believe the Venezuelan authorities will be able to bring back the abducted Venezuelans?
“At first I doubted it,” she admitted. “But after I was here yesterday, and now that I am here, I am certain that God will give them the wisdom to bring our children home.”

(DiarioVEA) by Yuleidys Hernández Toledo

https://orinocotribune.com/mother-of-ve ... e-her-son/
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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Wed Mar 26, 2025 2:39 pm

The masterminds behind the criminalization of Venezuelan migrants
March 25, 2025 , 2:20 pm .

Image
Venezuelan migrants kidnapped in El Salvador (Photo: Philip Holsinger)


Donald Trump made migration a central focus of his administration. Upon taking office, he signed more than 40 executive orders , six of them focused on this area. His speech consolidated the idea that migration to the United States represented a "threat" to national security, which reinforced the criminalization of those crossing the border.

In this context, the Venezuelan exodus has been exploited for political purposes, both by Washington and by sectors of Venezuela's extremist opposition. These factions have promoted stigmatizing rhetoric aimed at gaining support within the White House and justifying increased pressure against the country.

The Sures report, published in 2021, documented how this narrative took hold starting in 2017, when the idea of ​​a "massive influx" began to occupy a central place on the international media agenda.

This phenomenon has been driven not only by unilateral sanctions but also by the Biden administration's policy regarding Temporary Protected Status (TPS). The expectations generated around this mechanism encouraged many Venezuelans to cross the dangerous Darien route and reach the southern US border, with the perception that they could more easily access documentation that would allow them to remain legally in the country.

The background to this reality is closely linked to the impact of illegal economic sanctions imposed by the United States, which weakened the Venezuelan economy and forced migration.

Since 2017, figures such as María Corina Machado, Julio Borges, Leopoldo López, and David Smolansky have not only promoted these decisions against Venezuela but have also used the topic as a platform to reinforce foreign interference.

Furthermore, these figures have played a pivotal role in fabricating a narrative that stigmatizes Venezuelan migration. Through their statements, they have associated migrants with criminality and regional destabilization, fueling Washington's policies and its extreme decisions against the Venezuelan population abroad.

These leaders' statements have contributed to the negative perception of Venezuelan migrants. An example of this occurred in 2017 when Julio Borges linked the displacement of Venezuelans to organized crime and terrorism.

"This migration problem, which is already a regional problem, is accompanied by other problems such as organized crime, militarism, paramilitarism, drug trafficking, and even terrorism. Venezuela is today the center of instability and all the social degradation that entails, which could be a contagious disease throughout Latin America."

For her part, in 2019 María Corina Machado projected the presence of Venezuelans in other countries as a risk factor :

"For our neighbors, the increase in migration means not only an unmanageable demand for basic services but also the risk of uncontrolled diseases and the infiltration of regime agents into 'social movements' seeking to cause destabilization."

This strategy has been effective in capturing Washington's attention, while also serving to legitimize policies of persecution and repression against those who have emigrated.

The construction and establishment of such a narrative has, on the one hand, justified restrictive immigration measures, and on the other, contributed to discrimination and abuse against Venezuelans in various countries in the region.

Beyond political use, the management of resources intended for the care of displaced persons has been marked by opacity and corruption . In his role as OAS Commissioner for Venezuelan Migrants and Refugees, David Smolansky administered millions of dollars in funds without transparent accountability mechanisms, while allegations of the diversion of so-called "humanitarian aid" have multiplied.

As a result, thousands of Venezuelans have been left abandoned, exposed to precarious conditions , discrimination and violence.



It's worth noting that the Trump administration's agenda in this regard didn't emerge out of nowhere. Since its campaign, it was already outlining its treatment of Venezuelan migration. An Axios analysis of 109 Trump speeches, debates, and interviews between September 1, 2023, and October 2, 2024, reveals that he called Venezuelan migrants "criminals" 70 times, while, in comparison, he used the same term to refer to Congolese migrants only 29 times.

Number of times Trump has called migrants from some countries "criminals"
Imagehis measure, in addition to exposing them to inhumane conditions, highlights the lack of safeguards and the degrading treatment that Venezuel
an migrants face within the framework of repressive deportation policies.

This isn't an isolated incident; it's the culmination of a narrative constructed to fit the White House's favorite category: "threat." A malleable concept, always available to justify whatever is needed and thus advance interventionist agendas.

On March 21, 2025, Time magazine published a report by journalist Philip Holsinger on the forced arrival of Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador, deported from the United States, under accusations without evidence of belonging to the Tren de Aragua (TdA) .

The article details how three planes landed with 261 deportees, mostly Venezuelans, considered members of the TdA by the Trump administration, sent without due process.

Upon arrival, they encountered a massive military deployment and a reception characterized by violent and intimidating treatment. "There was no bloodshed, but the violence had a rhythm, like a horror theater," the journalist described.

The testimony of the photographer , who was present during the operation, describes the brutality with which they were processed. From the moment they disembarked, they were subjected to beatings, shoving, and humiliation by the guards.

One of the detainees, identified as a barber, tried to explain that he had no ties to organized crime, but his pleas were ignored and met with aggression.

The publication also highlights the psychological impact of the procedure: in a matter of hours, the deportees went from arriving in designer clothes to being shaved, stripped of their belongings, and confined in cells with extreme conditions . "With my camera in hand, it was as if I watched them turn into ghosts," Holsinger said.

The report highlights that prisoners are locked in cells with up to 80 other people, without access to visitors, books, or contact with the outside world, in a solitary confinement regime that turns them into forgotten figures.

Furthermore, it states that this mass transfer is part of an agreement between Washington and San Salvador through which the government of Nayib Bukele receives funding to house the deportees : 6 million dollars to keep the migrants without trial for a year, which is equivalent to approximately 23 thousand dollars per inmate.

The magazine offers a shocking and stark image of prison policy in the Central American country. Overall, the piece emphasizes the violence, fear, and desolation felt by Venezuelans, with the operation clearly demonstrating the political use of migration for a specific purpose.

This fact reflects the double standard of the extremist opposition, which, on the one hand, has promoted sanctions and blockades that deepen the migration crisis and, on the other, has remained silent in the face of abuses committed against its citizens in the United States.

Furthermore, he has exploited his situation to strengthen his influence in Washington and justify measures to increase pressure against Venezuela.

And this entire agenda culminated in one of the most serious episodes with the detention of individuals at Cecot, an action that has represented the most critical point in the persecution of Venezuelans abroad.

Far from condemning this human rights violation, María Corina Machado legitimized the measure and presented it as part of a coordinated strategy with the United States:

"I believe this is a very powerful proposal that the President of El Salvador and the Secretary of State have jointly formulated."

While the extremist opposition continues to use migration as a political bargaining chip with Washington, the Venezuelan government has implemented initiatives for the repatriation and reintegration of migrants in an attempt to counter the effects of this situation.

In short, the criminalization narrative remains a crucial element in the political agenda of those seeking to encourage and promote foreign intervention in Venezuela.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/los- ... venezolano

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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Sat Mar 29, 2025 2:31 pm

Actions to address a situation that goes beyond the climate
The underlying reason for the measures taken to combat the climate crisis
March 28, 2025 , 3:00 pm .

Image
The workday adjustment measure seeks to prevent the effects of drought on reservoirs and minimize overloading of the electrical system (Photo: Archive)

The Venezuelan government issued a statement last Sunday, March 23, announcing a six-week adjustment to the public administration's working hours due to the effects of the climate crisis on reservoirs and, consequently, on the stability of the National Electric System (SEN).

Through this measure, ministries, mayors' offices, governorates, and other branches of government will work from 8:00 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. three days a week—or in a 1-for-1 format—to reduce energy demand from the public sector.

As the government indicated, the decision is central to the climate crisis ravaging the world, a phenomenon that must be unraveled to properly understand its impacts, effects, and implications, and how it relates to the actions of the national executive branch.

The country has been affected by the meteorological effects of the El Niño and La Niña phenomena in recent years. These are the warm and cold phases of a natural climate pattern in the tropical Pacific known as the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO), which has a significant impact on the global climate.

The oscillation has been altered due to climate change, and the amount and severity of rainfall and droughts have increased. Furthermore, 2024 was considered the warmest year on record, a trend that continues to rise.

Venezuela is currently experiencing a period of drought consistent with the seasonality attributed to its intertropical geographic location. The low rainfall is expected to last until April. However, one of the attributes of climate change is the disruption of the seasonal balance, with extended heat waves and reduced transition periods that affect ecosystems, agriculture, and health at different scales.

According to forecasts , El Niño has entered a neutral phase after La Niña weakened last February, but there is significant uncertainty in the long-range forecasts because some climate variables have become unpredictable.

A crisis that goes beyond the climate
The climate crisis, to which the government decision refers and which justifies the aforementioned measure, is part of the so-called global environmental crisis (GEC), which, in addition to ecological manifestations, has also led to others in the social, economic, and even geopolitical spheres.

Although the causes of this crisis are attributed to "human activities" due to greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, it is clear that these are associated with the management of nature based on the interests of the planet's wealthiest elite.

The richest 10% of the world's population consumes 50% of the world's fuels and accesses the goods and services generated by that consumption, while the poorest 50% emits only 10% of the world's greenhouse gases. Concentrations of these gases also reached a record high last year.

Image

Global income distribution (deciles) and emissions from consumption habits associated with each decile (Photo: Oxfam)
The planet's surface temperature has registered increases that were expected to occur decades later: 1.5°C above the average from 1850 to 1900. The increase in the surface temperature of the oceans and continents has led to the melting of glaciers and ice caps, rising sea levels, and altered ocean currents. It has also affected the dynamics of rivers, whose flow is essential for the life of riparian biotic communities—human and nonhuman—that have adapted to the processes associated with these bodies of water.

The underlying crisis lies in the current capitalist development model, based on exceeding the planet's carrying capacity. Due to its interconnectedness, other processes vital to humanity, such as biological diversity and the nitrogen and phosphorus cycles, among others, have been overwhelmed.

The environment as a social, economic and geopolitical threat
This network of changes has entered a critical phase in which its manifestations are becoming increasingly apparent. Recent events highlight the multifactorial implications of extreme droughts.

The out-of-control megafires in California, United States, and the progressive water crisis in Barcelona, ​​Spain, are environmental manifestations of the climate crisis that have affected habitability and agricultural production.

In the US case, the prolonged drought combined with state disinvestment and deregulation has generated economic losses that could reach $50 billion. Meanwhile, 15 years of multimillion-dollar investments in desalination plants, access to underground aquifers, and the expansion of the port to receive water by ship have not been enough to resolve the water crisis in Spain's second-largest city, with a highly technological agricultural model that consumes 80% of available water .

Some social impacts are ongoing. In 2023, Uruguay experienced a gradual and anomalous decrease in rainfall, down to 43% in the first half of the year. In the previous three years, rainfall had already been 25% less than the historical average, forcing it to "blend" water from depleted reservoirs with brackish water from the Río de la Plata to supply more than half of its 3.5 million inhabitants, a decision that posed risks to pregnant women and chronic kidney patients.

Geopolitical consequences are also looming. In the case of the Panama Canal, transoceanic trade was already affected by the 2023 drought. This confirmed how vulnerable the engineering that supports ship movement could have been. In August of that year, at least 200 vessels took up to 21 days to transit this key hub of global trade, impacting the 180 maritime routes, which reach 1,920 ports in 170 countries.

Afghanistan and Iran experienced tensions in 2023 due to a 40% decrease in rainfall over the past three decades. This led to the failure to comply with an agreement guaranteeing Iran a fixed quota of access to water from the Helmand River—which runs mostly through Afghanistan—for irrigation and human consumption.

Scenarios and measures in Venezuela
Regarding Venezuela, the National Institute of Meteorology and Hydrology (INAMEH) announced last Sunday, March 23, the beginning of solar decline, a seasonal phenomenon that will cause a significant increase in temperatures throughout Venezuela until May 2. This, combined with the seasonal alteration resulting from climate change, increases the risk of drought and warrants vigilance by the authorities.

A possible decrease in rainfall would affect reservoir recharge, and high temperatures point to overutilization of the SEN (National Water Supply System), which would increase water demand at hydroelectric plants.

The measure adopted by the Venezuelan government has the central objective of preventing the socioeconomic impacts of the global climate crisis, amid growing pressure on the country from the United States through "secondary border controls" and fences against national oil activity. It is a proactive measure, tailored to the evolution of climate change, that seeks to mitigate the effects of this global situation, in defense and protection of the regular development of the nation's economic and social life.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/la-r ... -climatica

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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Mon Mar 31, 2025 2:43 pm

US Congresswoman Confesses: María Corina Machado Behind Recent Sanctions Against Venezuela
March 30, 2025

Image
US Congresswoman María Elvira Salazar (right) and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio (left). Photo: Facebook/@mariaelvira.

Caracas (OrinocoTribune.com)—Cuban-born, rabidly anti-communist US Congresswoman María Elvira Salazar confessed in a video published on social media that the goal of US imperialism is to totally cut off Venezuela’s oil incomes by asphyxiating the state oil corporation PDVSA.

In the video posted on Friday, March 28, former CNN anchor and current Florida Congresswoman Salazar admitted to following advice from Venezuelan far-right politician María Corina Machado in all actions aimed at destabilizing the government of President Nicolás Maduro.

Salazar said in the video, “We Cubans would like to have a María Corina Machado, and that is why we are always in contact with her so she can tell us what she believes needs to be done.”

The Republican congresswoman was explicit in the video, declaring, “I am going to do whatever María Corina tells me to do, whatever it may be.”

Salazar also outlined the US strategy to block all financial inflows to the Venezuelan state: “They cannot have any US money, Repsol’s money, Italian money, or money from anyone else buying oil from PDVSA, selling it on the international market, and then giving Maduro a cut.”

Despite having violated numerous Venezuelan laws, Machado has not yet been brought to justice, as demanded by millions of Venezuelans, including many people who do not support Chavismo. Some analysts interpret the continued freedom of Machado as a sign of weakness of the Maduro administration.

