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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Sat Mar 23, 2024 2:49 pm

Gap between Mexican presidential candidate Sheinbaum and rivals widens

With three weeks of presidential campaign, Sheinbaum’s voting intention grew to 58%, four percent more than in December

March 22, 2024 by Eder Suárez

Image
Claudia Sheinbaum, Mexican presidential candidate.

Only three weeks after the start of the presidential campaign, a survey by Mexican newspaper Reforma shows that Claudia Sheinbaum, the candidate for MORENA’s “Together we will make history” coalition, has increased her lead over the other two candidates, now with 58% in voting intentions, that is, 24 percentage points above her closest rival, Xóchitl Gálvez, of the “Goes for Mexico” alliance.

Sheinbaum skyrockets in the polls

This is the third opinion poll carried out by the newspaper and one can see the clear increase in favor of the MORENA candidate: first scoring 53% in August, then 54% in December last year, during the period of internal elections in her party and pre-campaign. Now, three months later and with three weeks of campaigning, her electoral preference has grown by 4 more percentage points.

The second in electoral preference, Xóchitl Gálvez, has also had changes in voter intention. In August 2024 she started with 33%, only 20 points below Sheinbaum, but by December she dropped to 29%, and has now rebounded to 34% for this month, that is, one point above where she started her race.

The variations of the opposition candidate have a possible explanation in the changes of candidate by the Movimiento Ciudadano party, Jorge Álvarez Máynez, who went from 14 to 17% in the first polls (when Samuel García, governor of Nuevo León, was the candidate) to only 8% in the most recent one. However, it is noted that the 9 points lost by the orange party did not go to the opposition candidate, but were distributed widening Sheinbaum’s advantage and allowing Gálvez to return to the preference she had at the beginning of her unveiling.

Gálvez asks for illegal support to her campaign
In view of this unfavorable panorama for the proposal represented by the PRI-PAN-PRD, candidate Xóchitl Gálvez has avoided talking about her performance in the polls. Recently, during an event called “Dialogues for Democracy”, organized by the Employers Confederation of the Mexican Republic (COPARMEX), the former PAN senator limited herself to say that the poll does not keep her awake at night, besides affirming that it does not represent the reality in terms of voting intentions.

However, during the same event, and contrary to the electoral laws, Galvez asked the businessmen gathered there to “fight, to get their act together” in favor of her campaign and even urged them to take two and a half months off from their companies so that “they can convince their employees, the people of the community” to vote for her.

This call to influence from the business sphere is prohibited according to Articles 159, 414 and 447 of the General Law of Institutions and Electoral Procedures, reason why José Medina Mora, president of said confederation, has already rejected Gálvez’s exhortation since his organization is “highly political, but totally non-partisan” and that they can only “promote that citizens go to vote”.

Citizen perception
Among the other data provided by the survey is that 65% believe that Claudia Sheinbaum will win the election on June 2. On the contrary, only 15% consider it possible that Xóchitl Gálvez will win the election, a percentage far below her declared voting intention. 36% of those polled stated that they have not yet decided their vote yet.

Within the survey, the other candidate, Jorge Álvarez Máynez of the Movimiento Ciudadano party, registers a voting intention of 8% and a perception of 2% about his possibility of winning.

Along with these results, another one that calls attention is that before the question “What is more likely in the presidential election?”, 61% responded that the MORENA candidate will surpass the votes obtained by López Obrador in 2018, who won the Presidency of Mexico with more than 30 million, which represented 53% of the votes cast.

This perception maintains a correlation with the current approval of López Obrador, who only six months after leaving office maintains a historic popular approval for a Head of State with 73%. This represents an increase of 11% compared to the December survey.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2024/03/22/ ... ls-widens/

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Communist Party of Mexico

Communist Electoral Platform #EligeLuchar
Communist Party of Mexico 04 March 2024 Visits: 1404

COMMUNIST PLATFORM

FEDERAL ELECTIONS 2024

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A New Power

Who and how should the country be governed?

Or Workers Power or Monopolies Power

Regardless of the cosmetic nuances, the trivialities, the styles, administrations, colors, names and surnames, the power of the monopolies governs six years after six years, president after president. In each government the situation of the working class worsens with respect to the enormous wealth and development that it produces for others; and not because the president or government in power is worse than the previous one but because it is the system itself that is worse. It is the system that neither Morena nor the PRIAN question, on the contrary, it is the one they preserve, the one they retouch, the one they defend. Only the Communist Party proposes that the working class take the destinies of this country in its hands, the country that it builds daily but that it builds for others. We communists propose that the power and economy of our country should be in the hands of those who work in it . We call to return Mexico to a country for workers.

Today, in this campaign, we illustrate to the opinion of our class brothers, to the rest of our people, what we mean by a New Power and a New Economy. We address the great national problems head-on, speaking without lies, without false dilemmas, without false illusions; We point out the urgent and necessary solution to barbarism, to tragedy, to collapse, to disaster. Before, during and after the campaign we will persist in grouping our class under this key; Therefore we will see each other again in every factory, in every school, neighborhood or town. The struggle requires a General Staff, we do not run only as communist candidates for the presidency, for the governorships; We present ourselves and we will remain the unyielding head of the left-wing opposition, as tribunes of the people.

Legislative power

The current system of parliamentary representation is corrupt in its essence, legislators do not represent the will of the voters of the working class and the popular sectors, but rather their own interests and those of their financiers: businessmen, drug traffickers, bankers, etc. Through this mechanism, when a legislator approves a measure against the people, there is no option in the current system beyond waiting 3 or 6 years and voting for someone else. But when all legislators offer the same thing and change from one Party to another, like changing clothes, there is no way to influence legislation with such a mechanism. For legislators to not be a group of millionaire courtiers, but truly popular representatives, the political system requires a radical change.

Therefore, we communists propose:

Drastic reduction in the salaries of deputies. They will earn what a specialized worker earns, so the increase in their income can only come from the increase in the income of the entire working class.
Revocation of mandate of any legislator by his voters and at any time.
Disappearance of the current bicameral system of Senate and Congress, fusion of the legislative and executive powers in a single National Assembly.
Elections not only by territorial demarcation but also by workplace, to guarantee that those who work rule. Elimination of multi-member deputies.
The major constitutional reforms must be presented and discussed in assemblies by workplace and among the working people, in the various territories. The deputies will be obliged to comply with the resolutions issued by the majority constituted in their respective assemblies.
Call for a New Constituent Assembly to prepare and approve a new Constitution based on social ownership over the means of production and Workers' Power.
Executive power

For decades the bourgeoisie in Mexico has engendered and maintained a deformed version of the Republic, where the presidential figure is practically that of a six-year monarch – and sometimes beyond his own period. The President is the great legislator, the extrajudicial executor, the finger that names his successor. The democratic task of eliminating this monstrosity was not assumed decisively by the bourgeoisie and became one of its mediating elements. With assassinations, all types of fraud, sabotage and terror, the bourgeoisie decides which of its political-business groups will place its representative and, therefore, will take the lion's share in the administration of the wealth of this G20 member country. Once the replacement has been resolved and the rivalry has been limited, the presidential figure fundamentally serves the interests of the bourgeoisie.

The military apparatus is subordinated, through this leadership, to the interests of the imperialist bloc of which the domestic bourgeoisie is a part; without any effect on the sources that give rise to crime, on the contrary, the military scoundrel of the high command is mired in scandalous corruption while the statistics of those killed by crime rise through the air to an official figure of 350,000 dead and 72,000 missing . The army takes to the streets and against the people as a recurring bloodthirsty resource, as witnessed by the massacre of Tlatelolco, Corpus Thursday in 1971, the Dirty War, the massacres of Acteal, Aguas Blancas and El Charco or the disappearance of the 43 normalistas of Ayotzinapa in 2014. It is alarming that already in the period from 2007 to 2021 the military usurped 127 originally civilian functions, and from 2021 to 2024 the figure reached 246 functions. In that same period, its budget went from 0.6% of the GDP to devouring 2.22% of the total, and a rearmament was carried out that had not been seen in terms of economics and volume since the Porfiriato. All this without any external conflict being confirmed in the same period of time, which suggests a preparation to subjugate the people.

Therefore, we propose:

Dissolution of the figure of the president and his replacement by a Council of Ministers, appointed by and subordinate to the National Assembly.
Elimination of the figures of municipal president/mayor, trustee and councilors in the administration of the city council. Replacement by a Local Council that will administer the municipal government.
Severe punishment for former presidents and army commanders responsible for state crimes.
Dissolution of the Army, the National Guard and other state and parastatal repressive bodies. And its replacement with a popular militia focused in its doctrine and operation on the defense of territorial integrity, the deterrence of imperialist aggression against the peoples of the world, etc. The popular militia will not be able to repress the majority of the population for having members of such a majority integrated into its tasks, for having their rifles pointed at the exploiters and their accomplices. The popular militia will not squander resources on the extravagant expenses of the current military scoundrel, nor on internal repression or on a prolonged war of mere façade against drug trafficking, but will use them efficiently to increase the defensive capabilities of the Workers' Republic. .
Real and universal military training of the population.
The work of surveillance and suppression of the enemies of the people will be done in combination with community surveillance bodies, in charge of safeguarding the populations from which they emanate.
Foreign policy of friendship with all the peoples of the world; opposition to blockades, sanctions, imperialist aggression, etc.
Cancellation of anti-immigrant policy; solidarity with migrant workers in their path. Granting full citizenship rights to all migrants in Mexico who contribute with their work to social production.
Power of attorney

The legal system of our country, as an expression of the crystallized will of the possessing class, is absolutely focused on preserving and regulating private property, as well as its acquisition, purchase, sale, transfer, succession, etc. The high courts are filled by members of oligarchic families, with stipends that are an affront to the working population. Like NAFTA before, now the USMCA becomes the supreme law and reforms the rest of the legal apparatus under its demands. The judiciary functions as a parapet for the power of the monopolies: due to formalities it leaves the major embezzlers of the public treasury unpunished; as well as impunity for those responsible for massacres and state crimes; It restricts, violates and criminalizes the people's forms of struggle; sanctions dispossession as valid, labor and agrarian trials languish bureaucratically for years; Trials against members of indigenous nationalities are an offense by not recognizing the language of the defendant; and only when the crimes affect members of the bourgeoisie does the supposed expeditious nature of the administration of justice become a reality; Meanwhile, crimes against working women and young students from popular sectors, or against proletarians on the street, on public transportation or in their homes, surely remain unpunished. The discredit, distrust and rejection of such power is not surprising. For the law and the courts to be at the service of the people, and enjoy their confidence, they must emanate from a New Power.

