Sep 30, 2025 , 2:33 pm .

Marco Rubio and Stephen Miller have an aggressive view toward Venezuela, but it's the only thing they share (Photo: Evelyn Hockstein/Reuters)
The United States security architecture rests on two pillars of distinct origin and scope : the Homeland Security Council (HSC ) and the National Security Advisor (NSA ) . The former responds to the logic of "internal strength," while the latter embodies the heart of " global grand strategy . "
Both are part of the Executive Office of the President, but their political clout and ability to influence foreign policymaking are not equal.
The HSC , created on October 29, 2001, by executive order of George W. Bush in the context of 9/11, was designed to coordinate policies that protect the United States from " insider threats " : terrorism, irregular migration, cyberattacks, critical infrastructure and natural disasters.
Currently , under the direction of Stephen Miller , the HSC is pushing for immigration control, technological surveillance, and border hardening measures that, while projected outward by the nature of the " threats , " remain essentially domestic policy decisions.
Its role is not to negotiate treaties or design military alliances, but to detect risks and recommend actions to protect domestic space.
In contrast, the NSA , officially the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, occupies a privileged place in US strategic decision-making.
Created in 1953 to directly advise the president without Senate confirmation, the position has been held, on an interim basis, by Secretary of State Marco Rubio since May .
From the White House, the NSA defines defense priorities, military alliances , economic sanctions , and even covert operations. Its direct access to the president allows it to shape foreign policy in real time, without the checks and balances that other institutions face.
Although the HSC does not design foreign policy in the traditional sense, the interconnectedness of what they consider internal and external threats compels them to work closely with the National Security Council (NSC) and the NSA itself.
What The Guardian says
The episode known as Signalgate opened an unexpected rift in the Trump administration 's structure . In May, a so-called "accident" exposed the fragility of internal communications when then-National Security Adviser Mike Waltz mistakenly added a journalist to a messaging group (made up of several senior executive branch officials) on the Signal platform.
The scandal forced his dismissal and left a key White House position vacant, sparking fierce competition for the position.
Among the names that immediately circulated were Stephen Miller, Richard Grenell, and Sebastian Gorka. Bloomberg even placed Miller , the architect of the most extreme immigration policies of the Trump era , as a leading candidate.
However, Trump himself dismissed this , without disqualifying, in an interview with NBC News : "Stephen is much higher in the hierarchy; that position would be a demotion for him."
The comment confirmed that Miller doesn't need a formal position to wield decisive influence within the presidential ring of power.
A report by The Guardian has added new elements to the Washington chessboard. According to sources within the administration, Stephen Miller, in his role as Homeland Security Advisor and Deputy Chief of Staff, has allegedly been the true architect of the attacks on ships in the Caribbean, where at least 14 civilians have been killed, actions that Washington justifies with the pantomime of anti-drug operations.
The article details that, under his leadership, the HSC acquired an unprecedented degree of autonomy, operating de facto as a command center parallel to the NSC.
It was Miller who gave the HSC the ability to act as its own entity during Trump's second term, coordinating military missions such as the Hellfire missile attack on a "Venezuelan vessel" on September 15 , the article states, without the full knowledge of all senior White House officials until just hours before its execution.
The report also exposes the legal loopholes in these operations. The White House has attempted to justify the attacks by relying on the powers of Article II of the Constitution, claiming "self-defense" in response to the designation of the Venezuelan group Tren de Aragua as a "foreign terrorist organization." This is the typical victim-playing stance used to excuse its actions that violate fundamental rights under international law under the guise of a perpetual "emergency." Exceptionalism in action.
However , a federal appeals court has already ruled that the deportations of Venezuelans based on this designation were illegal, as it failed to demonstrate that the Aragua Train acted as an arm of the Miraflores government. Despite this, the attacks continued under a vague legal cover approved by the Pentagon, the Department of Justice, and White House legal advisors.
While the report appears to displace Rubio from the center of this new push against Venezuela, the reality is more complex, since both Miller and the current Secretary of State share the same ideological discourse of aggression and maintain, without evidence, the " drug trafficking " narrative .