Salazar’s hostility extends beyond Venezuela. A vocal critic of Cuba’s socialist government, she has consistently advocated for tightening the US blockade against the island, framing it as a moral obligation to “liberate Cubans from communist tyranny.” She has accused Havana of human rights abuses and collusion with foreign powers, including Russia and Venezuela, to destabilize the region. In 2023, she co-sponsored legislation to block remittances to Cuban families, arguing that such funds “prop up the dictatorship” of Miguel Díaz-Canel.

Similarly, Salazar has taken a hawkish stance toward China, aligning with hardline Republicans who view Beijing as a geopolitical threat. She has criticized China’s investments in Latin America, warning of “neo-colonial exploitation” and accusing the Communist Party of China of undermining democracy in the region. In the US Congress, she has pushed for measures to counter China’s influence in Latin America, including sanctions on Chinese firms operating in Cuba and Venezuela. Her rhetoric often links China’s rise to what she calls “global authoritarianism,” echoing US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s confrontational approach in US-China relations.

https://orinocotribune.com/us-congressw ... venezuela/

******

Rubio threatens Venezuela with military action

In the historic dispute over the Essequibo, Rubio clarified that US military forces are on Guyana’s side. Venezuela categorically rejected Rubio’s statements as belligerent.

March 30, 2025 by Pablo Meriguet

Image
Guyanese President Dr Irfaan Ali with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Photo: Guyana Presidency

Last week, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Guyana to attend the military exercises of the US Navy. During his trip, Rubio, an anti-communist hawk, spoke about the possibility of intervening militarily in the dispute between Venezuela and Guyana over the Essequibo, a border area between both nations which has an extension of 159,542 km2. Since 1962, Venezuela has claimed the west coast of the Essequibo River as its own.

Rubio, in a threatening tone, said in Georgetown, the capital of Guyana, that “If [Venezuela] were to attack Guyana or ExxonMobil or something like that, it would be a very bad day, a very bad week, for them, and it would not end well”. The Secretary of State made these statements about the fact that recently, a Venezuelan Coast Guard ship expelled a few support vessels of the ExxonMobil company, which has developed economic operations in Guyana, producing up to 250,000 barrels of oil per day.

Rubio also said, “We have a large Navy, and it can reach almost anywhere in the world. And we have existing commitments with Guyana,” after assuring several security and defense agreements between Guyana and the United States. In this way, Washington sides with Georgetown in the dispute.

Possible Venezuelan elections in Essequibo
It is also important to remember that Venezuela, in its historical demand to assume full control of the Essequibo, announced several months ago that on May 25, the Essequibo will also participate in the regional and parliamentary elections, which has caused even more friction between both countries.

In a public statement, Guyana’s Secretary of National Security, Robenson Benn, said that anyone who collaborates in such elections would be considered a traitor: “If it is a Guyanese who is appointed governor of the Essequibo…, we will accuse that person of treason and we will imprison them…Every one of them can be accused of treason and anyone who supports them will also be accused.”

Caracas rejects Rubio’s threats
For his part, the President of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro rejected Rubio’s statements and called them “Imperialist and belligerent…Venezuela is not threatened by anyone because this is the homeland of the liberators, this is the homeland of Bolívar.”

In this sense, the Venezuelan Secretary of State, Yván Gil affirmed that his country will not yield to blackmail of any kind, and that they”will not allow foreign interests of Exxon Mobil or the US military-industrial complex to turn our territorial claim into a battlefield.”

For her part, Venezuelan Vice President Delcy Rodriguez asked the Guyanese authorities to stop their economic activities in waters where a delimitation is still pending and to establish a direct dialogue with Caracas without giving way to Washington’s threats.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2025/03/30/ ... ry-action/

******

Trump deals his first blow to the Venezuelan economy
March 27, 2025 , 3:05 pm .

Image
The US president's latest action has created negative expectations for the economy (Photo: Zach Gibson / Getty Images)

The Trump administration's latest executive order, threatening to impose tariffs on buyers of Venezuelan oil, is having its first repercussions, specifically on the national exchange system.

Following the repeal of General License 41 , which was favorable to Chevron's activities in Venezuela, and now with the implementation of this new pressure mechanism, there has been a clear disturbance in the value of the bolivar against the dollar in the parallel exchange rate.

At the close of business on March 26, the parallel, or unofficial, exchange rate closed at 102.9 bolivars per dollar, while the reference rate released by the Central Bank of Venezuela (BCV) reflected 69.0 dollars per bolivar.

By March 26, the exchange rate differential, or exchange rate gap—as it is also known—reached 40%.

These data break the prevailing trends of balance and stability in the January-December period of 2023 and 2024, as the difference between the two indicators was minimal, ranging from 5% to 9% and from 7% to 12%, respectively.

This new situation in the Venezuelan economy offers a range of political and economic aspects.

Exchange rate dynamics
The parallel exchange rate has taken on new names in recent months. A parallel or unofficial exchange rate, called the "average," has emerged.

This intermediate indicator between the BCV exchange rate and the traditional parallel exchange rate is incorporated into the construction of prices for goods and services denominated in dollars in the real economy. Individuals often use the "average" dollar as an alternative to the BCV and the traditional parallel exchange rate.

Recall that the latter, usually called "Monitor," serves as a reference value for Colombian currency exchanges, replicating the pattern used by the Dólar Today website years ago.

In theory, there has been additional demand for dollars in exchange offices and the informal market as a whole in recent days. However, the level or proportion of the increase in this new demand for US dollars from these exchange groups is unknown, as their pricing parameters are not transparent.

This apparent "stampede" was caused by bolivar holders, who are basing their expectations on a shortage of foreign currency in the coming months due to the pressure measures and financial siege implemented by the Trump administration.

It could be argued that, theoretically, there is a component of nervousness or panic due to fears of a deterioration in the economy caused by a sharp decline in oil activity.

The "Monitor" exchange rate generates significant disruptions in the real economy, given that the true levels of demand driving the price of the US currency are unknown. It is unclear how many bolivar holders are willing to pay the extremely high price of the parallel dollar.

Speaking of retail cash buyers—individuals who trade using unofficial markers—most transactions are conducted based on the "average" value or another amount close to the "Monitor" dollar.

In light of this, the high probability that the parallel price construction is influenced by decisions made by individual actors inside and outside Venezuela must be considered.

Another phenomenon has likely taken place in recent weeks: the rise of the parallel exchange rate in anticipation of the payment of Income Tax (ISLR), which will be collected by the National Integrated Service of Customs and Tax Administration (SENIAT) until March 31.

In this scenario, fueled by large commercial sectors holding dollars, an exceptional placement of foreign currency into unofficial systems would occur in order to obtain bolivars to comply with the tax.

In any case, the evolution of this monetary situation remains to be seen, and it could worsen or subside in the coming months.

Real derivations of the disturbance
The current exchange rate situation deepens the distortions and asymmetries between exchange rates, with increased devaluation and inflation.

This increases the pressure from suppliers on merchants, who demand payment rates higher than the BCV reference rate.

If the payment system in supply chains is disrupted through the use of this indicator, it will be the consumer, first and foremost, who will have to pay a higher price for products, which means that Trump's policies will directly affect the population's pockets.

But the excessive rise in the price of goods and services will also translate into a decline in consumption and a linear loss of income for retailers, distributors, producers, and importers. Therefore, the collateral effect of Washington's measures will have a direct impact on Venezuelan private companies.

The US government has implemented measures that could further curtail the country's oil activities and, consequently, national and state revenues. But beyond the government, the achievements of the Venezuelan economic recovery over these years are being affected. The damage could be far-reaching.

Various economic agents assume a repeat of "maximum pressure" and could act in a stampede, preparing for new scenarios , buying foreign currency regardless of the fact that its price has risen.

This is a sign of uncertainty and nervousness, phenomena that, in the current context, seek to undermine confidence in investing in the country and create a recession scenario.

Open ending
For their part, the Venezuelan government and other economic stakeholders must implement what they have learned in previous years and address the new context from two premises, easy to name but difficult to implement: sustaining the flow of oil activities and maintaining oxygen in the exchange rate system with an adequate flow of foreign currency, much of which could come from new investments.

The first will require exceptional mechanisms to develop and increase blockade-evading practices, albeit at high costs.

The latter requires state monetary governance, which must be replicated by business groups as a safeguard for the official exchange rate in order to avoid a disruption in the exchange rate system, which should mitigate the consequences for the economy as a whole.

The business sector understands the risks involved, considering that in recent years they have made significant investments that they do not want to lose.

Meanwhile, on the domestic political front, the extremist faction represented by María Corina Machado and Edmundo González has called for and welcomed these measures against Venezuelan oil activities, contrary to the prevailing national opinion.

According to pollster Luis Vicente León of the firm Datanálisis, only 11% of the population approves of the new actions against PDVSA. In January of this year, a survey conducted by the business association Fedecámaras (Fedecámaras) among its members found that 81% of business leaders said they were negatively affected by the sanctions.

Although the general population and economic stakeholders in Venezuela reject foreign coercive actions, the U.S. government relies on the positions of increasingly weakened Venezuelan political actors who request them, creating a false consensus of support and manufacturing false consent.

Regarding the measures taken by Washington, the publication of License 41B , which extended Chevron's presence in Venezuela until the end of May, combined with Trump's other announcements about isolating Venezuelan crude from other markets, suggests a clear exercise of pressure.

To estimate this coercion in the context of a possible backroom negotiation would be to speculate based on the US president's transactional and oscillating logic, but if the White House's policy has demonstrated anything in recent months, it's that shifts and changes of position are a constant.

Everything remains to be seen, but the Trump administration has clearly taken the first step toward "maximum pressure" 2.0 against Venezuela.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/trum ... venezolana
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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Fri Apr 04, 2025 1:54 pm

A Tattooed Venezuelan? Terrorist!

Venezuelanalysis columnist Jessica Dos Santos takes stock of the Trump administration's crackdown against Venezuelan migrants.
Jessica Dos Santos
March 31, 2025

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Venezuelan migrants have been especially targeted by the Trump administration. (Photo by Philip Holsinger / Time)

The Venezuelan government’s discourse surrounding migration has evolved a lot in the last few years. It almost resembles the different stages of grief.

First, there was denial, especially given how some organizations published inflated figures and opposition figures tried to draw political capital from them.

Then there was anger at the idea that many had chosen to abandon their homeland. In hitting back against criticism from outside, many officials tore into migrants who had left to “clean toilets” and “pursue the American dream.”

Later there was acceptance: the brutal economic crisis, deeply tied to US economic sanctions, had forced Venezuelans to search for better options elsewhere, even if they had never wanted to leave home.

Finally, there was some coming to grips with the difficult situation, sympathy for the conditions faced by migrants abroad and, why not say it, love. Love as an ability to recognize differences but to wish someone else well, wherever they may be.

Along this journey, one of the government’s initiatives was the Return to the Homeland Plan, a program to facilitate a return home for Venezuelan migrants, free of charge. It was created in 2018, and since then, we have seen televised flight arrivals, with compatriots overjoyed to return home. Many came back with little more than the clothes they had on, having struggled to make ends meet, far away from their loved ones and targeted by brutal xenophobia.

Tens of thousands have returned via this program, most of them from other Latin American countries. And while they came back, others trekked toward the United States, often crossing the perilous Darien Gap in Panama. They now find themselves in the eye of the storm.

To this day, it is hard to have a precise account of how many Venezuelans are in the US. According to the Migration Policy Institute, there are some 770,000 Venezuelan nationals in US territory, less than 2 percent of the 47,8 million registered migrants. According to Donald Trump, the recently-rescinded Temporary Protected Status (TPS) applied to 600,000 Venezuelans who, in his opinion, all belong to Tren de Aragua.

Put differently, a criminal gang is clearly being used, with its capacity and reach clearly exaggerated, in order to generate the necessary excuses for renewed attacks against Venezuela: sanctions, tariffs and, naturally, the inhuman treatment of migrants. The worst example so far was the deportation of 238 of them to El Salvador.

This “unusual” move was built on a law almost as old as the US itself, the 1798 Alien Enemies Act. This instrument was only applied on three occasions: during the war with the United Kingdom, especially after British troops burned the White House, and during the First and Second World Wars.

Do any of these scenarios remotely resemble the present? Clearly not.

The very US government said in a legal affidavit that, though some of those forcibly expelled have criminal records in the US, many do not. It would be a matter of defining “some” and “many.” US courts themselves have challenged the White House’s actions.

The arguments put forward to charge Venezuelans are weak or dubious, mostly based on profiling superficial things like tattoos or social media posts. According to the Texas Department of Public Safety, Tren de Aragua members have “star tattoos on their shoulders” somehow reflecting their status within the organizations, as well as crowns “similar to those of the Latin Kings,” another armed gang in the US.

Not just that, “they carry tattoos of firearms, grenades, trains, dice, roses, animals like tigers, jaguars, etc. Sentences like ‘Real Madrid til death’ or ‘Child of God’ are also common.” So, to summarize, if you happen to like flowers, wild cats, soccer, or believe in God, and decided to get a tattoo reflecting that… well you’re screwed.

One such case is Gustavo Aguilera, a 27-year-old Venezuelan who lived in Dallas (Texas) with his wife and two young kids. He had a legal, temporary work permit and worked as a deliverer, but had the tragic idea of going out of his house to take out the garbage, unaware that he would be seized by ICE agents. Without explaining anything, he was taken to a detention center. Three weeks later, he was in El Salvador.

This modus operandi, without any formal charge or court order, zero evidence, no conviction, and, worst of all, no chance of appeal, was used to send 238 Venezuelans to the infamous CECOT anti-terrorism prison, the largest such facility in El Salvador. It was unveiled by President Nayib Bukele in 2023, with a capacity for 40,000 inmates and a reputation built on its inhuman conditions.

The relatives of the detained Venezuelans (or should we say kidnapped?) have rejected the criminal charges thrown in the media, instead demanding their liberation and safe return.

“Mi son is no criminal, he’s never been arrested. He has tattoos because it’s a trend among barbers, not because he’s in a gang.” These were the words of Mirelys Casique, mother of 30-year-old Francisco García, who lived in Phoenix (Arizona) and worked as a barber until he was arrested on his way to the supermarket.

“This has been torture for us, an injustice. My son is no criminal,” said Antonia Barrios, mother of Jerce Reyes, a 36-year-old former professional goalkeeper detained because of a tattoo that brings together his religious faith and passion for Real Madrid. Oh and also because of a photo on social media where he makes a gesture that US authorities claim only gang members make.