Therefore, we propose:

The elected nature of the Courts as organs of the National Assembly.
Public nature of all trials to allow popular scrutiny.
The core of the New Law must be the safeguard, as a crystallized will of the working class, of the social property of the socialized means of production, of its inviolable character, as well as the elimination of the economic basis of all political power of the classes. exploitative.
Search for the truth and reparation for damage caused by state crimes. Prioritize the search for material truth rather than formal truth.
Establishment of an urgent plan for the search and rescue of the missing.
Possibility of appealing a higher court ruling if it is believed to be unjust, and without the exorbitant cost of today's protection.
Ensure the right to be tried in the mother tongue and/or with an interpreter of the accused, something currently non-existent for the 15% of the population that speaks indigenous languages.
Create a Professional Career Service for defense attorneys, with adequate salaries, to ensure the right of all workers to have a free, quality public defender.
Transformation of prisons into compulsory labor colonies. Prisons must stop being the current centers of barbarism, training and expression of criminal power, and become colonies of social reintegration. Work and collective discipline must be a central point of this reintegration.
Corruption will be considered a general attack against the people, since it would significantly harm the achievements of the National Development Plan; A severe punishment must be proportional to the dimension of such an attack against the population.


Drug trafficking

Drug trafficking is a criminal business that has grown rapidly in our country in the last 30 years. It has become inextricably intertwined with businessmen, the military and the parties of the bourgeoisie. This illegal industry resorts to violence, weapons and corruption to ensure its operations. It subjugates thousands of farmers to grow drugs and has an army of sellers, hawks and hitmen to ensure its distribution. This business is mainly export; It supplies the United States, the main drug market in the world. The secret of drug trafficking is not in its strength, but in money. It is the billions of dollars generated by the export and sale of drugs that ensure their availability to weapons, people and political support. The military power of drug trafficking cannot be reduced and abolished without first ending its economic power.

To face this serious problem, we propose:

Expropriation of banks to form a state banking system. This would nip the possibilities of money laundering in the bud.
Centralization of foreign trade and exit from the Mexico-United States-Canada Treaty (TMEC). This would significantly limit the export capacity of drug trafficking.
Expulsion from Mexico of the United States police and intelligence agencies, which currently operate in the country, since their links with drug cartels are historically documented.
Frontal combat against drug trafficking using both the massive popular militia, the intelligence gathered by popular informants, and its combination with measures that extirpate all good and wealth from these groups through the Popular Courts. Particularly fierce combat against those that directly affect the population: human trafficking, addictions, forced disappearance and kidnapping, robberies, child pornography, etc.
Policy of ideological combat against drug consumption from a public health perspective, prioritizing early rehabilitation, and not criminalization of consumers.
Indigenous villages

Indigenous peoples have suffered several centuries of oppression. Neither the victors of the War of Independence, nor those of the Reform or the Mexican Revolution have granted recognition to these peoples as full nationalities. This national subjugation adds to the exploitation that indigenous workers and peasants already suffer. The emergence of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) in 1994 marked a before and after of the indigenous struggle for their liberation. However, from that moment to date, the different governments have betrayed all efforts to achieve political recognition of the indigenous peoples, the main example being the betrayal of the San Andrés Larráinzar agreements, and the current military, paramilitary harassment and drug trafficking against indigenous territories.

Therefore, we propose:

Recognition of the San Andrés Larráinzar agreements and respect for the autonomy decisions of indigenous peoples.
Full right of indigenous peoples to self-determination as nationalities, to decide their forms of political and territorial organization, public administration and language.
The ownership of natural resources, such as water, forests, soil and subsoil in the territory of indigenous peoples, originally resides in each of them.
A New Economy

Who owns the wealth?

National Development Plan

The production of wealth in Mexico is fundamentally oriented towards increasing the profits of the large monopolies; it is based on the bloody exploitation of the working class; and the current government management is no exception to this rule. Statistics show that salaries in Mexico are one of the lowest on the planet and the smallest among the OECD economies, even with the notable increase in the national minimum wage. There is no correspondence between salary growth and the economic growth of the country, which has surpassed countries such as Australia, South Korea or Spain in terms of GDP, and generated some of the richest tycoons in the world such as Carlos Slim. The accelerated increase in the wealth of the wealthiest and the misery of the workers are not a failure of the system; It is the result of its very essence, it is its success in relation to its interests and characteristics. Let us also add that the production of wealth in capitalist society is carried out in an anarchic, chaotic manner, leading us to crises and cataclysms, to the destruction of the foundations of wealth itself, which are nature and work force. In the particular case of our country, an important element of the formation of such monopolies was the privatization of state companies built on the basis of extracting the effort of the entire Mexican society; and at this point none of the bourgeois parties, not even those that call themselves anti-neoliberal, have proposed reversing those decisions.

Therefore, we communists propose:

Requisition, expropriation, nationalization and socialization of the 1,100 companies previously privatized and handed over to monopolies. These will become the core of the social sector that will produce in accordance with a National Development Plan.
Expropriation of all companies that have or have had links to drug trafficking and money laundering.
Incorporation into the social sector of other centralized, concentrated, strategic companies, etc., as required by the National Development Plan and as the National Assembly orders and executes it.
The fundamental objectives of the National Development Plan are to progressively accumulate greater productive capacities for the growing satisfaction of the material and cultural needs of the workers in the country; as well as ensuring an ecological balance with the environment. As well as implementing technological developments under the control of society, to overcome the narrow frameworks of production focused on profits.
The National Development Plan must ensure the reduction of the working day to 35 hours and the elimination of unemployment, taking advantage of the automation of mechanical, risky or alienating tasks. The purpose is to take advantage of all the capabilities installed in the country, but without the shackles imposed by the USMCA and other imperialist treaties.
Promotion of the nuclear industry for the generation of electrical energy; since it is scientifically proven that it would reduce the environmental impact compared to other sources, such as thermoelectric or hydroelectric.
Prohibition of planned obsolescence, which generates higher costs for consumers and large amounts of waste.
No worker should be thrown onto the street. When a job becomes unnecessary, the New Economy should consider training you for another job as your new salaried job.
Promote and support the transition of small businesses, small producers, self-employed workers, artisans, etc., to cooperatives. Favoring those who advance in such a process with inputs from the social sector and at preferential prices.


Health

The health system is in a state of abandonment. The IMSS, the ISSSTE and the other social security institutes have been dismantled and embezzled in the last 30 years, which has resulted in their current inefficiency and saturation. Privatization, lack of investment and corruption have eroded the capacities of these institutes. They are saturated, getting a medical consultation, studies or an operation can take several months of waiting. Six-yearly occurrences, such as Seguro Popular or IMSS-Wellbeing, which supposedly sought the universalization of health, did not achieve their objective and instead created a financial and logistical crisis in the health sector. The shortage of medicines and vaccines is proof of this. Meanwhile, pharmacy clinics have sprung up throughout the country, reaching more than 18 thousand, and alleviating the ailments, but without providing follow-up and continuity to the most serious ones. The sad losses of the COVID-19 pandemic showed the fragility of the health system in Mexico.

We communists believe that workers should have guaranteed access to a free, efficient and quality health system. But this is not possible as long as health is a business.

Therefore, we propose:

The absorption or incorporation of all private practices, owned by large pharmacy chains, to the first level of care of the public health system. The number of these offices is 12 times larger than the current IMSS Family Medicine Units. This expansion would allow the current health services to be decongested and reach the majority of the inhabitants of the working-class neighborhoods and towns.
The incorporation of hospitals and large private clinics into the public health system. This would imply a proportional increase to the 70% of beds currently available at the IMSS, which would quickly improve care capacity.
Expropriation of the large pharmaceutical industry to ensure the supply of medicines and vaccines.
Basification of all hospital staff, salary increase and improvement of working conditions for health workers; which, together with less hospital saturation, would improve the quality and efficiency of care.
Reproductive and sexual health, including the interruption of pregnancy, will be free, safe and free, ensuring psychological support.
Prioritize preventive medicine, particularly in the face of chronic-degenerative diseases, to save costs and avoid health complications. Ensure health care and education, particularly mental health, in educational and workplace centers.
Labor protection, pensions and social security

The same situation that permeates Health-Business, as the antithesis of Health-Law, exists in the other aspects of Social Security. The pension situation is especially dramatic. This right has been pulverized both by postponing the retirement age, turning workers into a workhorse of capitalism to the grave, and by converting social funds into funds managed by private financial groups. Our pension funds, risked in the stock market lottery, are transformed from a right to a source of capital for the exploitation of our own class. The elimination of daycare centers and other elements that socialized domestic work are a setback in the rights and advances of proletarian women. On the basis of social production and the accumulation of capabilities of the New Economy, an increasingly broad and multifaceted Social Security System will be financed.

Therefore, we propose:

Recovery of a Central Social Security Fund, financed both with workers' contributions and with the wealth contributed by the Social Sector, and which will tend to grow. The management of the Central Social Security Fund will be one of the issues that the National Development Plan must regulate.
Return to the retirement system and general reduction of the minimum retirement age to 60 years. This age may be lower in the case of jobs with a greater effect on health, such as mining, masonry, handling of chemical products, etc. Retirees will have the opportunity to continue working voluntarily with reduced hours and mainly in training tasks and transmission of their work experience; Their pensions will be free of encumbrances. Retirees will have social institutions for specialized care.
Organization and construction of daycare centers by work center, with dining services and comprehensive care (medical, dental, psychological, etc.)
Transfer the functions that currently make up domestic work to social industries; provide food and care for all members of proletarian families through canteens, washing industries, cleaning, home maintenance, etc., accessible to workers through a percentage of their salaries.
Heavy work, overtime and night shifts are prohibited for minors.
Inspections of working conditions, safety and hygiene carried out by councils elected by the workers.
Participation of the work assembly in hiring and dismissals.
Expropriation, socialization and/or construction of new spas, rest centers, rehabilitation, etc., to guarantee that well-deserved rest is a right and a reality for the producers of wealth and not a privilege of social parasites.
living place

Getting your own home today is an almost impossible dream to achieve for our class. Real estate speculation increases prices and pushes workers to live in the periphery. Mortgage credit has become a lifelong debt that bleeds the salaries of those who manage to obtain it. Builders are increasingly making smaller, less safe and more remote homes. The lack of coordination for the establishment of housing and work centers pushes workers to the periphery of cities and forces them to spend several hours a day on public transportation. Banks, real estate companies, construction companies and tenants get rich from the lack of decent housing for the working class. We communists think that the State must ensure that all working families enjoy decent housing. This cannot be achieved while the construction and acquisition of housing remains a business.