Even so, it's not that they're now working as a cohesive team; rather, they 're engaged in a hidden competition, each with their own interests and distinct positions from each sphere of influence, whose agendas may overlap. This makes the outlook for Venezuela even more dangerous if the goal is to please the tycoon president.
Miller as a free electron
Rubio , dubbed "Little Marco" by Trump during the 2016 Republican primaries, represents the Republican Party's foreign policy orthodoxy, co-opted by neoconservatives and perpetual war hawks. He does not belong to the MAGA core of the Trump coalition cabinet, and therefore has had to maneuver to secure spaces of influence that allow him to influence key decisions without provoking rejection from the most extremist circles and, consequently, elevate his own agenda.
Miller, on the other hand, is a pure product of the MAGA agenda, trained in the hardline anti-immigration camp and with direct access to Trump since his first administration . In fact, during the Republican primaries, Miller not only worked to undermine Jeb Bush, but also made Rubio his favorite target, ferociously attacking him for his role in the so-called "Gang of Eight , " the bipartisan immigration reform bill of 2013.
"Marco Rubio is, let's say, his biggest enemy," a Republican operative said at the time .
Emails revealed by NBC News show how Miller coordinated with Breitbart News to publish articles portraying Rubio as a pro-immigration "extremist," even accusing him of "legalizing foreign sex offenders."
From rallies in Florida to leaks to the conservative press, Miller waged a systematic campaign to destroy Rubio's credibility with the Trump base.
Even within the White House, Miller is not without resistance. In 2018, seventeen Jewish organizations, including American Jewish World Service and J Street, publicly demanded his dismissal, denouncing his "extreme views" and his advocacy of racist policies.
These criticisms, far from weakening him, reinforced the style of power that Trump has granted him : a first-string influence without the need for visible positions, which makes him less vulnerable to public pressure and allows him to operate in the shadows.
Rubio, for his part, has had to adapt to this reality. Although he maintains a classic interventionist rhetoric and seeks to project himself as an indispensable figure on Latin American issues, his position outside the MAGA core forces him to forge tactical alliances to avoid losing ground to Miller.
In the Venezuelan case, both actors share the same coercive line, but differ in their position within Trump's entourage.
Miller, without needing to establish himself as a political figure within the Cabinet , exercises his structural influence from his position , while Rubio depends on being visible and staying relevant in that close circle to conserve oxygen .
That is, Miller doesn't need to attract Trump's attention; Rubio, on the other hand, must survive politically within that environment.
Rubio is the central proponent of the regime change agenda against Venezuela, recalling that he was the main driving force behind the illegal sanctions regime.
It's no coincidence that the new escalation of aggression began to take shape when Rubio took over as interim NSA president; Miller, for his part, seems to be taking advantage of the aftermath of that dynamic, aligning his extremist codes with the political opportunity his position represents.
It is even plausible that Rubio is maneuvering to convince Miller to channel his radical style to the goals he promotes, taking advantage of the influence and extreme temperament of Trump 's protégé .
These initiatives demonstrate not only his authoritarian view of migration as a threat, but also a pattern of extreme behavior that Rubio has channeled to further his own agenda and maximize the impact of pressure on Venezuela.
In the absence of a coherent policy, this internal conflict or lack of harmony turns decision-making into an erratic, unpredictable and potentially more aggressive process .
https://misionverdad.com/globalistan/ru ... -venezuela
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Trump Was Wrong to Laugh at Venezuelan Militia Members
October 1, 2025

September 13, 2025, San Cristóbal, Venezuela: A group of civilians and military personnel aim assault rifles during training at a military camp. The training for militia members, reservists, and volunteers took place at various barracks and military training centers in Venezuela, organized by the government of Nicolás Maduro as part of what authorities describe as an effort to strengthen national defense through civil-military mobilization. Photo: Jorge Castellanos/Zuma Press/ContactoPhoto.
By Bruno Sgarzini – Sep 28, 2025
Underestimating Chavista strength is one of the recurring mistakes of American presidents.