This is the level of “evidence” used to determine membership in a criminal outfit classified as a foreign terrorist organization. Even US intelligence agencies have contradicted the White House’s assertion that the deported migrants belong to Tren de Aragua.

“My son wrote to me, asking for my blessing because he was being moved. ‘God willing, we’ll return today.’ He thought he was coming back to Venezuela. And then we knew nothing, until we saw him being dragged into a maximum security prison in El Salvador. He’s just a kid… I know he’s scared,” explained Juan Terán about his son Carlos Daniel Terán, a young man who just turned 18. Not even old enough to drink in the US!

The Salvadoran Constitution and laws make no provision for a situation like this. The penal system has no faculties to receive detainees prosecuted and charged in other countries. Still, for Bukele the priority is getting the $20,000 that Washington is paying per inmate per year. All in all, these Venezuelans end up in a legal limbo, not knowing where to turn to appeal against their arrest.

At the same time, the Venezuelan government is stepping up efforts to bring migrants back, not just the El Salvador group but also nationals on US soil. The mistreatment and stigma associated with migrants have created a common cause for the Venezuelan people. On multiple occasions, they have taken to the streets in support of brothers and sisters abroad, demanding respect for their human rights and encouraging their return.

Stuck on the other side is the US-puppet right-wing opposition, trapped in its own contradictions. After spending years fostering migration while lending credence to criminalizing discourses, it now cannot lift a finger to oppose the abuses committed against Venezuelans. Staying on Trump’s good side is way more important. Priorities!

https://venezuelanalysis.com/columns/a- ... terrorist/

******

Dismantling the fake news machinery against Venezuelan migration
April 3, 2025 , 11:08 am .

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Photos of tattoos of people who have nothing to do with Venezuela, stolen from the internet, are being used as indications of belonging to the Aragua Train (Photo: Archive)

An order based on the Alien Enemies Act was issued by US President Donald Trump to supposedly halt the invasion by the now-defunct Tren de Aragua (TdA) criminal gang. This is the first time the legal instrument has been invoked since World War II, but it dates back to 1798.

The artificial narrative surrounding the TdA has been instilled since before the tycoon took office. Misión Verdad has analyzed the myth surrounding its supposed impact and how it has been equated, without empirical basis, with criminal networks such as the Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG), Sinaloa, and Gulf cartels. All of these cartels rely on weapons shipped from the United States.

In this regard, some data demonstrates the lack of rigor and reliable evidence regarding the accusations made by the Trump administration against Venezuelan migrants allegedly linked to the group.

The fake tattoos
The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has released an unclassified document from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) showing tattoos that could indicate the wearer's alleged affiliation with the TdA.

This is the "Enemy Alien Validation Guide," which establishes a series of criteria that security officials must meet to designate men as gang members. It establishes a rating system in which, starting with eight points, a person can qualify and be detained.

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The "Alien Enemy Validation Guide" establishes a scoring system by which U.S. officials can decide at their discretion whether a migrant is a member of the Tren de Aragua (Photo: ACLU)

According to the document, any migrant who admits to being a member of the gang is assigned 10 points, meaning they are automatically considered a member of the group and subject to immediate deportation under the Alien Enemies Act.

The guidance allows officials to assign four points to a migrant simply for having "tattoos denoting TdA membership/allegiance" and another four points if law enforcement officers determine that the individual in question "displays insignia, logos, notations, drawings, or clothing known to indicate TdA allegiance."

Being "dressed in high-end urban clothing," especially Chicago Bulls or former star player Michael Jordan basketball jerseys, also contributes to deportation.

In February 2024, the New York Post published several images linked to the gang. These included silhouettes of AK-47 rifles, slogans like "Real Till Death," clocks, stars, crowns, trains, gas masks, and winged grenades.

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Photos of tattoos of people who have nothing to do with Venezuela, stolen from the internet, are being used as indications of belonging to the Tren de Aragua (Photo: American Immigration Council)

A reverse internet search of the images revealed they were stolen from there, and none of the people who posted their tattoos have anything to do with Venezuela or the TdA. This was published by Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, a researcher at the American Immigration Council, in a thread on the social network X.

Historical figures and intelligence reports contradict Trump's claims.
On February 26, U.S. intelligence agencies released findings that flatly contradict Trump's claims. According to the New York Times , the consensus among U.S. spy agencies is that the gang was not controlled by the Venezuelan government.

This isn't the first time the magnate has based his immigration policy on false information . At the beginning of March, Trump said that "illegal border crossings last month were by far the lowest ever recorded in history," but the 8,326 people detained are higher than in the first seven years of the 1960s, for example.

Furthermore, in the same speech before Congress, he stated that "in the last four years, 21 million people arrived in the United States. Many of them were murderers, human traffickers, and gang members." U.S. Customs and Border Protection reported more than 10.8 million arrests for illegal crossings from Mexico between January 2021 and December 2024.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, there were asylum restrictions in the United States, and many people crossed more than once until they were successful because there were no legal consequences for being returned to Mexico. Therefore, the number of people is lower than the number of arrests.

Machinery of fakes greased with the immigration issue
CNN counted about 20 false claims during Trump's inaugural address and at events surrounding the start of his administration. The president deployed vague rhetoric, subjective claims, and unverifiable promises of action.

His fake news machine covers a variety of topics, from the elections, navigating tariffs he claims to be implementing for the first time, to shouting that the European Union "doesn't receive" agricultural products, cars, or "almost anything" from the United States, to the riots at the Capitol on January 6, 2021.

However, the immigration issue is a traditional collection of falsehoods and/or half-truths. During his presidential campaign, Trump said that "many" Biden-era migrants came from prisons or psychiatric institutions in other countries and were "emptying" them in the United States. This information has not been corroborated by U.S. authorities, despite the fact that they have intelligence agencies with high levels of meticulous work.

He also stated that the global prison population has declined. However, this figure increased from October 2021 to April 2024, from approximately 10.77 million people to approximately 10.99 million, according to the World Prison Population List compiled by experts from the United Kingdom.

He has lied about the results and length of the border wall with Mexico, and also about birthright citizenship in the United States.

He also said that TdA members are "taken off the streets of Venezuela and deposited in our country," asserting that crime in Venezuela has plummeted "because they took their criminals and gave them to us through the previous administration's open borders policy."

This information was first released by US Senator Ted Cruz, an ally of María Corina Machado, in July 2024, a month after President Nicolás Maduro relaunched the new prison regime. It is worth noting that the TdA was dismantled in September 2023 through Operation Cacique Guaicaipuro Liberation, carried out at the Aragua Penitentiary Center, better known as Tocorón, and that some of its fugitive leaders have been recaptured or remain wanted by Interpol.

Venezuela has reorganized its prison population since 2011, when the Ministry of Penitentiary Affairs was created. Some facilities were closed, and inmates were transferred to other, more secure and orderly spaces. Meanwhile, Trump has never corroborated his claims about Venezuela's alleged practice of intentionally transporting criminals or fugitives to the United States.

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The New Man project has reorganized some prisons, and inmates have been moved to more secure and orderly spaces (Photo: Archive)

Evidence emerging from within the country suggests that behind the TdA narrative lies the desire to renew "maximum pressure" against Venezuela. It has become common for the United States to resort to false flag operations or outright lies as part of its regime change strategies; the most recent and notorious case, due to its bloodshed, is Iraq.

The Venezuelan government has declared the gang extinct, while linking its attempts to reappear by 2023 to a well-known U.S. strategy of creating unrest in target countries and intervening under the guise of "failed states."

This web of lies aims to criminalize the demonym in order to create a favorable environment for interference. This is precisely what the extremist opposition needs to dismantle the social fabric, soften wills through psychological operations, and succeed in imposing new coercive measures on the population.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/desm ... venezolana

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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Sat Apr 12, 2025 2:46 pm

Chávez, slave without elite

Image The Cayapo

April 11, 2025 , 2:56 pm .

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Chávez tells us: let us become politicians, decision-makers, organizers of another possibility, so that the future is not stolen from anyone else (Photo: El Cayapo)

This year, 2025, capitalism, once again, measures us in the context of wages and profits in its normal operation across the planet, seeking, of course, to lower wages and increase its rents, while deciding who is the master of masters and imposing its exploitative formulas on the 8 billion slaves we are. Nothing substantial has changed. Today, they obscure us with a great fog of false information to hide the reality from us, while the masters confront each other in the current circumstances, leaving their trail of dead slaves, the only possible truth that only they know, because no master dies on the battlefield.

The current skirmishes and threats from the new White House messenger, proposing that the slaves surrender and accept those capitals as the new owners and their new rules, are nothing new in the way these murderers and thieves negotiate. Only now, their plans, not their madness or tantrums, are announced in broad daylight and broadcast live and direct through all the media to all the world's believers in pregnant birds, so that we know what to expect from the new human-capitalist dictatorship. How they will resolve it, what they will do with Ukraine, Palestine, Europe, the United States, Argentina, or the world—that is a problem that will be solved by the thieving entrepreneurs who control the movement of capital on the planet. We slaves must think outside that framework.

But on that conventional stage, what will happen to our government is a problem that the leadership will have to resolve. It's up to us to continue lending a hand to support it and carry out the tasks that fall to us in the bloody war imposed on us by the transnational corporations.

From 1492 until today, the people of this continent have been robbed of their future, and since then, we have been forced to work under a system of slavery so that a powerful elite can practice freedom freely, whenever and against whomever. This revelation announced by Chávez has placed us at the point of no return. The past is no longer an option, and surrendering is even less so. All that remains for us is collective consecration, also taught by Chávez, to inherit a constructed future, where people are people and not cogs, nuts, or bolts of the capitalist scaffolding. For a long time we were affiliated with concepts such as liberty, democracy, equality, fraternity, civilization, progress, humanity and we defended them in the thousands of armies of capitalism, which imposed its imaginary, ways, uses and customs throughout the world, with the understanding that we had rights and that some ignorant or crazy people did not allow us to enjoy them, but the stubborn reality always slammed the door in our faces has made us understand with the arrival of Chávez that all of that is just fantasy so that we slaves' mouths water imagining happy worlds.

But, in this real period, none of this is of any use to us as slaves in building the world that intrinsically represents what we will be, how we will be, who we will be. Exactly 500 years later, a contradictory slave named Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías led an insurrection the likes of which had never been seen before, a slave with a plan and a consecrating determination that transcended both the past and the present.

With the arrival of Chávez (and we're not talking about a messiah, god, or enlightened one, we're talking about a flesh-and-blood being with the same shortcomings as us, with the same distorted and commercial affections imposed on us by human-capitalist culture, from the family, church, school, art, production, and commerce), we are responsibly obliged, in the current contradiction, to be thinking slaves; to consider the possibility of generating another idea than criticizing corruption, whether this is useful, whether that's not useful, whether the government is doing well or doing poorly, without understanding that the government isn't the important thing: the important thing is that we are slaves to a global system, and that this government begins with our history, because the slave who initiated it didn't own anything, not the land, the oil, or the other mines, nor did he have connections to the large corporations that dominate the world. And even though he came from the army, he wasn't part of the halberdiers who led that army, which is also currently in contradiction.

This slave in contradiction, after 500 years of capitalism's iron grip on this mine, begins an authentic, interesting process, where he tells us that it is possible to build a country, because the owners of this mine stole our future and it is not possible to recover it, and the other option is to continue being slaves forever waiting for a stroke of luck.

We need to talk about how to create thought, from a mine like this, with a government like this, with a historical period like this and with the example of a slave who does not come from any historically business, governing elite, but is from a town called Sabaneta, a slave of whom we are deeply proud, for his example as a thinker and politician committed to what he thought and felt, who above his contradictions as a slave taught us in life how to consecrate ourselves, how to respect ourselves, how not to sell out, who gave us many keys, codes, which we can study seriously and develop interesting ideas, beyond what we learned before or after him, always as slaves in contradiction.

When he says we, he's not talking about just him and his family, and possibly the vast majority of us slaves don't understand what he's talking about, including his family, but he's saying that all existing generations, before and after him, had our future stolen from us, and when he tells us this, we must understand that stealing is something that cannot be returned, therefore, we cannot ask a government to restore it, because the future was eaten, lived, enjoyed, taken away by foreign and local elites in the name of their sacred and beautiful rights to be free, and we can hardly pretend that with the same material conditions of existence with which they robbed us we can recover what was stolen, and we cannot ask a government to solve it, we cannot think that.

However, Chávez tells us there is a way out. He tells us: brothers, we can think about building different material conditions so that the future isn't stolen from others. He tells us: let's become politicians, decision-makers, organizers of another possibility, so that the future isn't stolen from anyone else. Furthermore, he explains that, in essence, what robbed us was capitalism. He also describes who owns capitalism and how it works. He doesn't just talk about capitalism in this country; he talks about capitalism dictatorially dominating the planet.

The question for us is: Do we subscribe to that way of thinking or saying, or do we remain hopeful of a good position, of having a politician solve our problems, believing in demagoguery? Or do we seriously consider being slaves in contradiction, capable of telling the world that we were born where Chávez was born, who had the audacity to tell us the truth based on the reality of the slave that we are, and that we can, if we so choose, be something more than an aspiring and ambitious slave; to be vital promoters of the future, not as a utopia but as a tangible reality, a country in a true space, accompanied by leaders who are offering us to think, experience dreams, and, above all, build them collectively, where people can live, no longer as owners or slaves, but as people in another mode of production that generates another culture. That doesn't happen every day; it's an opportunity we must not pass up.

All the stories we know and tell ourselves are part of our misery, resolving hunger and poverty in a thousand ways, because that's what we were, and continue to be, but none of it will get us out of the capitalist quagmire. We can't put that idea into practice out of ego, to get applause or platforms, applause, recognition, or awards, because the problem at hand isn't a platform, isn't an award, isn't any of that; it goes beyond us as individuals and our particular needs, that's key; because the discussion is that it's up to us to think, independently of intellectuals, poets, musicians, and all that crowd who need microphones and platforms to exist; we need to talk about health, housing, education, architecture, which only exist as businesses within the framework of the capitalist system.