Therefore, we propose:

Control of land and real estate prices. This will depend on technical factors, such as its characteristics, position or equipment, and not on the fluctuations of the market.
Elimination of property tax for those who have 1 property. Strongly progressive tax on those who have more than 3 properties. This measure, together with the previous one, would root out real estate speculation.
Expropriation of the construction industry.
Expropriation and/or regularization of land ownership to guarantee housing as part of the popular heritage.
Replacing mortgage loans with state loans. The State will provide loans to workers to buy, build or remodel their home without charging interest, beyond inflation.
Establish a five-year plan for state and cooperative housing construction that responds to the needs of the population. These homes must ensure a decent space, not like the current “social interest” housing projects.
Homes built by the State must implement measures to care for the environment, such as the use of solar panels and heaters, rainwater collection, etc. In addition, it must contemplate the construction of social integration elements such as parks, sports spaces, among others.
Education

The idea of ​​education in Mexico is sold as a mechanism for social mobility, but in practice it works as a workforce training machine in accordance with market needs. Study plans and programs are a field of ideological dispute between the different visions of the bourgeoisie, while pressure from the bourgeoisie as a whole increases to eliminate scientific and critical criteria due to educational obscurantism. These issues are decided bureaucratically, leaving the teaching profession relegated. The schools are saturated with groups that exceed 50 students, in many places the students do not have minimum conditions to study, they arrive without breakfast or lunch. This means that schools cannot adequately meet the educational needs of children and adolescents. Faced with this, duckling private schools proliferate that do not have infrastructure or pedagogy, but are enriched in part by saturation and selection criteria in the public educational system. At a higher level, universities and public institutions face a financial and corruption crisis. They increase tuition and administrative costs that make it difficult for the children of the working and peasant classes to study at that level. We communists think that the educational system should contribute to the formation of the new man and woman, the integral development of people, from a scientific and critical point of view, as well as the elevation of technical, human, cultural and scientific capabilities. of the population.

Therefore, we propose:

Ensure food, transportation, school supplies and clothing for all students at basic levels.
Creation of Student Houses for the accommodation of foreign students of higher level, with dining rooms and insured transportation.
Support the democratization of Universities and Higher Education Institutes, which must be carried out autonomously by their community.
Ensure free public education at all levels and up to postgraduate education.
Socialization of the field of private education; train and integrate its staff into the organized teaching profession with full rights, which would immediately guarantee access to education for nearly three million more students and the relative relief of saturated classrooms.
Basicization of subject workers with more than one course in two successive periods, both at basic, upper secondary and higher levels.
Development of new study plans and programs at all educational levels from a scientific and critical perspective, where teachers must play a central role; and where the inclinations and capacities of each individual must be encouraged, cultivated and used for society through early guidance. These plans must include artistic, sports and productive training.
Eliminate the figure of “hourly contract” in a new Federal Labor Law for academic workers of Universities and Institutions of Higher or Higher Education that are dedicated exclusively to teaching, who must be hired without exception for full-time or half-time .
Higher level students must provide professional services in activities substantially related to their studies, in the productive sector or the government. This will be considered a temporary job and they will receive a salary for it.
Recovery and expansion of the educational project of rural normal schools throughout the country. Reopening of all closed rural normal schools. Ensure food, housing, art, culture, recreation and science on each campus.
Science

In Mexico, science is completely forgotten and relegated. There are many women and men dedicated to science and highly trained, but there are not enough positions for them to carry out Research and Development. The current stimulus system favors serial publication, without worrying about the impact. Scientific research in the private sector is focused on increasing profits and reducing costs. The usefulness of scientific potential to address serious problems in society and the environment is completely ignored. None of the last three presidents has complied with the decree to allocate 1% of GDP in science and increase it progressively. The AMLO government reduced the already scarce investment in science to transfer resources to pharaonic works, the army and clientelistic programs. Science must be mandated to contribute to satisfying the needs of the people and solving major problems, but only scientists themselves could decide how to achieve this. We communists think that scientists, researchers, engineers, technicians, etc., can better develop their creative potential under another way of producing and organizing society. However, for this to be the case, it is necessary for science to stop being a business and take on a central role in the country's productive forces. Therefore, we propose:

Increase in the budget in Science and Technology, from the current very poor 0.41% to 3.0%
Disappearance of the current CONAHCYT and creation of an Academy of Sciences and Technology that brings together all the scientists and researchers in the country. This organization will direct the scientific development of the country, linking its objectives to those of the National Development Plan.
Transform the SIN, moving from an economic stimulus to a salary income that ensures job stability for researchers.
The National Academy of Sciences and Technology will provide consulting to all public companies and cooperatives in society; will guide, train and guide proletarians, employees, peasants, workers, etc., who propose technical innovation in their production area; It will seek to generalize inventions, technical improvements, the development of new productive forces, etc.
The National Academy of Sciences and Technology will be in charge of elevating, among others, the energy industry, implementing the country's great capabilities in the use of renewable energy (wind, hydraulic and solar) as well as nuclear and geothermal energy. In addition, research must be done for energy efficiency and the reduction of the use of fossil fuels.
Research must be done on how to apply new technologies, such as Big Data, the Internet of Things, quantum computing or Artificial Intelligence, to improve the technical and operational aspects of the National Development Plan.
Land and food

Economic policy in Mexico, subordinated to imperialist treaties, has condemned the Mexican countryside to its non-viability, its destruction, its aging and even the depopulation of rural settlements. The extension of crops and the volume of production of basic foods has been significantly reduced, they are no longer able to cover some necessary products; In turn, the extensive production of some export products is carried out in an unsustainable manner, with the only beneficiaries being a layer of large capitalists, middlemen, coyotes , etc. The average peasant is ruined, even though he has land, the market crushes him through the double pressure of the excessive costs of his inputs and the insufficient prices of his crops. The ruin of the countryside is becoming the ruin of the city, where all workers find increasingly critical and unsustainable conditions. In Mexico, the imperialist political economy is preparing a famine for us, which if it occurs will be extremely painful and difficult to overcome given that the continuity of the human factor with knowledge and skill in this regard is even lost.

Therefore, we propose:

Safeguard the collective nature of land ownership, which preserves its ejidal or communal character, complementing it with the promotion and financial and technical support for collective production through cooperatives that attend to the specific agrarian vocation of each nucleus.
Socialization of large agroindustrial companies, incorporating them directly into the National Development Plan.
Promotion and support for the formation of cooperative and mixed agro-industrial companies in agricultural centers.
Policy for a more harmonious redistribution of the population through material and economic incentives. Society requires and will require food, the countryside requires workers, and workers require medical, educational, cultural services, etc. The countryside, under the New Economy, can even offer more comfortable housing conditions, pace of life, etc., than the city itself.
Formation of warehouses that make machinery, supplies, seeds, breeding stock, tools, etc. accessible in an accessible manner. The problem of contamination from fertilizers such as glyphosate is not solved by the artisanal production of biofertilizers by producers, but by establishing a state industry that produces them massively.
The National Academy of Sciences and Technology will have as one of its orientations to return cooperative farmers and farm workers to the collective owners of land and technology. Materials science, nanotechnology, drones, automation, biotechnology, artificial intelligence, etc., must become mechanisms to allow a more comfortable life for farm workers and full food security for the country.
Water

Water management has become one of the great national problems and a stark facet of the class struggle. Capitalist irrationality is the root cause of climate change; of the disproportionate concentration of the population in a few cities; the use of most rivers as waste channels for mining, industry, real estate, etc.; of the widespread disinvestment in public drinking water networks to redirect that wealth to the needs of capital and encourage its privatization; of the hoarding of concessions and water volume quotas by the large combined companies. In such a way that in cities like Monterrey, Guadalajara, etc., the entire population of the city is deprived of the vital liquid, descending into an inhuman situation, while companies such as breweries, wineries or the so-called hospitality industry do not They do not flinch, they do not paralyze and they use 100 times more water than is required by millions of inhabitants.

Therefore, we propose:

Preserve in an unrestricted manner the public and social nature of water, as well as its control by the Workers' Power. Suppress any commercial form thereof, expropriating bottling companies, pipe companies, etc.
Local water management must be supported by organizational forms that encourage active community participation, such as drinking water committees or assemblies.
The National Development Plan must take into account factors such as climate change, water stress, drought, etc., and therefore increase the efficiency of production processes that use water resources in each branch; dedicate environmental engineering efforts to recover forests, runoff areas, etc.; carry out urban reengineering works to incorporate the use of rainwater, the same in the state housing industry.
The National Academy of Sciences and Technology will study and implement the use of water sources such as desalination, condensation of ambient humidity, etc.


local governments

What do the communists who run for local and municipal elections propose?

Since radical transformations require resolving the main question of the revolution, namely, the question of power – In the hands of what social class is it? – it is natural that where the program is best expressed is in the field of elections. federal. The communists who run for local elections, supported by the grouping of social forces that express the anti-capitalist, anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist front, must answer what conception guides them to compete to occupy those positions.

First of all, the campaign itself must be used to reflect the national program in local priorities, since it must be grouped in that key. Communists conceive the occupation of such local government positions not as the panacea or the root solution to the great problems that require a revolutionary transformation; but as centers or trenches of resistance or offensive against the power of the monopolies, as they continue to accumulate the forces of the Party and such alliance.

For the communists, each locality, colony, municipality and state where they head the administration represents a position that must be defended against the existing social order until the revolution is achieved in Mexico. To defend this position we can only trust in the organization of the workers. For the communists the main objective of local administration is essentially to open channels for the participation of the people in the administration, as they increasingly understand their organized stance. Workers who can access more opportunities and platforms will be more conscious of protecting this position against the capitalist social order. Wherever the communists obtain a position, the people will have a voice in local administrations through channels such as representations of neighborhoods, districts, schools and workplaces, thus the formation of Workers' and Popular Councils.