Donald Trump is wrong to laugh at Venezuelan women militia members for their height and weight. They were the same ones who, in 2020, along with fishermen from Chuao, recognized a small boat carrying several former Venezuelan soldiers and two former Green Berets from the US Army Special Forces. The group planned to enter Venezuela by sea, seize a nearby airport, and fly Nicolás Maduro out of the country after a “fantastic” capture, the kind seen in Mission: Impossible, that could only succeed in their imaginations.
Aaron Barry and Luke Denman, the mercenaries in question, were two American operatives who had fought in Libya and Iraq and were recruited for the mission. They held Bronze Star Medals and other insignia awarded by the US Army when they were arrested, thanks to the very militia members Trump now mocks on social media. These are the same women the US president ridicules for their appearance and phenotype, yet he does not hesitate to accuse them of belonging to the mythical “Cartel of the Suns.”

A screenshot of Trump’s social media post mocking Venezuelan militia members. Photo: Truth Social.
Recent Venezuelan history shows a long line of underestimations and miscalculations by opponents, senior foreign officials, and US presidents. Pedro Carmona Estanga, then-president of the business group Fedecámaras, believed that in April 2002 it would be enough to arrest Hugo Chávez to force his resignation, and that Chavista military forces would not counterattack to retake Miraflores Palace, backed by massive mobilizations in Caracas neighborhoods.
Donald Trump believed his national security adviser, John Bolton, in January 2019, when Bolton claimed that if the US recognized Juan Guaidó’s self-proclamation as president, thousands of military personnel would defect and stage a coup against Maduro.
Later, in one of the most ironic episodes in Venezuelan history, Trump again relied on assurances from Leopoldo López and Juan Guaidó, relayed through Bolton, that Maikel Moreno, then-head of the Supreme Court, would issue a ruling recognizing Guaidó as president, with the backing of Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López and SEBIN chief Christopher Figuera. The saga ended with Guaidó and López recording a video on a dark highway, calling on the military to rise up, while Moreno and Padrino López ignored their calls. For the immortality of Venezuelan memes, rebel troops fired ammunition stored in banana crates from the Francisco Fajardo Highway. The image of that fiasco, which sparked global mockery of US power, contributed to Bolton’s ouster from the Trump administration.
A few years later, the same fanciful, outdated thinking appears to have returned with the White House comeback of the orange-haired creator of The Apprentice. It’s no longer Bolton filling Trump’s ears with empty promises, but Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who also serves as national security adviser, envisioning a revival of gunboat diplomacy, when the United States militarily occupied Latin American nations and orchestrated coups. In Rubio’s “domino” logic, Venezuela’s fall would end Cuba’s revolution and oust Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega. It would also send a warning to any country that defies Washington or draws close to China or Russia, Monroeism on steroids.
As in past cases, this calculation, made by Cuban American officials who have never lived in Latin America, assumes the “Chávez regime” would collapse overnight and that María Corina Machado would emerge as the undisputed leader of all Venezuelans, leaving everyone else to fend for themselves. But many things could go wrong. If US military pressure, “surgical strikes,” or “targeted assassinations” succeeded, Venezuela could descend into a power vacuum, potentially seized by military factions more radical than Maduro, or fragment into warlord-controlled zones, as in Libya or Syria, with a US-backed rump state in the center. Venezuela has a long history of regional caudillos that could resurface.
Alternatively, as in previous episodes, nothing might happen: military pressure could fail, Trump could lose interest, and he might strike a deal with Venezuela, exchanging Venezuelan migrants for oil, as proposed by MAGA-aligned members of his cabinet. Yet one of the worst outcomes for Trumpism would be a military intervention in Venezuela that achieves nothing. Such a failure would shatter the myth that gunboat diplomacy can be revived in Latin America. It could happen, for instance, that Trump deploys heavily decorated US soldiers, only for them to be detained by the very militia members he mocks online.
That is why Trump is wrong to laugh at Venezuelan militia members.
https://orinocotribune.com/trump-was-wr ... a-members/