And we have to do this in the hilltops, on the sides of roads and highways, in neighborhoods, in hamlets, in buildings, in housing developments, where capitalism hurls us. To do this, we have to create the conditions, specifically tell the government to promote teams of thinkers to solve specific problems in a given country that we must create. But not in the big, plush halls where ideas for the gloating of doctors are given by divine gift, but in places where people who want to think, decide, and there we create the conditions.

The truth is that we are proposing that there is a real time and space in which we are living, and we must accept it as it should be, not as we believe it to be. Now we must open a discursive process that incorporates us slaves into a contradictory field, to consider the theory of how we slaves in contradiction can separate ourselves from capitalism and walk together, how to understand that this is not about betraying capitalism, because we slaves did not invent capitalism, therefore, we cannot betray it; someone who has not invented an idea cannot be a traitor. It's like saying we are betraying communism, as if it existed. Within these canons, everything is subject, until further notice, to the conversation of slaves in contradiction, all over the planet.

That's the question: How are we going to discuss this, how are we going to discuss it? We all have to be honest about this, because it's an intellectual act of a magnitude that hasn't occurred on the planet. Are we honest or not to consider this discussion? Because that is a serious discussion: it's how, when, where, with whom, and for what. That is a discussion of serious questions and sensible responsibilities that we must have. The big discussion is that if we're going to separate, it's not out of spite, it's not because they don't give me anything, it's not because I'm not the owner, or because there is or isn't corruption, because we don't like capitalism, because we want to be alone. Or are we going to separate because we have another plan for living? To do that, we must go through the desert of political and philosophical solitude that will allow us to overcome the obstacles and design the other plan, that of us together, which is like a different bag of flour and a different corn.

What is the plan of us slaves? What do we slaves think? Because we are not going to continue condemning capitalism for being evil; our lives are spent on that. It's pointless to say that capitalism is evil, that it kills people, that it discriminates, that it doesn't love Black people, that it doesn't love poor whites, poets, Indians, women, that it's corrupt, that it's exploitative; because it wants an enemy who will tell it that. It doesn't matter if it speaks well or badly, but it will speak. If that enemy doesn't appear again, if there is no one who continues to criticize capitalism, then it will have to worry.

Posing a discussion outside of capitalism can produce thinking outside of philosophy, that's possible: that's where we need to grease our brains with questions that remove the rust of ideological stickiness, imposed by humanism, in order to give birth to ideas.

Because the idea of ​​breaking away, separating from capitalism to fall in love with what's possible and different, involves answering the how, when, where, and with whom questions. This must be discussed: Why do we want to separate? To stop working, to stop being bothered? Or do we have a plan to build another house, not the apartment that constricts us, where we're the only prisoners with keys to our cells? Who are we going to live with? All of this is a plan we have to discuss, and with whom are we going to discuss it with the other who is separating, too. Because when we say "let's separate from capitalism to walk together," we're talking about all slaves; the species must separate from capitalism to be able to walk together as a species, and create a plan to walk together, because here in capitalism, we are all separate individuals, easy prey for the system. Now, if we separate and want to walk together, then we're part of something else. So, what is that something like? How do you eat it? What do you build it with? How do you build it? Do you squander energy? Do you not squander it? Are you efficient? Are you organized? Do you have knowledge? All of this must be discussed, debated, and analyzed.

Today, that has to be an intellectual responsibility. You can no longer go around bragging that my poem is better, that my song is better, that I sing better than this one, that I write a better poem than this one, that I'm more of a philosopher than that one; that fight is stupid, because in capitalism, that's a big deal, and capitalism gives out prizes for that war that boosts our ego and self-esteem.

The idea is: Can we, as slaves, understand our contradiction or not? Because if we're capable of holding a conversation like this, it's because we're in a contradiction and asking ourselves questions. And separating is like a collective solitude, but with a plan that generates a process for coming together. Because it's not enough to separate; there has to be a process if we separate and meet other separated people and have the conversation. How to live as separate people, beyond being separate, so that we abandon being separate, because we can't live as separate people. We have to live as another union, not as separate people, because then we'd carry a turmoil in our bodies that doesn't resolve the issue. Because the whole point is supposed to be together, but together for what purpose? Capitalism brings us together if we don't have a plan. Capitalism is a plan that has everyone where they need to be, producing wealth and accumulating it. The plan would have to be conceived so that every cell of the species, every living being, has the knowledge that they belong to a species, where no individual would be separate.

Understanding that this conjunction, like the anti-nature of capitalism, generates chaos, what kind of chaos to produce that doesn't extremely violate natural chaos: we have to discuss this, because it's a political fact and requires a political decision. How to ensure that this chaos causes minimal damage to life is what we should consider, because we must be consistent with the plan, which must be absolutely efficient, understanding efficiency as a function of life; unlike capitalism, which doesn't give a damn about destroying trees, mountains, rivers, lakes, people, cultures, whatever, because its objective is to make money, to have power; it doesn't care about anything else, because it knows that without that, it doesn't exist. The thing is very simple: with the capitalist plan, more than 2,000 rivers have disappeared in this territory, of which more than 700 were navigable. Will the collective plan we slaves develop in contradiction seek to destroy or conserve the last remaining rivers? The other architecture will depend on that idea.

We have to generate a mode of production where this is practicable, because that is not possible without the practical application of how to alleviate hunger, how to dress, what to wear, where to live, where to run, where to play, where to sleep; that is not possible without another mode of production, because capitalism is not possible without the factory, and we are not going to replace capitalism with another factory run by revolutionary workers who will administer neatly and equitably distribute wealth, believing ourselves to be socialists or Chavistas or communists, without understanding that the factory obeys a concept and that its intrinsic dynamic will always lead it to accumulation and exploitation. "A crooked tree never makes straight its branch," unless you break it and tie it with a glue tank. And even then, it will continue to be the capitalist factory, even if we say it's new, even if we give it another name, but in practice, it's the same, in body and mind. We are bourgeois slaves, without understanding who we are, where we come from, even if we don't recognize it and want to disguise ourselves as humans.

The conversation turns into demagoguery when the discourse isn't connected to reality. If we don't understand the master-slave contradiction, if we don't abandon slavery as a condition of life—not just stop working, but also abandon the illusion of being master—it's impossible to design policies, because it's not just a matter of saying we have to make political plans, but to make political plans, we must stop being slaves in the brain, and not just in the body. The body has to keep working, but in the brain, we have to stop being slaves in order to dream. It's a problem of dreams. Or was capitalism not a dream? Or do we believe capitalism is natural? No, it was a dream, and it becomes a concept because people experienced it, systematized it. That wasn't some esoteric nonsense like everyone pretends it was, no, capitalism was a process that determined that the systematization of experience resulted in a culture with a mode of production that, in the end, allowed the perpetual existence of elites in the exercise of power, transmitting it to them as an inheritance.

It's not that he doesn't need it, because that's inertial. There are millions of slaves dreaming of running a company, even if it's just to sell smoke, even if they've never done it. Now, he can go bankrupt, as he can be successful, but that's how it happens: capitalism either goes bankrupt or progresses and is successful, it persists and is successful; it's not that everyone in capitalism succeeds; if that were the case, the world would be dystopian. The dialectic of the system works this way to be able to move the economy, because if the entire economy is linear, it explodes. The value of capital loses its meaning.

The powerful know they must have slaves; that is the memory of power. That memory of power is ultimately what builds a plan. What memory do slaves have? The alienated memory of the owner. The entire body, the flesh, is a tattoo of slavery; the libertarian illusion in the slave is practiced in the owner. No one can give us the freedom that demagogues offer, because who is going to give us a production machine? But our poverty is such that we don't understand that we are daily prisoners of factories; that when we talk about freedom, we understand it as getting out of jail, or deciding between a hot dog or a hamburger.

Never has a slogan been as relevant to the people's challenge as "Chávez didn't die, he multiplied." But this slogan must become flesh and blood. It must not be turned into a pamphlet to be used in daily political events and spasms, turning it into just another stagnant slogan. Instead, it must be the people's spur to build the future collectively. We must not think that Chávez offered it to us, but that it must be us and future generations who build it, because the future doesn't exist; it must be built. We will not tire of saying it until it becomes flesh and blood in the daily memory of the peoples who will create themselves.

https://misionverdad.com/chavismo/chave ... -sin-elite

******

Coup and countercoup in the 21st century: April, today
April 11, 2025 , 11:53 am .

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"I'm alive thanks to their sacrifice": Commander Chávez on the martyrs of Puente Llaguno (Photo: Gabriel Osorio, Pedro Ruiz, Gregorio Marrero, David Maris, and Jesús Castillo)

We republish this special work from last year to remember and analyze the events of April 2002, as relevant today to national sociopolitical praxis as to the historiography of the Bolivarian Revolution. The technologies of the coup, the rise of fascism, and the political and geopolitical intricacies of that era have been updated, but not overcome, in the current phase of aggression by a national and US extremist right wing that is playing with fire (economic, commercial, and violent in various dimensions) to attempt to forcefully bring about regime change. The countercoup, to a similar extent, remains the unification of those sectors of the country that continue to champion Venezuela's right to exist, under the banner of sovereignty and not colony. It is (always) opportune to bring up, especially during these dates, what happened and read it in a contemporary light, as if to gather our own, organize it, and make sense of it amidst the chaos. It tells us who we are or have been and offers clues as to what we can be as a people.

The events of April 11-13, 2002, are remembered with sorrow but also with lessons that have been important ever since for the consolidation of the Bolivarian and Chavista project.

If it hadn't been for the line of resistance established by the people around the Miraflores Palace in Caracas and other important sites in Venezuela, the fascist dictatorship of far-right business and political sectors would have definitively prevailed.

Commander Hugo Chávez recounted in a program commemorating April 11th that the people began arriving at Miraflores after anti-Chavez politicians and media outlets appealed to their insurrectionist "until the end" slogan, with which they led the opposition march convened that day toward the seat of government. They came from far away, from the outskirts of Caracas, from the adjacent hills and mountains: Petare, La Guaira.

The people, aware of the approaching danger, began to establish, without anyone's order, a line of resistance. A group of traitorous soldiers managed to immobilize almost the entire Armed Forces and withdrew troops, the National Guard, and security forces, leaving the field clear for the opposition march. Commander Chávez compared the coup maneuver to a soccer game: the defense withdraws and the goalkeeper is tied up. Something similar happened. The people understood the script and arrived at Miraflores, established a line of resistance, trenches, and assumed their role, accompanied by a steadfast group of patriotic soldiers.

The coup plotters were coming from several directions. A very violent advance party was advancing toward El Calvario, armed with long weapons and hand grenades; a paramilitary combat force largely made up of traitorous soldiers and hitmen. They attempted to operate along Baralt Avenue, as well as at the Fermín Toro High School, organized into several marching fronts, each with a violent and coup-supporting vanguard. The snipers were well positioned and managed to control the surrounding high ground. They clashed with the resistance of a patriotic group of National Guardsmen and soldiers from the Military Household, the Honor Guard, without using firearms: that was Commander Chávez's order.

Until the last minute
The April 11 coup was woven live and direct, in public view , disguised as social and democratic demands and a false flag: the politically motivated murder of innocent civilians to criminalize the Bolivarian Government, a tactic they have repeated ad nauseam ever since. The only way to prevent the coup would have been for Commander Chávez to surrender to the so-called Venezuelan bourgeoisie and the empire. That was the only way to prevent it, but the Commander never backed down, and the people supported him.

Without the line of resistance and the group of patriotic soldiers, the fascist march would have achieved its objective: to storm the Miraflores Palace and assassinate Chávez. That's why, every April 11th, we pay tribute to the martyrs of Puente Llaguno, to the unarmed people who resisted the bullets of fascism.

Commander Chávez always expressed his gratitude for the people's efforts during those days. He said in the aforementioned program, "Thanks to their sacrifice, I'm alive, and so, what's left for me? To fight, fight, and fight until the last day of my life. Let's make the dream for which they died a reality, like so many martyrs throughout these years." Words that are deeply relevant today.

The enemy took control on April 11th, fascism having momentarily defeated. On the 12th, the civil-military rebellion began to restore the Bolivarian Revolution to power. The Honor Guard remained loyal and joined the popular resistance line that had gathered around the government palace.

Now they have different, older faces, but the same enemy was walking through the halls of Miraflores that April 12th, celebrating, hugging. Commander Chávez remarked that "the cemeteries of the Fourth Republic were opened and the unburied corpses arrived here. They took this, believing the mission had been done."

They went through the school of fascism on that occasion and continued to employ those practices. Many of the opposition groups who were involved in and supported or approved the brief dictatorship of Pedro Carmona Estanga continue to call for a coup, an insurrection, and military insubordination against the government and the state. The conspiracy continues to destabilize the country and to assassinate President Nicolás Maduro. They continue trying to sabotage the electrical system, the oil industry, and the national economy.


April 13: Alternative to Fascism
In the face of the fascist coup plots, the responsibility we Venezuelans have is to continue strengthening the fertile ground of the Bolivarian project, confronting and defeating these factions, or any others that emerge on any battlefield.

On April 13, a military operation with broad popular support restored presidential power to Chávez, thus inaugurating a new stage of the revolutionary process.

It was after that day that we began to talk about anti-imperialism and, later, socialism. The coup and its countercoup contributed powerfully to further shaping the course of the Bolivarian Revolution and deepening it. The call since then has been to continue to better shape that path, as President Maduro also constantly warns.

The events of April 11-13 could be compared to the successful resistance to the US invasion of the Bay of Pigs against the Cuban Revolution. A historical analogy that may very well be worth mentioning regarding the turn taken by both the Cuban and Venezuelan revolutions following direct US intervention.

"Thank you, media"
Let's analyze what emerged from this in terms of politics and history, geopolitics, and technologies for "regime change." It's about recording the phenomena, beyond what actually happened, into other dimensions.

As the first media coup in history, the political nature of private media in Venezuela must be highlighted, dating back to the days when the main television channels and newspapers began to influence public opinion in favor of or against certain currents and actions of political parties, social movements, and administrative programs that would have a significant impact on national dynamics.

Marcel Granier, president of RCTV, played a pivotal role during the 2002 coup. His network enforced a news blackout of the events in Caracas that culminated in the kidnapping of President Chávez, under a policy of "zero Chavismo" on television screens on April 11th. Instead, he introduced a narrative that gave way not to information but to the sentimental construction of a consensus in favor of regime change that was occurring in real time.