The communists aspire to the well-being and prosperity of the popular sectors in local administrations. Local governments in this social order focus on the accumulation of profits. The communists will begin by dispersing the mafias that surround local governments around profit. No employer or contractor will be able to use local governments led by communists for their advantages and interests. The only objective is to increase the standard of living of workers. All activities of local governments will be planned according to the needs of the people. Even if it were a penny that is administered, that penny must be subject to the principles of planning with popular participation, transparency and accountability to the people.

All available means will be used for workers' access to healthy and contemporary conditions of housing, transportation, education, culture and recreation. The main goal is to provide workers with healthy and safe housing conditions, educational facilities, safe public transportation and opportunities for recreational activities and vacations. Only with the struggle of the communists in local administrations can green areas be protected and improved against speculators.

The government of communists in local administrations means the development of a culture that strengthens collectivism and solidarity. One of the main tasks of communists in local administrations is to create environments where children, young people and adults can improve together. A wide network with easy access to libraries, science centers for children and young people, theaters for plays that we will write and perform together, choirs and orchestras where we will learn and sing our songs, lecture series that will explain how to use science for the benefit of workers , and collective sports activities will be the instruments of this culture of collective life.

The jobs of communists in local administrations will also be a barrier to the expansion of drug consumption. The communists will take measures to protect our youth against the corrupting attacks of this anti-worker social order, against drug use and any type of degeneration.

Facilities will be created for equality and freedom of women. One of the responsibilities of communist local administrations is to establish kindergartens in workplaces and neighborhoods; support women's participation in public life outside their residences and protect them against violence. The communists have a decisive importance in creating additional possibilities for the employment of women as workers with equal rights.

We will work to protect and promote health. The basic health problems of the people, the safety of drinking water and food, school health, sports health and the issues of recycling and waste can only be solved if the communists gain influence in local administrations.

The establishment of consumer and production cooperatives will positively catalyze the lives of workers. Only communists can stimulate producer cooperatives in accordance with the characteristics of consumption and related localities against the rise in prices driven by large commercial chains and free market relations.

Communist local governments will not be “corporations” that behave towards workers like an employer. There will be no contradiction between communist bosses and workers who work for local governments; workers will participate in decision-making processes in a position where they will fight for common goals in the name of the emancipation of humanity.

The communists must put an end to the mechanism of subcontracting and precariousness imposed on local administrations under the guise of service, which only seeks to fulfill the interests of the capitalists. The communists will reject the subcontracting mechanism imposed on local governments during the last decades; as well as they will put an end to all the implementations that have turned the works into a field of profitable exploitation for the benefit of large and small capitalists.

The communists will not allow racism, religious fundamentalism, sectarianism and other forms of inequality in local administrations. Communist governments will have no place for approaches that classify workers as second-class citizens because of their languages, ethnic roots, sex or beliefs. The communists will not allow the abuse of religion in local administrations, but will adopt a secular model of administration and organize brotherhood, peace and unity.

In local administrations a relationship will be established with the social idea based on freedom and equality. No matter in which city, district or town the communists take the initiative, they will always keep in mind that they are responsible to the entire country and all of humanity; that everything they do has meaning as part of the fight to illuminate the future of our country and the world; that their local decisions have an impact on the scale of the national and international struggle.

http://www.comunistas-mexicanos.org/ind ... ligeluchar

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Mon Apr 22, 2024 2:19 pm

Continuing Mexico’s Fourth Transformation (Interview)
APRIL 21, 2024

Image
Poster of United World's interview with Mexican leftist Congressman Pedro Vázquez González. Photo: United World International.

Mexico is heading to elections on June 2. Ahead of these, United World International’s Yunus Soner spoke to Pedro Vázquez González, member of the National Coordination Committee of the Labor Party (Partido del Trabajo) and federal deputy in the Mexican Congress.

YS: Thanks for taking the time. Elections are coming up in Mexico…

Vázquez: Indeed, we have the largest election in the history of Mexico because not only will the presidency of the republic or the Federal Legislative Branch, which is the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Senators, be at stake, but we will also have elections for nine governorships and 31 local congresses, local deputies, municipal presidencies, mayors’ offices and municipal boards. We are talking about more than 20,000 posts that will be contested this year.

YS: And what do you think, who will win? The Labor Party (PT) goes together with Morena and the Green Party, right?

Vázquez: Indeed, the three parties have already agreed to maintain the coalition now with the Green Party. Before, it was only PT, Morena party, and another party that was the Party of Social Gathering.

Now in this new type of coalition, Morena, the Green Party, and the Labor Party are going in the presidential election. It is undoubtedly the most representative left-wing bloc. The right is pulverized. The National Action Party, which is the right-wing party, is in decline. And so is the Institutional Revolution Party, since it has lost most of its positions. They have a small group in the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Senators.

And well, the PRD is a dying party, unfortunately. It attached itself to that right-wing block, and we don’t see they have any perspective. They could even lose their registration.

So the only party that is loose is the Citizen Movement party, but the left bloc is defined, and I believe that without a doubt at this moment the electoral preference, the preference of the Mexican people in relation to the president’s exercise of government is in the 78%, in such a way that there is no doubt that he has governed, and he has governed well and the people of Mexico know it.

Hence, the continuity of the fourth transformation will undoubtedly be the challenge to overcome, and we have a great prospect of victory because the right is practically non-existent, is minimized.

In the latest opinion polls, our candidate, Claudia Sheinbaum, was at 68 points, 62 in other surveys, 60—the one with the least electoral preference, while 24% for the right-wing candidate Xóchitl Gálvez.

So there is a lot of optimism, but undoubtedly the campaign forces us to go to the territory, to get the vote from each home, speaking with each citizen, because it would be the only way to guarantee that the Fourth Transformation has continuity, has greater development, and that the preference of the Mexican people translates into a favorable vote for the Together We Will Make History coalition.

YS: There is a new candidate Claudia Sheinbaum who presents a different image compared to the current president. The current president comes from established Mexican patriotism, from the patriotic nationalist left. The new candidate seems a little different. What will change and what will follow?

Vázquez: Well, she has a leftist profile, undoubtedly. It is true that her first political participation was in the student movements, progressive movements in favor of the university not being made into an elitist institution, that it is not expensive, that there be opportunities for all Mexicans who want to study and that the economic issue is not a limitation.

It was also, of course, to substantially improve all the programs and study plans. This is a demand from the students that she supports, along with other colleagues, as was the case of our pre-candidate, PT Congressman Fernández Noroña. They come from a current that in our opinion is left-wing and progressive and that, though it is a different track than López Obrador’s, has all the information, is clearly aware of what the president’s transformative project is, and guarantees continuity.



YS: President López Obrador also insisted a lot on the issue of energy sovereignty.

Vázquez: Exactly. Mexican sovereignty. Sovereignty, independence are issues that the president has handled since his first campaign back in 2006. And of course, the Labor Party maintains the position that we are a free, independent people, that we must govern ourselves, that we do not need of the interference of the United States, which has always been hand in hand with the presidents, except for López Obrador.

Sovereignty is not only the defense of the territory and our form of government, but above all we need energy, oil, food, production, and I believe that the Fourth Transformation and Claudia Sheinbaum undoubtedly guarantee that there will be more development, greater opportunities for employment, more jobs and better salaries, and development of manufacturing production. There is an entire project to transform the country that has to go through these aspects, and she guarantees it. As the Labor Party, we dedicate ourselves to the left of the Fourth Transformation.

We are the only party that has declared its socialist character since our foundation, and we are going to push hard so that the next government led by Claudia Sheinbaum moves further to the left, goes more towards the most progressive positions and greater social development.

YS: What challenges do you see for Sheinbaum in relations with the United States? Now that the US Congress is debating an intervention…

Vázquez: Well, if Mexico maintains the firm position of being an independent, free, sovereign country, the United States will have to understand that position, that it does not lend itself to ambiguities, and that they know that the relationship with the Mexican people and their government will have to be of respect within the framework of international law, and that they do not try to get involved in the political, economic and social affairs of Mexico, because there will be rejection, not only from the one who heads the government of the republic but also from all the forces and the people in general due to the very harmful historical experiences that we have had in military interventions of the United States. We will reject that, and this anti-imperialism is very solid and very strong among the Mexican people.

So, we do have concern about the temptation of the US government and the power elites in the United States to try to change the course of our country by force. We are not going to allow it.

https://orinocotribune.com/continuing-m ... interview/

On the one hand ALMO and his cohort are 'left' in only the most marginal way, as the Communist Party of Mexico will tell ya. OTOH, his administration is very insistent upon national sovereignty(short of inciting the violent hostility of the USA), which history and China have shown as absolutely necessary to make real progress possible.
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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Fri Apr 26, 2024 4:04 pm

Mexican Economy Faces Its “With U.S. Or Against U.S.” Moment
Posted on April 26, 2024 by Nick Corbishley

“What the US is really interested in is ‘security shoring,’ not nearshoring,” as it begins to place national security concerns above all other considerations in its relationship with China.

This week, Mexico’s government announced hundreds of “temporary” tariffs on imports from countries with whom it does not have a trade agreement. The tariffs have been imposed on 544 imported products, including footwear, wood, plastic, electrical material, musical instruments, furniture, and steel, and range from 5% to 50% in size. They have one clear target in mind: imports from China, Mexico’s second largest trade partner, though the word “China” is not mentioned once in the decree.

The latest round of tariffs — which took effect on Tuesday — will apply for two years. They come on the heels of a package of tariffs imposed by the Economy Ministry last month on steel nails and steel balls from China. Mexico’s Economy Minister Raquel Buenrostro, speaking at a Council of the Americas event in Mexico City, said the tariffs were necessary to “prevent unfair competition”:

“We have seen a lot of products coming [into the country] … at a very low price and displacing our national producers… The prices for the public don’t go down, but [cheap imports] are displacing textile makers, footwear makers [and other manufacturers].

The move has received plaudits from some Mexican industry bigwigs. The president of the Confederation of Industrial Chambers of the United Mexican States, Alejandro Malagón Barragán, said the move was necessary “to provide fair market conditions to domestic industrial sectors that face situations of vulnerability, especially in the face of the serious non-oil trade deficit with China, which in 2023 reached $104 billion.” The tariffs, he said “are not a protectionist measure, but are necessary to create a level playing field, since they combat unfair practices such as dumping and subsidies that have seriously harmed Mexican companies.”

But while protecting domestic industries may be one of the many reasons behind this fresh raft of tariffs, the main reason is to assuage Washington’s concerns about Chinese companies taking advantage of its nearshoring strategy by setting up shop in Mexico. As the decree itself notes “due to the growing implementation of new trade models at the global level, such as the case of relocation (nearshoring), … it is necessary to implement concrete actions that allow a balanced interaction in the market, to avoid economic distortions that could affect the relocation of productive sectors that are considered strategic for the country.”