Let us recall the expression on Napoleon Bravo's television program on April 12, 2002: " Thank you, media ."

We can see the same thing happening with Russia across the Western world, with the closure of channels and the restriction and censorship of RT and Sputnik websites by media conglomerates and Big Tech, which are effectively shutting down the broadcast of information and analysis that diverges from US and European coverage, not only of the Russian Special Military Operation in Ukraine, but of all events around the world.

This factor simultaneously produces a shift in the way they view all things Russian, resulting in an attitude of hostility and "cultural cancellation" that stems from their behavior in April 2002—and thereafter—when they were motivated to target all things Chavista by the media and political spokespersons of the opposition's extremism, openly protected by the US umbrella. In this context, there is a continuity of procedures, with political and cultural motivations that triggered the media.

That the work of RCTV and El Nacional , among other media outlets, produced political consequences is no coincidence; nor is it a coincidence that it led to a fascist agenda of persecution and "cancellation" of Chavismo on April 11 and 12. The media coup fueled the political coup.

In this sense, Granier's political and media work also extended from the 1970s until 2006, the year RCTV's official broadcasting license expired.

On the international fringe of coup and chaos
On the other hand, from an international perspective, the United States was taking actions in different geopolitical scenarios that had consequences for different national dynamics in 2002.

In 2001, the invasion of Afghanistan occurred, and in early 2003, the White House—then led by George W. Bush—was preparing for the invasion of Iraq.

In 2002, following the coup and counter-coup in Venezuela, the U.S. State Department designated North Korea, Cuba, Iran, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, and Syria as " state sponsors of terrorism ." Since then, the economic, financial, and commercial offensive against all these countries has intensified over the years, and in some, U.S. military operations have wreaked havoc, even leading to regime changes: Iraq, Libya, and Sudan. In Syria, where a U.S. base still occupies part of the oil-rich northwest, they were unable to overthrow the government of Bashar al-Assad; however, it remains a source of logistics and protection for ISIS and al-Qaeda terrorists.


Venezuela shared a place on the geopolitical map in Western aspirations for regime change. While control of national agendas is no longer a prerogative of the United States, not only in the Bolivarian Republic but also in several of the aforementioned countries, at one time, as our country orbited under Washington's influential influence throughout the 20th century, it was widely believed in the U.S. capital that, by virtue of the coup d'état format and the establishment of a government led by businessmen and politicians—who today enjoy its protection—it could achieve the same result they planned for Iraq and, later, Libya.

The fact that the April 2002 protests ended in resounding failure didn't mean the White House would stop pursuing impeachment actions. Then came the oil sabotage, led by the same actors involved in the coup months earlier, including the Venezuelan Workers' Confederation (CTV), Fedecámaras (Fedecámaras), certain PDVSA leaders, and the Democratic Coordinator. These incidents resulted in losses estimated at some $16 billion , according to the People's Power Ministry of Petroleum.

Then, in 2005, Commander Chávez denounced Operation Balboa , known as the "Specific Operational Planning Exercise Balboa," which was part of the Second Joint Staff Course of the Spanish Armed Forces in May 2001 and was attended by guest officers from several countries. It consisted of a military exercise by the Spanish army, a NATO member, held between May 3 and 19 of that year. Operation Puma , an Argentine military exercise that took place between April and June 2019 and whose mission was the "humanitarian invasion" of Venezuela under the format of a multinational coalition, is likely a strategic continuation of Balboa.

In the 2000s, the White House carried out a series of overt and covert military interventions, some successful and others unsuccessful, to shift the international landscape in its favor. The April coup can be interpreted within this framework of operations, given that the individuals involved in it have close connections to the US establishment (see Leopoldo López, Julio Borges, Iván Simonovis, Pedro Carmona Estanga, María Corina Machado).

One should not forget, as even El País of Spain reported at the time , the role of the Pentagon in the coup events:

"US Lieutenant Colonel James Rodgers, installed on the fifth floor of Army Command, is said to have advised the generals who disobeyed Chávez and remained with them until their defeat. US Embassy spokesman John Law denied a complicity that does not seem far-fetched given that US Ambassador Charles Shapiro, accompanied by Spanish Ambassador Manuel Viturro, met with Carmona after the latter had dissolved Congress and empowered himself to legislate by decree until elections were called."

April 2002 in Venezuela was intertwined with various geopolitical issues, amidst several US and NATO military movements in the region (Haiti in 2004), Southwest Asia, and Africa. Another pin on the map of Western operations.

Finally, if we trace the historical actions and motivations of the anti-Chavez movement in Venezuela, we can see the continuity between the factors and actors at work in April 2002 and the other coup attempts over the past two decades.

We've already mentioned politicians Leopoldo López, Julio Borges, and María Corina Machado, but we shouldn't underestimate the role of Henrique Capriles, signatory of the Carmona Decree and protagonist of the siege of the Cuban embassy in Caracas, a crime classified under international law.

The Spanish state, like the United States, also bears a share of responsibility in many of the destitution scenarios, including the protection of Leopoldo López after his escape.

April, today
For its part, the Venezuelan business sector played an important role during the most intense years of the internal economic war, particularly in the exorbitant rise in prices that, in part, caused inflation unprecedented in the history of the Republic. The combination of this scenario with the US blockade and embargo of the national economy provided an ideal breeding ground for various coup plots over the last decade that the government of President Nicolás Maduro had to successfully confront, yielding current political benefits.

The anti-Chavez media continues to be overwhelmed by its capacity to broadcast bursts of hoaxes, fake news, and channels for manufacturing consensus among its audience. Between one attempt at impeachment and another, its role continues to play a pivotal role in the information war and as a theater of operations for psychological manipulation, especially in the sector that draws on the resources of USAID, NED, and other associated NGOs.

Much of the reason Juan Guaidó has been "recognized" as "interim president" rests on the media narrative that echoes the US mandate nationally and internationally, a vivid example of the information bias experienced in April 2002. At the same time, it serves as a transmission belt for the message of political and cultural hatred against everything Chavismo does, thinks, and represents since those days. Nothing has had greater continuity than the denigration endorsed by the media courts and Big Tech in favor of anti-Chavez supporters.

In response, the Venezuelan state has created a strand that binds the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB) to the conduct and expectations of the politicized and organized population within Chavismo, that originally Chavista organization known as the civic-military union, which has had opportunities to demonstrate its ability to respond to the counterattacks that have been unleashed in the years to come.

We can talk about the Battle of the Bridges in February 2019 and the dismantling of Operation Gedeón in 2020 as a very clear button, but also mention the experience of the CLAP - especially in other regions of the country outside of Caracas -, taking into account that the economic and social area is one of the most important edges in the strategy of continued coup against the Bolivarian Republic, since there is the opposition's expectation that citizens will take the initiative to overthrow the Bolivarian Government - as in 2014 and 2017.

Tested by fire for more than 20 years, Venezuela's best weapon to counter attempts to scupper its right to exist as an independent and sovereign nation remains the Bolivarian Government and the FANB, in conjunction with the mobilized people as integrating actors.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/golp ... -abril-hoy

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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Thu May 01, 2025 1:51 pm

They Are Making Venezuela’s Economy Scream: The Eighteenth Newsletter (2025)

US-led sanctions (more aptly referred to as Unilateral Coercive Measures) caused Venezuela to lose oil revenue equivalent to 213% of its GDP between January 2017 and December 2024, causing roughly $77 million in losses per day. Who is the real target of these and other unilateral coercive measures?

1 May 2025

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Dear friends,

Greetings from the desk of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research.

No country should go through what Venezuela has been going through since 2017.

The FACTS graphic above shows that US-led sanctions (more aptly referred to as Unilateral Coercive Measures, or UCMs) caused Venezuela to lose oil revenue equivalent to 213% of its GDP between January 2017 and December 2024. In total, the country suffered an estimated $226 billion in losses – around $77 million per day – during this period. This data, produced by Global South Insights and Tricontinental based on research by Venezuelan economist Yosmer Arellán, was calculated by comparing actual figures with an estimate of Venezuelan oil production without the maximum pressure campaign initiated by US President Donald Trump.

Before 2017, Venezuela relied on its oil revenue for 95% of its export earnings. Moreover, oil revenue has been critical for financing the government’s progressive social agenda. This loss has caused inflation in Venezuela to soar: according to official Central Bank of Venezuela numbers from 2019, the highest inter-annual inflation rate was 344,510%, meaning prices increased by a factor of 3,400 in a single year. This is an unimaginable disaster for any country and an enormous strain on the population.

While Venezuela has been under attack by the US government and its allies since Hugo Chávez’s first election in 1998, Trump’s 2017 Executive Order 13808 set off a new wave of financial sanctions that denied Venezuela access to international credit markets, severely undermining its ability to sell oil abroad. What the executive order did was prevent any US national from buying new debt from the Venezuelan government or purchasing existing bonds that would have enabled refinancing. Dividend payments from Citgo (the US subsidiary of the Venezuelan national oil company Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A., or PDVSA) were halted later, in January 2019, when the company was seized and placed under the control of Juan Guaidó, the person imposed on the country as its ‘president’ by the United States. This prevented PDVSA from securing letters of credit to guarantee oil shipments, finding insurance for oil tankers, maintaining oil fields, and conducting transactions with non-US nationals who feared secondary sanctions. Two additional executive orders imposed by Trump (13850, on 1 November 2018, and 13857, on 25 January 2019) further restricted Venezuela’s access to financing and targeted buyers of its oil, particularly in Europe and India.

Trump took the Venezuelan economy by the throat and squeezed as hard as he could.

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Oswaldo Vigas (Venezuela), Objeto negro americano en tres bloques (American Black Object in Three Blocks), 1956.

The horrendous impact of the executive orders was immediately clear to the Trump administration. On 11 March 2019, Matt Lee of the Associated Press asked then US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo about the UCM-driven humanitarian crisis in Venezuela. Pompeo’s answer was direct:

The circle is tightening. The humanitarian crisis is increasing by the hour. I talked with our senior person on the ground there in Venezuela last night at 7:00 or 8:00 last night. You can see the increasing pain and suffering that the Venezuelan people are suffering from.

This ‘pain and suffering’ was felt by the real target of the UCMs: the Venezuelan people. Two years later, Alena Douhan, the UN special rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights, visited Venezuela and filed a report for the UN Human Rights Council. What Douhan found was catastrophic: the 2014 oil crash triggered widespread food and medicine shortages, which were compounded by Trump’s maximum pressure campaign beginning in 2017. This crisis was a sharp contrast from the significantly raised living standards that the population had enjoyed since the Bolivarian Revolution in 1998. As Douhan wrote, ‘the tightening of sanctions from 2017 undermined the positive impact of the multiple reforms and the State’s capacity to maintain infrastructure and continue to implement social programmes’. Importantly, she explained that ‘existing humanitarian exemptions are ineffective and insufficient, subject to lengthy and costly procedures, and do not cover the delivery of spare parts or equipment and machinery indispensable for the maintenance and restoration of the economy and vital public services’. That means that the entire UCM regime – despite exemptions – forced the Venezuelan people to pay a heavy cost, as we show in our recent dossier Imperialist War and Feminist Resistance in the Global South.

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Pablo Kalaka (Venezuela), Olivos y resistencia (Olive Trees and Resistance), 2024.

Contrary to the narrative pushed by people like Trump and Pompeo, there is no way that mismanagement and corruption could have caused this level of economic devastation in just seven years (2017–2024). Everyone who has looked seriously at the Venezuelan economy has noted that the fiasco is entirely driven by the Trump administration’s intensification of UCMs from 2017 onwards.

At that time, Trump’s Latin America team was comprised of people such as Mauricio Claver-Carone, a Cuban American lawyer and the senior director for Western Hemisphere Affairs in the National Security Council. Claver-Carone was regarded as the author of Trump’s ‘maximum pressure’ campaign against Venezuela, and, according to senior officials in the US State Department, he even wrote Trump’s executive orders. After a scandal at the Inter-American Development Bank, he is now Trump’s special envoy for Latin America. His aim is to overthrow both the Cuban and Bolivarian revolutions by any and every means.

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CIA Director Richard Helms’ notes during a meeting with US President Richard Nixon about Chile at 15:25 on 15 September 1970, with John Mitchell and Henry Kissinger present.

In April 1976, the United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, chaired by Senator Frank Church, published its final report. The select committee’s staff report, Covert Action in Chile, 1963–1973, compiled documents on the destabilisation of President Salvador Allende’s government. It includes a handwritten note by CIA Director Richard Helms about a 15 September 1970 meeting in the White House with President Richard Nixon, Attorney General John Mitchell, and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger. The meeting took place eleven days after Allende, of the Socialist Party of Chile, won the presidency. Nixon advised his team to ‘save Chile’ by putting the ‘best men we have’ on the job. The game plan: ‘make the economy scream’.

A few weeks after the meeting, on 9 November, Kissinger filed National Security Decision Directive Memorandum 93, which laid out this ‘game plan’. With a ‘correct but cool’ public posture, Kissinger wrote, the US must apply maximum pressure to prevent Chile from accessing any further finances, including access to international banks and multilateral financial institutions as well as private US businesses. In the aftermath of Chile’s nationalisation of its copper industry, US multinational mining companies – such as Kennecott – sought to intercept Chilean ships and seize their copper or prevent the country from selling copper to third parties, including European countries. The US used its power over the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to deny loans and pressured international bodies to stop Chile from initiating arbitration proceedings over legal challenges to its mines. Shipping companies began to avoid Chile, and the country’s copper exports became less attractive to buyers. A decline in the price and volume of copper exports – which had accounted for 80% of Chile’s foreign exchange – severely impacted the economy. This decline led to a general economic crisis, with shortages of imported goods and industrial supplies as well as an inflation rate that soared to 200% in 1973.

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A week before the coup, Victor Jara (pictured on the far right) marches for peace and development, 1973.

In our September 2023 dossier The Coup Against the Third World: Chile, 1973, we show how the coup against Allende’s government was in fact a coup against any attempt by Third World countries to exercise sovereignty over their raw materials and build a socialist economy with those gains. Exactly the same motives are evident in the case of Venezuela. In February 2019, Trump gave a speech in Miami about Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela, and socialism in which he declared that ‘the twilight hour of socialism has arrived in our hemisphere’. Trump was referring not only to Latin America but also to the United States, which, he insisted, ‘will never be a socialist country’.

What the United States did to Chile between 1970 and 1973 is precisely what they have been doing to Venezuela since at least 2017. In 1972, Victor Jara captured the sensibility of the economic war on Chile and the essence of Chilean resistance to that war with his song El hombre es un creador (Man Is a Creator). It is a simple song about the working class in the factories and fields and underneath the earth in the mines. The last stanza is powerful:

Aprendí el vocabulario
del amo, dueño y patrón,
me mataron tantas veces
por levantarles la voz,
pero del suelo me paro,
porque me prestan las manos,
porque ahora no estoy solo,
porque ahora somos tantos.

I learned the language
of my masters, owners, and bosses
They killed me so many times
for raising my voice at them,
but from the ground I get up,
because I am lent a hand,
because now I’m not alone,
because now we are many.

Victor Jara was tortured and killed in the coup that overthrew Allende. His grave in Santiago is a place of pilgrimage for dreamers and dreams. Dreams are worthy: they give us hope. Dreams are better than the bitterness of men like Nixon and Trump, Kissinger and Claver-Carone.

Warmly,

Vijay

https://thetricontinental.org/newslette ... ela-chile/

******

IMF Joins the Assault on Venezuela’s Economy
April 30, 2025

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Meeting of the Washington, DC-based International Monetary Fund (IMF). File photo.

In its recently published “World Economic Outlook (WEO),” the Washingon, DC-based International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicted “toxic chaos” in the Venezuelan economy.

The publication predicts “a 4% contraction in GDP as inflation returns to triple digits, and the situation will only worsen next year.” It also cuts its growth outlook for Latin America, stating that the regional economy will expand by only 2% this year due to the uncertainty generated by the tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump.

A return to “maximum pressure”?
The clearly biased projection prompted a public response from the vice-president of Venezuela (and minister of hydrocarbons), Delcy Rodríguez, who stated that the IMF “not only wages economic war against Venezuela but also has a criminal policy of sequestering the resources of the Venezuelan people, even in the worst moments of the COVID-19 pandemic. It is an erratic organization that has lost its sense of existence and lends itself to global economic aggression.”

VP Rodríguez was referring to the IMF’s refusal to disburse US $5 billion to Venezuela in 2020 to face the aforementioned pandemic in the midst of plummeting oil prices.

On that occasion, an IMF spokesperson indicated, through a communiqué, that Venezuela would not have access to its own special drawing rights quota and that the request would not even be considered. The IMF claimed that this dangerous decision was taken because “the IMF’s engagement with member countries is based on official recognition of the government by the international community” and, in the case of Venezuela, “there is no clarity on recognition at this time.”

In 2020, the Trump administration was leading “the Guaidó plan,” whereby the US and its vassals attempted to execute regime change in Venezuela by imposing and recognizing a parallel government that facilitated asset theft and economic siege against the country. The IMF turned its back on Venezuela’s democratically elected and constitutional government and joined the US “maximum pressure” campaign.

In her response to the “prediction” of the organization, VP Rodríguez added that “Venezuela has had 16 consecutive quarters of economic growth with its own effort, even above countries in the region that are not subject to barbaric unilateral coercive measures like our country,” referring to the recovery and momentum experienced after that onslaught.

The economic achievements of Venezuela’s Bolivarian Republic have been attained without having to obey the austerity and state dismantling packages—based on neoliberal dogmatism—imposed by the IMF on countries in exchange for the loss of their economic sovereignty.

Bad intentions and double standards
The IMF’s “predictions” are not objective. The organization has long served as a battering ram to impose neoliberal measures all over the planet. In fact, there is an intense debate in Argentina due to the opinion of the IMF’s managing director, Kristalina Georgieva, regarding the electoral process to be held next October.

During a press conference at the IMF-World Bank Spring Assembly held in Washington on April 24, 2025, Georgieva was questioned by the Clarín media outlet regarding Argentinian President Javier Milei’s economic program. In addition to expressing her full support, she urged that “the will for change not be derailed,” referring to the elections.

The IMF has a history of political interference in different regions. Hence, VP Rodríguez warned that “these infamous statements make very evident the bias of the entity and its hawkish predictions against Venezuela. Its bad intentions and double standards are undeniable. Its nature has been distorted, and it has become an instrument of the decadent hegemonism of the Global North.”

The IMF is an institution in which the distribution of voting rights makes each person in the Global North worth nine people in the Global South, since these rights depend on the “relative economic position” of the member states. The US and its allies are over-represented. In particular, Washington has veto power over the IMF’s decisions, which is crucial for the nations of the world.

Venezuela has been the target of the information and economic war that organizations such as the IMF wage against governments that do not align themselves with the “rules-based order” of the United States [whereby the US makes the rules and then orders other nations around]. By creating negative expectations about the national economy, the IMF negatively conditions financial variables such as country risk and foreign investments, which influences credit and the impulse to productive activities.

This catastrophic prediction seeks to alter the process of economic recovery and stabilization achieved by Venezuela in recent years by inhibiting investment and scaring away both the efforts and the interest of international capital.

In 2017, the actions of Venezuela’s National Assembly, with an anti-Chávez majority, had an impact on the rise of the Emerging Markets Bond Index (EMBI) of country risk to the point that Venezuela reached the top of the list. The IMF joined the chorus of doomsayers and, without alluding to the illegal economic measures imposed against the population of Venezuela [euphemistically referred to as “sanctions”], indicated that the “serious economic distortions” and the severe restrictions on imports would continue to affect the country and predicted that prices would triple in the following year.

Although in the case of Argentina, the negative effects of Milei’s policies are multiple and profound—and the IMF congratulates itself—in the Venezuelan case, it always finds a way to make the attacks on the national economy invisible and to intervene in political affairs in a biased manner.

Beyond the technicalities, the IMF’s hasty prediction is a déjà vu of previous attempts to strangle the economy and harm the Venezuelan population and violate their socioeconomic rights.

The IMF participates in the extortionary onslaught unleashed by Trump against the world system by discrediting Venezuela without condemning the economic siege that the US president is attempting to mount. As we have seen, this self-fulfilling prophecy involves it once again in the permanent siege against any country that the United States considers an enemy.

(Misión Verdad)

Translation: Orinoco Tribune

https://orinocotribune.com/imf-joins-th ... s-economy/
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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Fri May 09, 2025 2:30 pm

Can humans kidnap a girl?

Image The Cayapo
May 8, 2025 , 4:06 pm .

Image
The brutal reality is that we were not born human but slaves, but we slaves believe we are free because we study four books, or because we are told we have rights (Photo: El Cayapo)

The news is making its way around the world: a Venezuelan girl is kidnapped by the US government. The justification, repeated by pro-US agencies and propagandists of Venezuelan origin, is that the girl deserves to be kidnapped because her parents are criminals. In the eyes of the wretched fishermen, the beautiful US government, that paragon of virtue, will turn this girl into a prodigy.

We have repeatedly stated that the capitalist empire is in complete decline, doing whatever it pleases without any counterbalance. At least during the era of Nazi-fascism, there was the Soviet Union and a significant communist movement that didn't prevent the great crime, but at least it contained the Nazi-fascist human aberration, directed by the large capitalist corporations in their imperial state.

With their advertising and propaganda industry, led by Hollywood, they have been preparing the species to passively accept the real brutality of humanism in all its splendor. The worst part is that they will find defenders of humanism in every corner of the planet, among the so-called leftists and progressives, who will greatly contribute to the confusion of the terrifying Tower of Babel into which humanism and its actions will turn us.

But is the criminality perpetrated by capitalism against Latin America and the Caribbean new? Don't we know that for more than 205 years they murdered the original inhabitants of the north in order to establish themselves as masters of those territories? Do we not know that capitalism, based on its belief in superiority and manifest destiny, is destined by God to subjugate, beyond obscurantism and cordiality, in the name of its interests, all the peoples of the world, and fundamentally us, whom they called their backyard, in order to advance their development, civilization, and progress? Aren't these the same peoples who conspired against Simón Bolívar, assassinating Sucre and other loyalists, buying off the traitor Santander, and driving the Cosiata? Or aren't these kidnappers the same ones who invaded this continent more than eighty times?

We're not talking about a coincidence, a mistake, or a blunder: we're talking about habitual murderers and thieves, willing to do anything to obtain and preserve their interests.

Are they really deploying their entire judicial apparatus, their propaganda, their intelligence apparatus, their commercial apparatus, their military, to commit this atrocious crime of kidnapping a girl? No, they're doing all of this to rob all of us Venezuelans. They need to destroy our nation-state, to seize all the oil and other resources that inhabit this territory, and the state is an obstacle, even more so under this government, which has stood firm in defending its resources and its population. All of these acts have a reason: it's a brutal way of pressuring us, Venezuelans enslaved by capital.

We slaves must know where we stand, and we need to understand the origins of humanism and the interests of those who wield it as their banner. The theoretical basis that drove the Nazi-fascist formation around the world was developed and proposed by North American propagandists and publicists, who started from the origin and superiority of races, placing the Nordics, British, and Germans first in the pyramid; then the rest of the Europeans; then the Asians, then the Blacks; and the Semites, Slavs, and Gypsies in a subhuman category. But where did the originals of America and Oceania end up? In the category of wild animals, perhaps, because they didn't fit into the table of humans or subhumans.

Even worse, all the mixed-race people of the world, the inhabitants of the mines, will never ascend to human status, because we are degenerates who will never rise above that condition, since by mixing, we lose the ability to excel and create culture. For humans, we are just that ball of fat and glucose that provides them with their pleasures and food.

Everything that happened and is happening after feudalism in Western culture was named by humanism to ratify these facts. They created a scientific system: for that, there is archaeology, anthropology, history, books, and the media in general. If they said others were cannibals, well, cannibal, you called me cannibal, I stayed. No one opened their mouth to respond otherwise; no one was aware of their existence, their duty to be, their naming and naming. What was imposed was by force, whether through reason, law, weapons; in general, power.

Humanism, a concept born of war, of the all-powerful self, wielded by warlords who decided, in a contradictory process, to unite and take over the world, initially justified by being children of God or imposed by God, and then in the name of their superiority, justified by the science and knowledge that ultimately validate their actions.

If there was one thing to applaud these criminals for, it was and continues to be their ability to steal not only material spoils, but, above all, knowledge in the form of technology, science, and methods, which they then systematized and weaponized to subjugate their creators. A simple example: gunpowder, pasta, paper, books, geography, and cartography, to name a few inventions generated by Chinese culture, which, transformed into tasteless and unnatural monstrosities like buildings, are imposed on the Chinese, turning their beautiful and delicate architecture into a mockery, a folkloric artifact, for the contemplation of tourists.

Is there ever an Asian, an African, a Caribbean person, a woman who wrote a book about why she wasn't a cannibal? As far as we know, no. Most books written are complaints, pain, and shame about being what we are; in many cases, repressed desires to be like the master she designates. The most pathetic example is seeing, in every region and culture of the world, Black women straightening their hair, or Indian or Asian women originally from the Americas curling their hair to resemble the wives of their masters and behaving like marketing models. The same thing happens with men in many ways, refusing, not wanting to be what they are. We will never have the other side of the story; therefore, we have only one story in the history of the species, and it is the story in favor of humanism. Humanism one; the rest of the world, zero.

The problem is that we fail to grasp the dimension of a concept like humanism, which expresses the power by which the owner designates, names, and names himself. What determines human, who is determined to be human? In fact, the term human doesn't apply to everyone: Warao, Yanomami, Piaroa, Arabs, Slavs don't fall into the human category. Even some Europeans, outside of the powerful Anglo-Saxons, are considered fourth-class humans, as the Spanish, Italians, and Portuguese demonstrate. When we hear an intellectual say literally: "So-and-so has made every effort possible in life to become the great human being that he is, a true human being," it means that he wasn't one before; he must have learned it. Years ago, the Chinese, the Arabs, the Yanomami, the Africans weren't human. That is to say, wherever we look, the term "human" was only expressed some three hundred years ago in Europe, and it carries with it absolute power, the only power, the absolute power: it's the power that says who is, what I want it to be. That's humanism, it's nothing else, and there's no one on this planet, except for a few indigenous people who live deep in the jungle, who couldn't care less about the world, but who barely have any contact with an anthropologist, a sociologist, a historian, or any gold-digger out there, and the term "human" already covers them, as the son of God covers them, as all that ideological garbage covers them.

The problem is: what do we slaves face when we consider the idea of ​​constructing a concept that defines us, when we decide to say, "This is what we are and this is what we will try to be, nothing else matters?" But it's not enough to say it; we have to practice it. Why? Because it already happened in Western culture: pagans said they were pagans and ended up being Christians; Christians said they were Christians and ended up being human; because humans were more powerful, because they had a productive apparatus that determined things. Communists said they were communists, but ended up being human; there is no communist who doesn't believe themselves to be more human than any other human; there are even writings that express humanist communism, but superior to capitalism: it is more human than liberal or libertarian capitalism. So, if communism is more humane than capitalism, we should be terrified of it, because if capitalist, libertarian, or liberal humans, parents of the individualistic and selfish human creature, with pretensions of absolute ownership, murder, kill, steal, invade, plunder, torture, kidnap, swindle, and massacre, what will that communist humanism be like? Will they kill more? Will they steal more? Because what is understood is that the entire structure created by humanism is to worship the individual at the expense of the rest of us, who are subjected to permanent slavery.

Humanism, based on its interests, has always created an enemy: barbarians, foreigners. That's why, when we say humanism, we hear barbarism, and when we hear barbarism, we say humanism. The owners are both barbarians and humans; we're talking about the same musiú with a different snout. The crimes and mass plundering being committed on the planet today are the work and grace of human-barbarians or human-barbarians, because those crimes, we must be certain, are not being committed by any Yanomami or Warao, because humans have a vast productive apparatus, they own corporations, they own countries, they own world politics, they decide, remove, and appoint presidents within the framework of world politics. For example, Europe or the United States: politicians are on a list of business power brokers; they're all put there by lobbyists. They're there to solve problems for corporations, so that no one dares to interfere in their decisions. This war between ExxonMobil and Chevron is about both defending their interests before the US government; they're moving their pieces to get it to intervene in Venezuelan affairs, to see who gets the oil cake.