Mexico’s imports from China in the first two months of this year alone totaled $19.6 billion, accounting for roughly one-fifth of all of Mexico’s imports, according to El Financiero. That’s up from around 15% in 2015. During the same period, the US’ share of Mexican imports has fallen from 50% to 44%, even as the US and Mexico last year became each other’s largest trade partner, for the first time in 20 years.

China’s share of Mexican imports could reach as high as 29% by 2035, according to some forecasts. The major products imported include telephones, LCD devices, computers, integrated electronic circuits, computer parts, auto parts, TV parts, and printed circuits. Real world data suggest that one possible effect of US tariffs on Chinese goods is that many of the countries that saw faster export growth to the US in strategic sectors also had more intense intra-industry trade with China in those same sectors. In other words, as we’ve seen in Mexico, US dependence on Chinese goods is simply being displaced further down the supply chain.

A High-Risk Strategic Foothold

As I noted in a piece a year ago, the recent surge in trade and investment with China gives Mexico an obvious strategic foothold between the world’s two economic superpowers, but it is not without risk, especially as Washington begins to place national security concerns above all other considerations in its relationship with China:

On the one hand, [Mexico’s] economy is benefiting handsomely from North America’s nearshoring trend, which is seeing a wave of global companies relocate some or all of their operations from China and other parts of Asia to Mexico in order to serve the US market. Last year, it attracted $35.3 billion in FDI, its highest level since 2015. The sectors attracting most interest among companies relocating to Mexico include automotive assembly plants and suppliers, telecommunications, electronics, pharmacochemical and textile industries.

On the other hand, many of the companies relocating to Mexico are apparently Chinese. Alarmed by the recent shipping chaos caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and growing geopolitical fractures, they are hoping to skirt North American trade restrictions, including USMCA’s rules of origin, by setting up factories in Mexico, as the New York Times reported in February:

[D]ozens of major Chinese companies are aggressively investing in Mexico, taking advantage of an expansive trade deal with North America . Following a path forged by Japanese and South Korean companies, Chinese firms are setting up factories that allow them to label their products “Made in Mexico,” then truck them duty-free to the United States.

The interest of Chinese manufacturers in Mexico is part of a broader trend known as nearshoring or close relocation. International companies are moving production closer to customers to limit their vulnerability to transportation problems and geopolitical tensions.

The participation of Chinese companies in this change shows the deepening assumption that the divide between the United States and China will be a lasting feature of the next phase of globalization. However, it also reveals something fundamental: Beyond the political tensions, the trade forces that bind the United States and China are even more powerful.

As I noted in that article, China’s overtures toward Mexico have not gone unnoticed by DC-based lawmakers and lobbyists.

“China increasingly sees opportunity in Mexico, and the investments are increasing,” Eric Farnsworth, vice president of the Council of the Americas, a business lobby group whose members include 200 blue chip companies representing the lion’s share of US private investment in Latin America, told Fox News [2]. “It’s convenient to try to circumvent sanctions … by going to Mexico and then producing in Mexico and then trying to get into the U.S. market.”

China’s ramping up of its commercial and investment activity with Mexico has raised concerns in the Washington beltway that Beijing may be seeking a financial and political upside as tensions between the US and Mexico rise over a whole raft of issues, from energy to GMO foods, to the fentanyl trade (which also involves China) and the Mexican government’s ongoing refusal to endorse sanctions against Russia. According to Farnsworth, the spike in Chinese investment boils down to two main contributing factors: Beijing’s attempts to bypass Washington’s sanctions and deteriorating relations between the U.S. and Mexico.

Steel, EVs and Fentanyl

Since then, the US government has escalated its war of words against both China and Mexico over the illicit fentanyl trade that is killing tens of thousands of US citizens a year. It has also been pressuring Mexico to prevent China from selling its steel to the U.S. through its southern neighbor, and has even threatened to impose tariffs on Mexican steel if it doesn’t take tough enough action.

The latest cause of friction has been the growing presence of Chinese carmakers in Mexico. Over the past three years brands such as Changan, JMC, Chirey, Jaecoo and Jetour have set up operations in Mexico. BYD, China’s — and now the world’s — largest EV manufacturer, currently has six dealerships in Mexico, but it plans to have 50 (with a presence in all of Mexico’s 32 states) by the end of this year. BYD Americas CEO Stella Li recently told Reuters the company was looking to build a plant in Mexico with a production capacity of 150,000 units annually.

Suffice to say, that did not go down well in the US. A White House spokesperson said the Biden administration will not allow Chinese automakers to flood the market with vehicles that “pose a threat to national security.” According to a recent article in the Mexican newspaper Reforma, citing three unnamed Mexican officials, the Mexican government, under sustained pressure from the US, is keeping Chinese automakers at bay by refusing to offer them incentives, such as low-cost public land or lower taxes, for investments in electric vehicle production. The officials also said they would suspend any future meetings with Chinese automakers.

The growing deployment of protectionist measures in Mexico, largely at the behest of the US, has elicited rare criticism in the Mexican business press. The online financial newspaper Expansión.mx featured a fiery op-ed from Jonathan Torres, a former editorial director for Forbes Media LatAm, titled “US to Mexico: You’re Against China or Against Me”:

Since 2022, US officials Janet Yellen (Treasury Secretary), Jake Sullivan (National Security Advisor) and Katherine Tai (Trade Representative) have repeatedly reiterated that the China threat is one of the most delicate risks in their national security strategy, so much so that they have deployed a range of measures to prevent Chinese investments from entering their territory, including through their trading partners. Reading between the lines, the message is blunt: “you are with me in my strategy against China or, otherwise, you will suffer consequences in terms of trade, investment, etc.”

The United States, given these circumstances, is not necessarily looking at the nearshoring phenomenon in the same way as the rest of the world… For the Biden administration, global supply chains are strategic but only under certain conditions; that is, as long as they do not threaten US national security. In other words, what the US is really interested is “security shoring,” not nearshoring.

The irony is stark: the superpower famed for its promotion of the (NC: so called) free market is attempting to impose its own legislation on trading with China on third countries. In Mexico, for example, the Chinese automotive industry is rapidly accumulating market share and therefore finds itself in the crosshairs of the US government.

There is no dispute, says Torres: “We are facing an illegal act.”

Two’s Company…

In an opinion piece titled “For China, With Dislike: 544 tariffs,” El Economista’s editorial director Luis Miguel González likened Mexico’s strategic partnership with the US to a marriage, in which “there is no room for a Chinese lover.” He also warned that Mexico’s main trading partner is becoming “increasingly possessive”:

She asks us to prove out love over and over again. She offers us nearshoring as a reward.

The metaphor of marriage and the lover may be crude, but it is true. The same can be said about tests of love. The United States has become very demanding. In December of last year, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen asked Mexico to create a body to review foreign investments arriving in Mexico. What they are concerned about is a possible under-reporting of China’s investments in our country. In February, White House Trade Representative Katherine Tai raised her voice over the possible introduction of Chinese steel to the United States “disguised” as Mexican steel. Last month, Donald Trump threatened to prevent the entry of Chinese cars if they are produced in Mexico.

Regardless of who occupies the White House next year, Mexico’s commercial ties with China will come under increasing focus — and strain — north of the border. The primary focus of the upcoming review of the Mexico, United States, Canada Agreement (USMCA), will be making the necessary adjustments to position the North American region vis-à-vis China, says Ildefonso Guajardo, a former Economy Minister who headed Mexico’s negotiating team for the USMCA and is currently a coordinator of international issues for presidential candidate Xóchitl Gálvez.

“The real underlying problem for the upcoming review of USMCA in 2026 is neither rules of origin nor transgenics. The problem for 2026 is called China,” Guajardo said this Tuesday, also at an event organized by the Council of the Americas. Guajardo describes China as both a trading partner and a competitor to Mexico. As such, the Mexican government should prioritize its integration with the United States.

But not everyone in Mexico is quite so blasé about the prospect of Mexico’s government throwing all its weight behind the US, to all intents and purposes a declining superpower, in its wider geopolitical struggle with China.

Caught in the Middle

“The old rich guy in town, the US, is having problems with the new rich guy in town, China,” says Enrique Dussel of the Centre for China-Mexico Studies at the National Autonomous University in Mexico. “And Mexico — under previous administrations, and this one — doesn’t have a strategy vis-à-vis this new triangular relationship.”

And that makes no sense given the risk Mexico runs of being caught in the middle of this titanic duel between two superpowers. But according to Mexico’s outgoing President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (aka AMLO), Mexico has little choice in the matter:

We cannot shut ourselves off, we cannot break up, we cannot isolate ourselves. It is a fact that we have 3,800 kilometers of border, for reasons of geopolitics (presumably in reference to the US’ invasion, occupation and appropriation of more than half of Mexico’s territory in the mid-19th century). With all due respect, we are not a European country, nor are we Brazil. We have this neighborhood and, furthermore, if we agree on things, as we have done, we can help each other out… Our economic integration is already well advanced.

In fact, in the same speech AMLO actually called for an intensification of North American integration, along the lines of the European Union, while somehow preserving Mexico’s status as a “free, independent, sovereignty” country:

The important thing here is how to strengthen that integration and commitment that is in the interest of both nations, the United States and Mexico, to strengthen North America and subsequently strengthen the entire American continent, just as in the beginning the European Community was created that would go on to become the European Union.

It is baffling to hear a Latin American head of state — especially someone of AMLO’s stature — calling to replicate the success of the European Union. Over the past two years the supranational bloc has not only dynamited Europe’s economic future through its disastrous sanctions against its largest energy provider, Russia, it has been actively complicit in Israel’s genocidal war against Gaza. It also has zero regard for national sovereignty and basic democratic principles, and is doing everything it possibly can to undermine the two.

Ironically, AMLO said the above words in a speech titled “The United States Must Learn to Respect Mexican Sovereignty,” in which he blasted the US State Department for singling out Mexico for “significant human rights issues” in its “2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.” As Mexico’s outgoing president asked, what gives the US government the right to judge other countries on their human rights record, given the hostile way in which it has acted toward so many other nations over the past 200 years:

“How can they talk about human rights if they allocate billions of dollars to war for the death of innocents in all the countries in the world where there is confrontation?… [W]hy don’t they release Assange? Where is the freedom and free manifestation of ideas?

But deep down AMLO appears to believe not only that Joe Biden has a “policy of respect toward Mexico” but that the US can actually be reformed, which brings to mind (or at least my mind) the Scorpion and the Frog fable.

“We have insisted a great deal — and will continue doing so — on wanting to change US foreign policy,” said AMLO. In return, he asks that the US-Mexican bilateral partnership be “based on cooperation, integration and respect for sovereignty.” We need each other, he said, “we complement each other, you just have to learn to respect us.” Will that leave any space for Mexico to continue forging ties with the US’ largest geopolitical rival, China, as well as other strategic partners? AMLO seems to think so; I am not so sure.

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2024/04 ... china.html
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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Thu May 30, 2024 2:21 pm

Mexico Goes to Polls Amid Dirty War and US Interference (Part 1)
MAY 29, 2024

Image
A poster of MORENA and allies’ presidential candidate Claudia Sheinbaum next to a poster of Xóchitl Gálvez, right-wing Broad Front for Mexico coalition’s presidential candidate. Photo: France 24.

By Saheli Chowdhury – May 27, 2024

Mexicans will elect their president and almost 20,000 other public officials, including parliamentarians, state legislators, some state governors, and mayors and councilors of thousands of municipalities on June 2, in an electoral process that has been termed “historic” due to both sheer size and the high stakes involved. Although most interest is focused on the presidential election, given Mexico’s significance in the American continent, the other elections are no less important, as their results would signify to what extent the next president can implement government policies.

In addition, the fact that Mexico shares a long border with the United States brings with it the interventionism of the most belligerent superpower in the world. Over the last five plus years, Mexico has had a president upholding national sovereignty for the first time in almost four decades, if not more, and the US empire seems anxious to return to the status quo of controlling Mexico as a sort of neo-colony, by imposing a servile head of state by any means possible. This is a major—and perhaps the most significant—factor behind the dirty war that Mexico is experiencing as it nears the election day.

US-led media smear campaign: “narco-president” and “narco-candidate”
Hegemonic media of both Mexico and the United States have been against Andrés Manuel López Obrador almost throughout his political career, since years before he became the president of Mexico. However, they turned particularly vicious after 2018, especially Mexican mainstream media, having lost their chayote, the so-called financial aid provided to private media conglomerates by the Mexican government, which in reality were bribes paid to media in exchange of positive coverage. Moreover, Mexican mainstream media is controlled by private economic interests, a de facto power in the country that is linked to the interests of transnational corporations based in the United States, Canada, and various countries of Europe.

Mexican mainstream media is also closely linked to the US mainstream media and US state interests, and there is ample evidence that it is fed tidbits of information by US intelligence agencies such as the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), which have been operating in Mexico freely for years, as if Mexico was not a sovereign country, until AMLO put limits on their power. Currently, while the electoral process is underway, this media-corporate-US intelligence nexus is carrying out a dirty war against AMLO, the ruling party Movement for National Regeneration (MORENA), and its presidential candidate Claudia Sheinbaum, and taking it to unprecedented levels with the use of social media bots and evidently hundreds of millions of dollars.

Over the last five years, AMLO has been the target of the Mexican elite media-intellectual complex, a group of journalists, intellectuals, and artists who have accused him of everything: polarizing the country (because with the rise of alternative media outlets, the people’s opinions have become visible); giving money to “lazy people” so that they vote for him and his party (social programs such as pension for the elderly, scholarships for students, financial assistance to single mothers with minor children and to families with disabled children, etc.); handing over the country to organized crime through the Abrazos, no balazos principle (“hugs, no bullets,” as AMLO maintains that attending to root causes such as poverty and lack of opportunities is better than brute force at eradicating crime); militarizing the country (by giving the military the task of administering customs, and participation of the armed forces in public works, things that are common in various countries), and several other unforgivable “offenses.” However, the current dirty war surpasses all that.

A coordinated media attack began on January 18, 2024, a month into the presidential pre-campaign, when the think tank Baker Institute’s Center for the US and Mexico released a report titled Mexico Country Outlook 2024. It alleged that in the upcoming election, “criminal organizations may even become an important electoral ally” of the ruling party, without providing any evidence for this claim.

On January 31, three international media, namely, ProPublica, Insight Crime, and Deutsche Welle, published the same news, citing DEA sources, claiming that narco-trafficking gangs contributed money to López Obrador’s 2006 presidential campaign, an election he lost because of a documented fraud. ProPublica’s Tim Golden, a Pulitzer winning US journalist, titled his report as a question, “Did Drug Traffickers Funnel Millions of Dollars to Mexican President López Obrador’s First Campaign?,” and claimed that the Beltrán Leyva brothers, associated with the notorious Sinaloa Cartel, had funneled $2 million to López Obrador’s campaign. The meager sum—according to narco-traffickers’ standards, as well as the total lack of hard evidence, raised eyebrows in Mexico. Meanwhile, the Deutsche Welle piece was penned by Mexican journalist Anabel Hernández, known for her investigations and books on Mexican drug cartels, and alleged by some to be a DEA asset. Both these reports were primarily based on allegations made by a DEA informant and former lawyer of the drug lord Édgar Valdez Villarreal alias “La Barbie,” Roberto López Nájera alias “Jennifer.” López Nájera had been used as a “witness collaborator” by the former “president” of Mexico, Felipe Calderón (president in quotes because he did not win the 2006 election but was imposed by fraud), to fabricate allegations against police and military officials who would refuse to do Calderón’s bidding or who had discovered his corrupt activities. Interestingly, this had been revealed by Anabel Hernández herself, more than a decade ago, in a report for Proceso magazine. She had also said, in an interview several years ago, that she had thoroughly investigated AMLO for organized crime links during several years and found nothing. Yet, during AMLO’s presidency, she has exhibited an 180° turn, and has thus single-handedly destroyed the credibility that she once enjoyed.

Two weeks later, on February 15, the portal LatinUs, belonging to the media conglomerate Televisa, openly opposed to López Obrador, published an interview presumably with Celso Ortega Jiménez, leader of another criminal gang, Los Ardillos, that operates in the mountains of Guerrero state and is involved in a violent territorial war with two other gangs (Familia Michoacana and Los Tlacos). In that interview, Ortega claimed that in 2006 the narco gang Los Zetas financed the electoral campaign of López Obrador’s former party, Revolutionary Democratic Party (PRD), on the national level. To reinforce his allegations, Ortega added that Los Ardillos, which is a breakaway group of Los Zetas, still maintains contact with AMLO’s current party, MORENA, and especially its operatives in Guerrero: Congressman Félix Salgado Macedonio, his daughter and current Governor Evelyn Salgado, and Norma Otilia Hernández, mayor of Chilpancingo, epicenter of the inter-gang war.

Several Mexican political analysts quickly pointed out numerous inconsistencies in the interview, the chief among which was the allegation that two different narco-trafficking gangs financed the same presidential campaign, something unprecedented and considered impossible in Mexico. Moreover, according to Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, long-time researcher on drug cartels and author of the book Los Zetas, the group did not exist as a standalone gang in 2006; it was the armed branch of another older gang, Cartel del Golfo. Others questioned how Carlos Loret de Mola, Latinus’ editor and “star reporter” who conducted the interview, “happened to be contacted” by the leader of Los Ardillos while he “happened to be traveling” in a violent zone (claims made by Loret de Mola). Some others wondered how it could be possible that a presidential campaign financed by multiple gangs did not win the election, or rather lost due to a fraud, and yet none of the gangs set cities on fire, something they regularly do for far less important reasons.

AMLO alleged that the Loret de Mola interview was a “montage,” which may not be wrong, as the journalist is branded as “Lord Montajes” for having launched several montages throughout his career, some of which destroyed innocent people’s lives, such as Israel Vallarta, who is spending 18 years and counting in “preventive detention” without a sentence, for a crime he did not commit. Loret de Mola openly colluded with Gennaro García Luna, Calderón’s secretary of Citizen Security and an operative of the Sinaloa Cartel, currently in a US prison for drug and weapons trafficking charges. However, there might be some truth to Celso Ortega’s claims, though his gang did not provide support to either AMLO or PRD on the national level, but possibly to his own brother, Bernardo Ortega Jiménez, a PRD politician who is currently a member of Guerrero state congress, and was formerly mayor of Quechultenango, precisely in a zone controlled by Los Ardillos. Although Bernardo has claimed many times that he “chose a different path” from his brothers, the allegations and rumors remain.

Barely a week after the LatinUs montage, the New York Times continued with the narco-narrative, with a report by Alan Feuer and Natalie Kitroeff titled “U.S. Examined Allegations of Cartel Ties to Allies of Mexico’s President,” which made claims about López Obrador’s 2018 presidential campaign being allegedly financed by the Sinaloa Cartel. This report provided even less evidence than the former ones which had at least named their sources, while this one was based on the claims of three unnamed sources and archived DEA reports that Feuer and Kitroeff failed to cite. They even admitted that “much of the information collected by US officials came from informants whose accounts can be difficult to corroborate and sometimes end up being incorrect. The investigators obtained the information while looking into the activities of drug cartels, and it was not clear how much of what the informants told them was independently confirmed.” On reading the piece, it becomes evident that the two reporters repeated hearsays and blatant fake news disseminated by Mexican hegemonic media on a daily basis.

Simultaneously with these reports, there exploded a social media campaign designating AMLO as “narco-president” and presidential candidate Claudia Sheinbaum as “narco-candidate.” The hashtags #narcopresidente, #narcopresidenteAMLO, #narcocandidataClaudia and similar ones were republished millions of times on X and other social media platforms. However, a large fraction of the accounts that spread these hashtags all over social media were revealed to be bots, created by troll firms based in Mexico as well as outside, in countries such as Argentina and Spain, as revealed by social media researcher Julián Macías Tovar. The Spanish journalist connected these troll firms to the opposition coalition formed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), National Action Party (PAN), and PRD, and its presidential candidate Xóchitl Gálvez, whose campaign is supported not only by the US authorities (through National Endowment for Democracy funding of NGOs that back her) and US media but also by the Spanish neo-Nazi party Vox.

Macías’ allegations are reinforced by the fact that NYT published its report just after Gálvez’s visit to the United States. During her trip she even met with NYT editors, as well as with Luis Almagro, secretary general of the Organization of American States (OAS), who is well known for promoting coup attempts in Venezuela and Bolivia. She also visited Spain, where the welcome that she received was, albeit, much less warm than in the United States.