That's what humans are, not some idiot who writes a book, paints a picture, plays a flute or a piano, or makes sculptures; those are domestic slaves who produce art and sell themselves through art; they are not owners, therefore, they are not human. Can that domestic slave realize that he is not human? He won't realize it because in his brain, he has thirty or forty years of education—and the older he is, the more education he has—that tells him every day that "you are part of the exquisite and exclusive humanity."

When we say that politics is made by the owners, it is because we slaves do not decide anything.

Behind that disguise of humanity lies an entire tragedy, wrapped in perfume, exquisite words, violin, piano, painting, sculpture, and architecture, hiding the great swindle known as humanism. How beautiful it is to be human, how beautiful it is to be human, let us be ever more human, long live humanity, how beautiful humanity, and every day the dead, the robbed, the madman, the prisoner, the thrown out of the factory, the suicide, to the point of humanizing war, as if it were made by the cachicamos. Meanwhile, every day the violin continues to play, and all in chorus, with affected voices, the domestic slaves, the violinist, the pianist, the singer, the painter, the sculptor, the professional, the academic, tell us that humanism is a beauty.

Until when do we complain?
Who discusses, who analyzes, through what do we inquire? That conversation doesn't exist; no one is interested, because in no book, not even on social media, is there any talk of questioning humanism, and if it were criticized, it would be to say: "Well, we're in search of human perfection. Nothing is perfect, and mistakes are made. The important thing is that we're in that attempt, in the search, always trying to fulfill utopia." What is the quest? Epstein's Island? What are we going to perfect for the Baruchs, the Rothschilds, the Rockefellers? What architecture are we going to refine, if they don't want any other architecture than the one they want, the tallest one that demonstrates their power, the one with the most drawers to house domestic and common slaves so that it generates more profit? Were Trump Tower or Dubai Tower built so that people could contemplate and appreciate beautiful architecture? No, they do it to show themselves more powerful.

If we slaves write a book, we won't do it to cry out in plaintive, wailing cries: "Oh, it hurts me," "Oh, they beat me," "Oh, they raped my grandmother," "Oh, they imprisoned my grandfather unjustly," "Oh, the blacks, the women, the Indians, the workers, the peasants, we too are human." How long will we continue to complain, saying that we too are human, when in reality we are slaves of humans? And where do we go to complain: to the courts, to the OAS, the UN, the International Criminal Court? Aren't these organizations instruments of humans? At most, we can win lawsuits against other slaves, but never against a human. Because the most human of them is the most thievish and criminal. It's like the believer who has no money and says he's going to take this case to the Supreme Court because justice is blind, but the innocent man doesn't know that justice isn't blind, that it has pairs of eyes bigger than an owl's, and it looks everywhere to see who it has to obey, and who it has to screw. Justice has more eyes than the fish in The Simpsons.

We slaves have a very serious problem, and that is that we fail to understand the predicament we are in. We are unaware that no one can save us, because outside of us, even within us, there are slaves interested in selling us, buying us, and using us as disposable items, because we are slaves-commodities traded on the stock exchange. This is what the human-capitalist system boils down to, where freedom belongs to those who produce it, to those who enjoy it.

A slave cannot be free even if he wants to be, even if he desires it, even if he believes he is, even if he swears he is. What we are are believers in freedom, but where there is a factory, not an enterprise, a factory of weapons, atomic bombs, information, food, drugs, healthcare, education, banks: we don't have it. We believe we can do whatever we want, that we have that right, because we were told we were born human, but the brutal reality is that we weren't born human, but slaves. But we slaves believe we are free because we study four books, or because we are told we have rights.

The so-called saviors of the poor, of different ideologies or creeds, have confused us by telling us that our interests lie in better wages, better conditions of slavery, better education, or better housing, but we are never considered as beings capable of collectively deciding what to do.

Most of us slaves believe we deserve human status because we were told we are all children of God and have that right, and the worst part is that we were made to believe that by working hard we would achieve it. A slave's vain illusion. We don't understand that humans have never worked, and that's why the girl deserves to be kidnapped by the humans who enslave us.

https://misionverdad.com/chavismo/puede ... r-una-nina

Analyzing the Strategic Partnership Agreement between Russia and Venezuela
May 8, 2025 , 2:31 pm .

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Russian President Vladimir Putin shakes hands with Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro after signing a bilateral strategic treaty in the Kremlin, Moscow, May 7, 2025. (Photo: Alexander Zemlianichenko / EFE)

President Nicolás Maduro arrived in Moscow in the early hours of May 7 to participate in the commemoration of the 80th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War, a historic milestone celebrated in Russia and other former Soviet countries that remains relevant today , at a time of struggle against fascism and neo-fascism on various global fronts.

This context was conducive to the Venezuelan president holding a bilateral meeting with his counterpart, Vladimir Putin, on the same day. The meeting concluded with the signing of a Strategic Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, marking the 80th anniversary of the establishment of relations between Caracas and Moscow.

This treaty strengthens the historical ties between the two nations, but also establishes a multidimensional framework for political, energy, economic, military, technological, and cultural cooperation.

In an international context marked by the rise of multipolarity and geopolitical tensions, Russia and Venezuela are seeking to consolidate a strategic alliance aimed at countering external pressures and promoting an alternative vision of the world order.

Defense, energy, trade and finance
The agreement, which is initially valid for ten years and is automatically renewed for five-year periods, contemplates strengthening coordination on multiple fronts. Among these, defense cooperation stands out, with an emphasis on strengthening military-technical capabilities to guarantee the national security of both states.

The two countries pledged to work closely together in the fight against international terrorism and extremism. It is important to remember that denazification was one of the central objectives of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine on behalf of the people of Donbas, who were being targeted for genocide by the pro-US government in kyiv.

They also commit to working together on arms control and the prevention of space conflicts, reaffirming their shared stance against the militarization of space—as stated by Washington—and in favor of its exclusively peaceful use.

This includes the deployment of a station for the Russian satellite navigation system GLONASS in Venezuela.

In the energy sector—one of the fundamental pillars of bilateral relations—Moscow and Caracas agreed to promote the joint exploration and exploitation of new oil and natural gas deposits, which is crucial for Venezuela in a context where criminal US sanctions are squeezing the hydrocarbon sector.

This point becomes even more relevant considering that, in 2024, bilateral trade grew 64%, reaching $200 million, according to official Russian data.

The strategic collaboration could translate into Russian technology being applied to Venezuelan infrastructure, as well as new financing and marketing avenues for Venezuelan energy products.

This also includes crucial financial aspects contained in the agreement: the promotion of an independent financial infrastructure that would allow for circumventing illegal sanctions imposed primarily by the United States and its Western partners.

This could be an initiative seeking to create bilateral payment and credit mechanisms using national currencies, perhaps backed by tangible assets such as metals and strategic resources—possibly oil—as proposed by Russian experts in Eurasian forums and other global actors. This would reduce dependence on the US dollar and the US-dominated global banking system, which determine international financial flows.

Between geopolitics and historical truth
Both countries have shown their willingness to respect and expand the formal establishment of multilateral forums. In fact, Russia has expressed its support for Venezuela's full membership in the BRICS, an emerging bloc that represents an alternative to the traditional economic and political leadership of the United States.

They also opposed unilateral sanctions, which violate the UN Charter and other principles of international law. In this context, President Maduro has repeatedly called for reform of the United Nations system, which he points out is a platform in crisis, citing the Israeli genocide in Gaza as an example.

The treaty also states that they committed to promoting joint initiatives within organizations with significant influence on international geoeconomic dynamics, such as OPEC+ and the Gas Exporting Countries Forum, which would strengthen their influence in global energy markets.

The ideological and communications dimension of the agreement is also important. Putin and Maduro agreed on the need to combat disinformation and negative propaganda, driven by Western extremism, directed against their countries and states.

Along the same lines, they explicitly rejected the glorification of Nazism and the manipulation of history, especially regarding the results of World War II, and emphasized their commitment to historical memory and objective truth. The commemoration of the 80th anniversary of the victorious conclusion of the Great Patriotic War is an ideal setting to reaffirm this commitment.

Finally, the treaty includes cultural and social components, such as strengthening educational, scientific, and sports ties. Specifically, both parties agreed to counter any attempts to divide the international Olympic movement, clearly alluding to the selective exclusions of Russian and Belarusian athletes from international competitions following the launch of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine.

In short, the Strategic Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Russia and Venezuela represents a milestone in the consolidation of a comprehensive alliance that transcends formal diplomacy.

We are talking about an instrument that seeks to ensure the sovereignty of two key players in the dynamics of their respective regions, as well as in global geopolitics. In this sense, it aims to build an alternative to external pressures and a common worldview based on mutual respect, strategic cooperation, and multipolarity.

For Venezuela, this agreement could become a fundamental tool for economic transformation, in line with the plans of President Nicolás Maduro's government, and serve as a catalyst for its integration into new geopolitical dynamics. Meanwhile, for Russia, it represents a strengthening of its presence in Latin America, a region where it maintains privileged relationships with several players but few institutionalized alliances of such magnitude.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/anal ... -venezuela

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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Mon May 19, 2025 3:55 pm

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President Maduro was unscathed from the attack (Hugoshi)

‘Neoliberal and authoritarian’? A simplistic analysis of the Maduro government that leaves much unsaid
By Steve Ellner (Posted May 19, 2025)

Originally published: Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal on May 18, 2025 (more by Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal) |

Gabriel Hetland’s article “Capitalism and authoritarianism in Maduro’s Venezuela,” published in New Labor Forum and reposted at LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal, presents a one-sided and decontextualised view of Venezuela under President Nicolás Maduro. According to Hetland, the Maduro government is virtually devoid of any redeeming characteristics. Hetland refers approvingly to the claim made by Maduro’s harshest critics on the left, that his government and the right-wing opposition are “two sides of the same coin”.

Yet any serious examination of Venezuela under Maduro needs to incorporate the impact of U.S.-imposed economic sanctions into its analysis and not simply make passing reference to them. The Washington-engineered economic war significantly undermined the effectiveness of potentially sound policies initiated by Maduro. To dismiss these policies as evidence of incompetence — or to ignore them altogether, as Hetland does — is misleading.

Rather, the negative effects of the interface between Venezuelan government policy and Washington’s acts of aggression has to be placed at the centre of analysis. Hetland’s black-and-white approach does a disservice to the complex and, in many respects, unique experience of Chavismo. A more nuanced and critical examination is essential if we are to draw the necessary lessons from the nation’s unfolding political process.

War on Venezuela
To begin with, the same criteria cannot be used to evaluate governments such as those of Venezuela (or Cuba), as to analyse progressive governments such as Brazil under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, or Argentina under the Kirchners (Néstor and Cristina). The illegal and semi-legal actions undertaken by Washington and Venezuela’s right-wing opposition have been numerous and relentless almost since the start of the Hugo Chávez presidency in 1999. They were in many ways intensified under Maduro.

These include: abortive coups; assassination attempts, one involving drones1; recognition of de facto governments; open appeals by top U.S. officials urging Venezuelan military officers to intervene; invasions by paramilitary forces from Colombia; covert and public international campaigns to isolate Venezuela; foreign funding of opposition groups on a scale far exceeding that provided for neighbouring nations; widespread and protracted street violence aimed at regime change; and sweeping secondary sanctions to pressure corporations and governments around the world to avoid commercial dealings with Venezuela, amounting to a de facto embargo. All these actions have been extensively documented.2

The full scope of the war on Venezuela has to be brought into the picture. Yet Hetland’s readers are left unaware of what the Maduro government is up against. The impacts of the war on Venezuela are far more than a matter of academic interest. They are an essential element in the debate over whether the Maduro presidency should be deemed an outright failure, a view defended by the right and segments of the left, including Hetland. Far from recognising the multifaceted nature of the aggression against Venezuela, this perspective reduces it to the issue of sanctions, which are considered no more — and in many cases far less — responsible for the nation’s economic misfortunes than Maduro’s errors and alleged incompetence. These Maduro critics underestimate the devastating effect of the war on Venezuela, especially given that Maduro’s errors were, in many cases, overreactions to Washington-backed provocations.

Furthermore, Washington has systematically countered every initiative undertaken by the Maduro government to address economic difficulties facing the nation. For example, when the Maduro government attempted to renegotiate its foreign debt in response to the sharp decline in oil prices, in August 2017 U.S. President Donald Trump prohibited the trading of Venezuelan bonds in U.S. markets. Maduro then responded to Washington’s measures against the Venezuelan oil industry3 by turning to gold exports, but Trump issued an executive order in 2018 banning the purchase of Venezuelan gold. Simultaneously, the Maduro government launched a crypto currency, the Petro, to bypass the U.S.-controlled SWIFT system that had caused numerous banks to avoid transactions involving Venezuela — what Maduro called a financial “blockade”. Trump responded with another executive order prohibiting the use of Petros under U.S. jurisdiction.

Now, the second Trump administration has refused to renew “licenses” the Biden administration granted Chevron and other corporations to operate in Venezuela, just when the nation’s oil industry was beginning to enjoy a slow but steady recovery of levels of production. Maduro had reformulated oil policy to facilitate the granting of these licenses.

These are just a few examples of how Washington thwarted Venezuela’s initiatives. They illustrated the extent to which Maduro’s options were limited and raise the broader question of what options were available.

Advances and concessions
Certainly, Maduro’s rapprochement with the private sector — what Hetland refers to as an “inter-bourgeois pact” involving traditional business interests (grouped in Fedecámaras) and the emerging business sector (pejoratively labelled the boliburguesía) — should be debated. In my opinion, however, the discussion should centre on the concrete terms of these alliances, not on whether such alliances are justified under current circumstances. Claiming that Maduro sold out is not conducive to open, dogmatic-free debate on the matter. Hetland acknowledges prevailing conditions did not allow Maduro to advance toward a “socialist transformation,” as advocated by some groups further to the left.4 But if he opposes alliances with the private sector, one is left to ask: What course of action does he support?