The narco-president/narco-candidate smear campaign is still ongoing, although the US National Security Council confirmed that there is no investigation into the Mexican president, and that a former investigation, based on López Nájera’s claims, had been closed in 2011 due to lack of evidence. According to AMLO, the media dirty war is a soft power tool that substitutes the brute force of the empire. “What helps the oligarchs the most, the ones who think they are the owners of the world, in controlling, dominating, are media wars—discrediting popular leaders and those who oppose hegemony,” he commented in this regard. “In the end, it is a return to the maxim of Goebbels, Hitler’s head of propaganda, that a lie, when repeated many times, can become the truth.”



Simultaneous media montages that ended in farce
Late April-early May brought two more montages involving one of the most serious issues that Mexican authorities are yet to resolve—forced disappearance. This is a very delicate issue in Mexico, where from December 31, 1952 to May 1, 2024, there are 104,496 missing persons registered nationwide, according to data from the National Commission for the Search of Disappeared Persons. The montages were launched at the same time, and mainstream media blew them out of all proportions, intending to inject some oxygen into the struggling Xóchitl Gálvez campaign by taking advantage of an issue that has caused immense tragedy to Mexicans, but it all ended in farce.

The first one involved a supposed clandestine mass grave in Mexico City that turned out to be a place where people dumped and burned trash. On April 30, Ceci Flores, founder of the collective Madres Buscadoras de Sonora, and a well-known activist who has been searching for her disappeared children, reported on her X account that she had discovered an alleged crematorium/mass grave in the municipality of Iztapalapa, in the east of Mexico City, where she found women’s voter cards and children’s notebooks and a school ID. She also posted photos of the site, which held a large mound of ash, and photos of herself holding what appeared to be a charred piece of bone.

Soon after the publication of the photos and videos, Mexico City authorities deployed forensic teams to the site, and did report the discovery of identity documents of a woman and a boy, but both persons were found to be alive and well, at their respective homes. The woman, a resident of Estado de México, reported that she had lost her voter credential last year when her mobile phone was snatched from her, and the document was inside the phone cover; meanwhile the child’s parents claimed that they had mistakenly thrown away their son’s school ID with some of his old school notebooks. Forensic examinations revealed that the bones at the supposed mass grave did not belong to humans but to animals, mainly dogs, while the ash came from burnt trash. Yet, most mainstream media outlets continued to distort the matter and sow doubts about the veracity of the official forensic investigations.

Marti Batres, interim chief of government of Mexico City, called the clandestine crematorium story a “montage” aimed at staining the image of the authorities and at impacting the elections at both national and local levels. The governorship of Mexico City will also be decided on June 2, and Clara Brugada, mayor of Iztapalapa, is MORENA’s candidate for the election. Since the fake mass grave was found in Iztapalapa, Batres conjectured possible political motives. Similarly, collectives of mothers searching for their disappeared children, based in Mexico City, criticized Ceci Flores for not informing them at all about her investigations in the city, as they came to know about the issue only after media had made it viral. The founder of one such group also called out Flores for trying to “profit from people’s pain” by lending herself to Xóchitl Gálvez’s electoral campaign and thus “harming a just cause.” While mainstream media did not contact these mothers, they gave space to Ceci Flores even after the mass grave allegation was discarded, where she went on to accuse the Mexico City government of “cover up.”

The other fake disappearance story was launched at the same time but in Morelos state, and it involved the Catholic Church of Mexico. On April 29, the Mexican Episcopal Conference (CEM) filed a complaint about the disappearance of the emeritus bishop of the Diocese of Chilpancingo-Chilapa, Salvador Rangel Mendoza, aged 78. Although the diocese is in Guerrero state, and specifically in a zone of decades-long inter-gang territorial war, the bishop has been living in Jojutla in the neighboring state of Morelos (also impacted by narco-gang wars) since his retirement three years ago. This case assumed a serious dimension as Rangel Mendoza had been working as a mediator among the warring gangs in order to pacify the region, and had brought about a “ceasefire” between two aforementioned gangs, Los Ardillos and Los Tlacos, both vying for control in Chilpancingo. He is even rumored to be friends with Celso Ortega, leader of Los Ardillos. He is also a vocal critic of the government of President López Obrador, whom he accused of allowing “organized crime to win,” and has openly backed the right-wing opposition in the past, although AMLO said on different occasions that he supported the bishop’s work for peace. After the bishop’s disappearance, the CEM insisted that he had been a victim of organized crime, and held AMLO, Guerrero state Governor Evelyn Salgado, and the authorities of Morelos responsible for it. Hegemonic media repeated and inflated the CEM’s claims, without scrutinizing the curious facts surrounding the matter.

Rangel Mendoza left his home on the morning of April 27, and throughout the afternoon and evening of that day there were recorded small withdrawals from his bank accounts and payments at convenience stores and food shops. Thereafter there was no trace of him until April 30, when the CEM reported that he had been found in the General Hospital of Cuernavaca, a public hospital in a different part of Morelos state. Within a short while, the attorney general of Morelos state, Uriel Carmona, commented to the press that the bishop had been victim of an “express abduction,” but that version was later discarded by the state commissioner of Public Security of Morelos, José Antonio Ortiz Guarneros.

In statements to the press, Ortiz Guarneros revealed that his office was in possession of videos that showed the bishop entering a motel in Ocotepec (a municipality in Morelos state, close to Cuernavaca) out of his own volition, “without anyone forcing him. We have some evidence, and we already gave those to the Attorney’s Office; as far as we know, the bishop voluntarily entered the motel with a person of the same sex and later that person left.” The interim governor of Morelos, Samuel Sotelo, corroborated Ortiz’s statements, and added that the last time the bishop had been seen (before ending up in hospital) was on April 27 at a pizza shop, where he met with one of the employees of the establishment.

On May 2, Rangel Mendoza’s toxicology reports were leaked, showing that he had consumed cocaine and “other drugs.” The bishop has not given any statement to the police, and the CEM no longer wants an investigation. Thus, what started as an alleged case of grave insecurity in Mexico ended up in a scandal for the Church as well as unmasking mainstream media’s yellow journalism.

In the opinion of sociologist Bernardo Barranco, this incident also indicates a “serious and unprecedented interference” by the Church authorities in Mexican politics and state affairs “in favor of the right wing,” even though constitutionally Mexico is a secular state. There are allegations all over the country that church officials are promoting extreme-right candidate Xóchitl Gálvez, and asking parishioners to vote for the right. According to official census data, more than 70% of Mexicans are followers of the Catholic Church, therefore, given the gravity of the situation, the left’s candidate Claudia Sheinbaum has already met with the CEM top officials. However, “the Mexican Episcopate defends the interests of the most recalcitrant right,” commented José Manuel Guerrero, a priest and liberation theologist, in an interview with journalist Julio Hernández López “Astillero.” He stated that since the time of the presidency of Carlos Salinas de Gortari, the Catholic Church of Mexico totally abandoned Liberation Theology, which before that was a minority progressive and socialist current within the church system. Currently, the Church is on a “crusade” against AMLO and Sheinbaum, although their political project, the Fourth Transformation, which “puts the interests of the poorest and the most vulnerable above all, is most aligned with Christ’s doctrine.”

The interference of the de facto powers—national oligarchy, mainstream media, transnational corporations, US empire—against the left in elections in Latin America has been the order of the day since the First Pink Tide was ushered in the region with the triumph of Hugo Chávez as the president of Venezuela in 1998. In addition, the judiciary, the branch of the state that is most difficult to reform even if a left-progressive government can properly establish itself in any Latin American country, is known to intervene not only in elections but also in administrative functions in favor of the right or the “status quo.” In Mexico, the judiciary severely curtailed the work of the government of López Obrador throughout his term, and is now intervening in the electoral process. This issue will be discussed more in detail in the next part of this series.

Special for Orinoco Tribune by Saheli Chowdhury

https://orinocotribune.com/mexico-goes- ... ce-part-1/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Sun Jun 02, 2024 8:22 pm

Mexico Goes to Polls Amid Dirty War and US Interference (Part 2)
MAY 31, 2024

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Supporters of Mexican presidential candidate Claudia Sheinbaum attend a rally in Mexico City on March 1, 2024. Photo: Alfredo Estrella/AFP.

By Saheli Chowdhury – May 30, 2024

Part 1 of this series can be read here. https://orinocotribune.com/mexico-goes- ... ce-part-1/

Intervention of judicial and electoral authorities in government functioning
Some type of “cross-over” between judicial and electoral authorities and executive and legislative branches of the state has existed for decades in Mexico, although according to the constitution of the country, the three powers of the state should be independent of one another. It is well documented that in 2006, the Federal Electoral Institute (predecessor of the current National Electoral Institute or INE) worked in tandem with the government of Vicente Fox to execute a fraud that stole the election from Andrés Manuel López Obrador. The fraud received the backing of the judiciary and was legalized by the Electoral Tribunal of the Judicial Power of the Federation (TEPJF), the body that ratifies election results and whose decisions cannot be appealed. Earlier, the electoral and judicial instances were mostly on the same side as the government of the day, but during the current administration, led by López Obrador, they turned into appendages of the opposition, constituted by the neoliberal right bloc (referred to as PRIAN in non-mainstream media and by MORENA sympathizers, clubbing together the initials of the main parties in the bloc) and the de facto powers (economic and media elite and US government).

Over the last few years, most of the members of INE openly supported the opposition and confronted the government, and acted in highly questionable ways, always intending to favor the opposition parties. Two former INE council members—Lorenzo Córdova and Ciro Murayama—while still in their posts, attended opposition political events poorly disguised as “civil society” events. Córdova is currently part of the Xóchitl Gálvez campaign and has acted as convenor of numerous electoral campaign events, many of them in the name of “civil society.” The opposition has even been using the color of INE, pink, and bragging about it with slogans such as “the INE should not be touched,” until very recently the president of the national electoral authority, Guadalupe Taddei, asked all organizations backing Gálvez to stop using the color so as “not to confuse the electorate” during the ongoing electoral process. Still, this “respectful request” was very much in contrast with the way INE has prohibited AMLO from uttering Gálvez’s name in his press conferences or showing the progress of public works even if their construction began years ago, and countless other orders and prohibitions regarding innumerable topics.