The strategy of developmentalism — which in Latin America has been based on an alliance between left-leaning governments and business sectors — may represent a viable non-socialist option in an acute situation such as that faced by the Maduro government. Hetland alleges Maduro “has not presided over developmentalism in any way,” yet offers no evidence to support the claim. Maduro, however, in his 2025 annual Speech to the Nation announced that 85% of the food sold in supermarkets is now “Made in Venezuela,” the inverse of the situation 10 years earlier. If accurate, this shift is largely due to a “strategic alliance” between agricultural interests and the government, currently coordinated through the Ministry of Agriculture and Ministry of Industry and National Production. A rigorous critical analysis would acknowledge Maduro’s claims and present empirical evidence to challenge them, or identify specific shortcomings in the implementation of developmentalism. But Hetland leaves much out of the picture and fails to confront certain positions on the left that do not coincide with his.

For instance, Hetland makes no reference to the government-promoted communes (community production units), whose existence contradicts the notion that Maduro is really a neoliberal in leftist disguise. Although Maduro had downplayed the communes for several years, more recently he has injected energy into them, declaring 2023 “the Year of the Communes.” Chris Gilbert explores this revitalisation in Commune or Nothing! Venezuela’s Communal Movement and its Socialist Project, drawing extensively on personal observations and interviews throughout the country. Gilbert’s work shines light on the position of critical support for Maduro, a perspective that came to the fore at the founding congress of the Communard Union in March 2022. That point of view was articulated by Angel Prado, the head of El Maizal, the nation’s most successful commune, which hosted the event.5

The following year, Maduro appointed Prado as Minister of the Communes. Despite his history of confrontations with the Venezuelan government and ruling party, Prado continues to view the state as a contested arena, where remnants of the “bourgeois state” are pitted against the communes and other popular forces. The experience of Prado and the communes is clearly at odds with Hetland’s interpretation of the Venezuelan government under Maduro. Hetland makes no mention of critical supporters among writers and political figures, Venezuelans and non-Venezuelans, but refers extensively to the recently formed group Comunes, composed of leftists who supported Chávez and now demonise Maduro.

Repression and contextualisation
Similarly, in his discussion of the protests that followed the July 28, 2024 presidential elections, Hetland fails to take into account a viewpoint on the left that runs counter to his own. He writes: “The government responded to the largely peaceful protests with brutal repression, arresting around two thousand protesters.” There is a different side of the story coming from the left, although the two sides may not be totally mutually exclusive.

Following the two days of protest on July 29-30, Attorney General Tarek William Saab presented extensive evidence alleging that on those two days delinquents, in cahoots with the Venezuelan right, carried out attacks on symbols of the state: 11 Metro installations, 28 metrobuses, 27 police vehicles, 27 statues, 57 educational institutions, 10 National Electoral Council facilities, and 10 headquarters of the governing party. Prior to Chávez’s rise to power, Saab was a leading champion of human rights and his denunciations of violence instigated by the opposition deserve to be considered seriously, even if they are ultimately refuted.

Another example of Hetland’s lack of objectivity is his accusation that I justify political repression in Venezuela — an assertion he fails to substantiate. Given the gravity of the charge, there is no excuse for making it without carefully examining the facts. Hetland cites my use of the term “taking the gloves off” in reference to Maduro: “Therefore, while it may be regrettable that Maduro has engaged in repression (‘taking the gloves off’), this [according to Ellner] is more or less justified.” Yet my statement conveyed something quite different. What I actually wrote was: “Some left analysts fault Maduro for taking off the gloves and not abiding by the norms of liberal democracy. In some cases, the criticisms are valid but they have to be contextualised.”

Contextualisation is not the same as justification. To take an extreme example, one may point out that NATO’s eastward expansion has long been a source of great concern for Russia’s leaders. The statement, however, does not necessarily signify support for Russian President Vladimir Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine.

In fact, I criticised important aspects of Maduro’s “playing hard ball” and “taking the gloves off” strategy. I called the government’s official recognition of a small splinter faction of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) — rather than the main party that included all the principal Communist leaders — “a minus for the Maduro government.” I also noted that the same tactic had previously been used against other opposition parties, which I stated “undeniably… flouted the constitution.”6

Critical support
Hetland’s portrayal of my views reflect a broader trend in writing on the left that polarises discussion on the Venezuelan government — in which Maduro is either demonised or viewed uncritically. This binary framing leaves little room for other positions, such as that of critical support for Maduro.

At the outset of his article, Hetland alleges that I defend Maduro but with “caveats.” He then poses the question: “Is Maduro an anti-imperialist revolutionary with democratic legitimacy?” The very framing of the issue precludes a nuanced analysis. Rather than identifying the “caveats,” Hetland attempts to refute my central arguments by labelling the Maduro government anti-working class and corrupt. The “caveats” in my writing on Venezuela that he ignores include my critique of Maduro — and, to a lesser extent, Chávez — for failing to seize favourable moments to deepen the transformation process and deliver decisive blows against corruption.7

Hetland would do well to take off the blinders and read Mao Zedong’s On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People to grasp the distinction between “secondary” and “antagonistic contradictions”. In my view, the tensions between Maduro and the PCV were initially of a “secondary” nature, and Maduro’s sectarianism contributed to the eventual rupture, which is now clearly beyond repair.8 The failure of analysts (and political actors in the case of Maduro and the PCV) to appreciate the importance of nuances and assimilate Mao’s principle on enemies and allies obstructs serious discussion and debate. This, in turn, leads to errors and a missed opportunity to draw invaluable lessons from more than a quarter-century of Chavista rule.

In summary, the errors and shortcomings of the Maduro government cannot be pushed under the carpet or justified, but they nevertheless must be understood in context. There is a direct correlation between the intensity of imperialist aggression and the ability of a government committed to real change to achieve its social, political and economic goals. Chávez recognized early in his rule that forging alliances with business sectors was necessary to offset the aggression waged by domestic and foreign adversaries. What should have been clear to everyone within the movement was that such alliances were conducive to corruption and would generate pressure from allies to halt or reverse the process of change.

Since then, criticism that identifies the downsides of the policies of the Venezuelan government and defines political opportunities has been essential. But critics need to appreciate the fact that the challenges faced by Maduro are in many ways greater than those Chávez encountered, at least in the years following the regime change attempts of 2002-03. These included the plummeting of oil prices (beginning in 2015), Obama’s 2015 executive order (which signaled an escalation of hostility from Washington), and the erosion of public enthusiasm that inevitably occurs in prolonged periods of sacrifices and hardship.

Within this context serious errors were committed. But, due to the extreme polarisation that has characterised the Chavista period, the struggle to rectify errors had to come from within the movement; that is, from the governing party and its allies. This would not have necessarily been the case in a more relaxed political environment. Any frontal, unqualified attack on the government from a leftist perspective, particularly one that fails to grasp the severity of the current challenges, will ultimately be counterproductive.

Notes:
1.Trump’s National Security Advisor, John Bolton, in his The Room Where it Happened: A White House Memoir, hinted at the fact that the U.S. was behind the drone attack. Bolton wrote that after the incident, “Trump said to me emphatically… ‘Get it done…This is the fifth time I’ve asked for it.’” https://geopoliticaleconomy.com/2022/07 ... venezuela/

2.Among the relatively recent books that document the Washington-engineered war on Venezuela are: Joe Emersberger and Justin Podur, Extraordinary Threat: The U.S. Empire, the Media, and Twenty Years of Coup Attempts in Venezuela (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2021); Anya Parampil, Corporate Coup: Venezuela and the End of U.S. Empire (New York: OR Books, 2024); Timothy M. Gill, Encountering U.S. Empire in Socialist Venezuela: The Legacy of Race, Neocolonialism and Democracy Promotion (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2022); Alan MacLeod, Bad News from Venezuela: Twenty Years of Fake News and Misreporting (New York, Routledge: 2018).

3.The trade journals clearly indicated that the August 2017 executive order “targeted” the Venezuelan oil industry. That same year, The Economist pointed out that the oil sector had “suffered from disinvestment” and predicted that the Maduro administration would not remain in power beyond 2019. At the time, Hetland himself recognized the devastating impact of Washington’s measures on the Venezuelan economy. He wrote: “Beyond supporting the hardline opposition, U.S. actions have directly exacerbated Venezuela’s crisis. The United States has pressured American and European banks to avoid business with Venezuela, starving Venezuela of needed funds… U.S. sanctions (increasingly supported by other countries) have also exacerbated the crisis.” The issue of the adverse effects of Washington’s actions against Venezuela between Obama’s 2015 executive order — which declared Venezuela a “threat” to U.S. national security — and the August 2017 order is important. The standard position of the Venezuelan right, supported by analysts including some on the left, is that the country’s economic crisis preceded the main U.S. sanction which was issued in January 2019 and was designed to cripple Venezuelan oil exports. This claim lets the U.S. off the hook for the hardship inflicted on the Venezuelan people and blames it entirely on Maduro’s misguided policies and corruption. Yet even John Bolton admitted that the U.S. sanctions under Trump were aimed at “driving the state-owned oil monopoly’s production as low as possible,” in an attempt “to crash Maduro’s regime.” Hetland, “The Promise and Perils of Radical Left Populism: The Case of Venezuela.” Journal of World Systems Research. Vol 24, no. 2, 2018, p. 289; The Economist Intelligence Unit, “Country Forecast Venezuela November 2017 Updater. Country Forecast, Venezuela.” New York, November, 2017.

4.Steve Ellner, “Objective Conditions in Venezuela: Maduro’s Defensive Strategy and Contradictions Among the People.” Science and Society, vol. 87, no. 3, p. 389.

5.Chris Gilbert, Commune or Nothing! Venezuela’s Communal Movement and its Socialist Project (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2023), pp. 126-139.

6.Ellner, “Maduro and Machado Play Hardball.” NACLA: Report on the Americas, Spring, 2024, pp. 9, 11.

7.Ellner, “Class Strategies in Chavista Venezuela: Pragmatic and Populist Policies in a Broader Context,” in Ellner (ed.), Latin America’s Pink Tide: Breakthroughs and Shortcomings (Lanhan, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2020), pp. 180-184.

8.Ellner, “Objective Conditions in Venezuela,” pp. 401-402, 408, 410.

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Re: Venezuela

Post by blindpig » Tue May 20, 2025 2:01 pm

Venezuela: Minister Cabello Confirms Arrest of 38 Mercenaries Amid New Terrorist Plot
May 19, 2025

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Venezuelan Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello during his statement broadcast by Venezuelan news channel VTV. Photo: Ministry of the Interior Press.


Venezuelan Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello confirmed the arrest of a group of 38 mercenaries involved in a conspiracy seeking to sabotage Venezuela’s legislative and regional elections scheduled for May 25.

In a press conference held this Monday, May 19, Minister Cabello also explained that of the 38 new detainees—including explosives experts, coyotes, and mercenaries—17 are foreigners (from Colombia, Mexico, and Ukraine) and 21 are Venezuelans.

“A few days ago, we received information that I warned about. I confirm it, explosive attacks specifically targeting embassies in Venezuela. They say in their meetings that if they bomb an embassy, the whole world will find out, and there will be talk of the government’s ‘weakness.’ People who have no scruples whatsoever,” he said.

Minister Cabello also specified that the targets were embassies, police stations, hospitals, healthcare centers, public service facilities, transportation facilities, gas stations, and electrical substations. He reported that they have documents, conversations, and evidence on phones used to plan the terrorist acts.

He added that other targets included figures from both the Bolivarian Revolution and the Venezuelan opposition, “especially those currently at the forefront as opposition candidates. This is the scenario they want to present to the world: that there are no conditions for holding elections in Venezuela.”



“The world knows perfectly well that the electoral schedule has been fully met, everything planned has been done, and the country is ready for these elections. The Bolívar Plan formally launches this week. The polling stations are being filled within the framework of the Republic Plan,” he said.

Among the detained foreigners, Cabello said that one is of Albanian origin with Colombian nationality and is wanted as an international drug trafficker. This individual had a payment made from the US for a hotel reservation in Caracas. He also noted that this is related to drug trafficking in Ecuador, which is led by an Albanian network, pointing out that narcoparamilitary training camps are located in Ecuador.

Minister Cabello also spoke about the arrest of foreign citizens in Venezuela with data and information on leaders of the Bolívar Chávez Battle Units (UBCH), the Local Supply and Production Committees (CLAPS), among other community leaders.

Machado and Simonovis behind the conspiracy
Regarding the so-called “coyotes,” Cabello said the network is linked “to everyone [involved] because they have the telephone contacts for kidnappings here in Venezuela… That figure has practically disappeared, and a few days ago, we began to receive reports of kidnappings in the west of the country. The payment method they are using is cryptocurrency, supposedly to avoid leaving any trace.”

The minister reported that the leader of the group is Arturo José Gómez Morán, a former officer of the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB), who participated in an attempted coup d’état at the Altamira bridge on April 30, 2019. “This former officer, who is in the United States under government protection, maintains direct ties to conspiratorial groups in the US. The person leading this latest conspiracy in Venezuela is Iván Simonovis, who has a long history of failure,” he stated.

Cabello explained that the “coyotes” kidnapped people, including members of the Venezuelan government, to terrorize their families. Upon reviewing the mercenaries’ cellphones, authorities discovered plans for violent, terrorist, and conspiratorial activities.

The minister recalled that opposition extremist María Corina Machado recently spoke about being “attentive to the signs,” with her sector having openly expressed intent to sabotage the electoral process.

“Behind this is Ms. María Machado, and the operational arm is the same old defeated Iván Simonovis. Terrorism and conspiracy, which is the central axis, explosives, drug trafficking, coyotes, human trafficking, and mercenaries are involved. This is their new adventure to prevent elections on May 25,” he stated.

He also said that “the financing of conspiracies and terrorism in Venezuela comes directly from Colombian drug trafficking, led by [Álvaro] Uribe, [Iván] Duque, [Andrés] Pastrana, and [Juan Manuel] Santos, the leaders of drug trafficking in Colombia. Everyone in Colombia knows that.”



Capture of individuals with explosives
Minister Cabello explained that among those captured was a group of Venezuelans returning to the country “with explosive devices, which they call electric detonators.”

“There are eight [explosive devices] that we took from two people; each detonator is a target. The explosive is placed there, and it’s the initiator of the explosion. Without that, there is no way to prepare an explosive that can be activated remotely. That is the advantage—they can trigger it by phone, a watch, or other mechanisms,” he added, noting that the group captured with detonators had also operated in Ecuador.

(Alba Ciudad)

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