Similarly, the judiciary’s intervention in government and parliamentary affairs has reached a historically unprecedented level in recent years. As explained by Mexican author and journalist Fabrizio Mejía Madrid, “The Supreme Court has, in fact, changed the political system of the country by usurping the powers of the legislative branch. These ministers [of the Supreme Court], who have not been voted in by anyone, supplanted the Congress of the Union in these six years of obradorismo.” He went on to describe that during AMLO’s term, the Supreme Court of Mexico annulled 74 laws that had been approved by the majority of congressmembers and senators. In contrast, during the term of ex-President Ernesto Zedillo (who changed all ministers of the court with the stroke of a pen on January 1, 1995), the Supreme Court did not annul a single law; during Vicente Fox’s term, it rejected only three laws; during Felipe Calderón’s term, seven; and during Enrique Peña Nieto’s presidency, 16. The Supreme Court based all those 74 annulments on “a tricky, unconstitutional argument, that there was not enough debate” about them in the parliament, although, as Mejía Madrid pointed out, the lack of debate was precisely due to the opposition’s “legislative moratorium,” which is simply its refusal to read any and all bills sent to the parliament by the president.

This unprecedented intervention was justified by the Supreme Court as its duty to protect “deliberative democracy,” something that does not exist in the Mexican constitution. To do this, the court has misused—deliberately—Article 26 of the Constitution, which is about state planning and national development programs, but the court claimed that it refers to the parliament. Article 26, originally designed to protect social minorities from possible negative impact of economic or industrial projects, for example, protecting the rights of a community affected by the construction of a dam or the granting of concessions for open-pit mining, has been weaponized by the judiciary to protect economic minorities, such as multi-millionaire media owners or foreign multinationals. “We have seen this every time the Supreme Court annuls a law approved by Congress: it considers the transnational economic elite a minority,” commented Mejía Madrid. The most significant of these laws was the Electrical Reform, which was aimed at eliminating the Spanish electricity company Iberdrola’s near-monopoly in the electrical supply system and providing a greater share of the market to the Mexican public company Federal Electricity Commission (CFE), which owns and maintains the national grid but goes on incurring losses because the Supreme Court protects the multinationals’ “free competition” rights (something that does not exist in the Mexican constitution either).

Nevertheless, the worst action by the judiciary against the government was “the fatal blow it dealt to the Ayotzinapa forced disappearance investigation,” opined Mejía Madrid. He explained that in September 2022, “Judge Samuel Ventura Ramos of the Third District Court of Federal Criminal Proceedings based in Matamoros, Tamaulipas, issued an acquittal sentence for the crime of abduction in favor of José Luis Abarca, former mayor of Iguala [where 43 students of the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers’ College were forcibly disappeared on midnight of September 26-27, 2014] and alleged mastermind of the attack on the students of Ayotzinapa.” That same month, the same judge released 24 municipal police officers who had been prosecuted for the attempted murder of student Aldo Gutiérrez, who remains in a vegetative state after having been shot in the head on the night of September 26, 2014. Earlier, in 2019, Ventura Ramos acquitted Gildardo López Astudillo, alleged leader of the criminal gang Guerreros Unidos, who had been prosecuted in the case. This judge also released 88 people who had been allegedly tortured for the construction of the false “Historical Truth” narrative of the Ayotzinapa case, although it was later discovered that many of them were indeed involved in the forced disappearance, but neither did he prosecute the torturers: former Prosecutor General Jesús Murillo Karam (currently in prison for his role in Ayotzinapa) and former head of the Criminal Investigation Agency, Tomás Zerón de Lucio (currently in “Israel” under “political asylum”). Thus, this judge single-handedly blew up the Ayotzinapa investigation, and the opposition has taken advantage of this situation to accuse the Attorney General’s Office, the Secretariat of the Interior, and President AMLO of not wanting to resolve the case or even of “protecting the military.” Self-styled human rights defender, PRI Senator Emilio Álvarez Ícaza, the most vocal in making these accusations, conveniently forgets not only the terrible role of the judiciary but also the fact that his own party held the presidency, the governorship of Guerrero state (where Ayotzinapa is), and the mayorship of Iguala when the forced disappearance happened.

More recently, as the nation entered the presidential pre-campaign phase, the president of the Supreme Court, Norma Piña, tried to control the Electoral Tribunal (TEPJF), as revealed by two reports by Salvador Frausto published this month on the portal Milenio. In early December 2023, days before the presidential pre-campaign was to begin, the TEPJF turned into a scene of open tensions among its five magistrates. They were divided into two blocks, with three of them, namely, Mónica Soto, Felipe Fuentes, and Felipe de la Mata, demanding the resignation of the president of the tribunal, Reyes Rodríguez Mondragón, who only had the support of the remaining magistrate, Janine Otárola. The allegations against Rodríguez Mondragón included allowing Supreme Court President Norma Piña to intervene in the functioning of the tribunal and unilaterally employing people in various posts without consulting the other magistrates. The division within the TEPJF became public knowledge on December 4, 2023, when the three “rebel magistrates,” as the press called them, did not attend the Supreme Court plenary session where Rodríguez presented a report of his work, and instead spent the morning having breakfast at a restaurant in southern Mexico City, and even posted their photos on social media. The next day, Rodríguez gave interviews to several TV and radio channels, where he insisted that he would not resign. The tensions continued for another week until, on December 11, Rodríguez was finally forced to resign, after not having attended his impeachment hearing on the evening of December 7. It will remain forever in public memory that Rodríguez, aware that he stood no chance, left the impeachment hearing halfway through and informed the other magistrates on a phone call, from his personal chamber, that he would not return to the meeting. On December 11, Mónica Soto was elected the new president of the magistrates of the Electoral Tribunal.

The interference, threats, and warnings that went on behind the scenes during those days were recently uncovered by Salvador Frausto, who released some WhatsApp messages that Norma Piña sent to Felipe Fuentes in her attempt to save Rodríguez Mondragón, who was her “chess piece” in the TEPJF that would have allowed her to intervene in the upcoming elections. Both Piña and Rodríguez are close to former President Peña Nieto, and both worked for the former president instead of maintaining the neutrality of their positions. After AMLO became the president of Mexico, both started working against the new government.

The way in which Piña became the president of the Supreme Court also remains controversial. In late December 2022, after former President of the Supreme Court Arturo Zaldívar resigned from his post, Minister Yasmín Esquivel, who is supposedly close to López Obrador, had a high chance of becoming the new president of the court. Then, suddenly, Guillermo Sheridan, an emeritus professor of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), who remains entrenched in his post despite having crossed the retirement age, published an article claiming that Esquivel had committed plagiarism in her undergraduate thesis, that she had copied large parts of another classmate’s thesis while both were studying law at UNAM. The person who had allegedly suffered the plagiarism never showed his face but gave a few telephone interviews to some select media, and then went silent. After an investigation, the Attorney General’s Office of Mexico City ruled in January 2023 that Esquivel did not incur plagiarism, but her character assassination was complete by that time, and she lost the possibility of becoming the Supreme Court president. Instead, Norma Piña got elected after several rounds of voting by the court ministers.

A year later, Piña was threatening an Electoral Tribunal magistrate, as revealed by the WhatsApp messages leaked to Frausto. On the evening of December 4, 2023, she rebuked Magistrate Felipe Fuentes for not attending Rodríguez Mondragón’s conference. Starting from that moment, her messages became steadily more sinister, and she would send those messages at all hours of the day, once even at 3:13 a.m., although Fuentes appeared mostly laconic or not responding at all. In those messages, she called the magistrates “politicians” and warned Fuentes that she would make public “the dirty secrets” of his “little companions,” referring to his two colleagues. According to an unnamed source within the Supreme Court, Piña “threatened the magistrates that she would open investigations against them if they proceeded with their intention to remove Rodríguez. ‘I am going to fuck them,’ she would say in the corridors of her office.”

As if all this was not enough, a day after Rodríguez’s resignation, Piña organized a private meeting where she invited the three magistrates whom she had been threatening until the previous day. At that meeting, she also invited the national secretary of the opposition party PRI, Alejandro Moreno, without previously informing the magistrates about the presence of the politician. The private dinner was held on December 12, 2023, at the house of Supreme Court Minister Juan Luis González Alcántara Carrancá, in Lomas de Chapultepec, Mexico City. The dinner was also attended by several judges and ministers of the Supreme Court, while Santiago Creel, coordinator of Xóchitl Gálvez’s campaign, did not attend although he had been invited. According to one person who was present at the meeting, the Supreme Court president said “Alito [Alejando Moreno] is my friend and ally,” as a way of explaining why one of the country’s most important politicians was invited to what appeared to be a meeting of members of the judicial bodies. Salvador Frausto opines that this was unmistakable evidence of the Supreme Court favoring the opposition coalition amidst an electoral process, something that President López Obrador has been criticizing for months.

In separate interviews with Milenio, Magistrates Felipe Fuentes and Felipe de la Mata admitted that the dinner did take place, but that nothing of a political nature was discussed there and that they only “ate and left.”

Norma Piña’s vindictive reaction against anyone who refuses to toe her line has directly impacted Claudia Sheinbaum’s campaign as well. The former president of the Supreme Court, Arturo Zaldívar, joined the Sheinbaum campaign after resigning from his post. Thereafter, Piña opened a case against him on the basis of an “anonymous complaint,” accusing him of taking bribes while he was the court president to help a “band of kidnappers” get favorable sentences. The alleged “band of kidnappers” refers to the six accused in the forced disappearance of Hugo Alberto Wallace, a case that shook Mexico about two decades ago. However, as the legal process continued, it started getting revealed that evidence had been fabricated against the alleged kidnappers by the (erstwhile) Prosecutor General’s Office and the investigative agencies in collusion with Wallace’s mother, Isabel Miranda de Wallace (currently part of Xóchitl Gálvez’s campaign). Meanwhile, the alleged kidnappers have been in prison for over 18 years without firm sentences, and three of them are in preventive detention. The appeal of one of the accused, Juana Hilda, is close to being resolved, and according to her lawyer, Salvador Leyva, it would be resolved in her favor, which spurred Isabel Miranda de Wallace to send an “anonymous complaint” to Piña. It has been over a month since the news of the investigation against Arturo Zaldívar was made public, yet there have been no updates about it, but the issue has been weaponized by the mainstream media to try to hurt Sheinbaum’s chances.

In addition to all this, whispers of the Supreme Court annulling the election results are floating in the wind. Over the last two months, the PRIAN opposition bloc, particularly the media apparatus associated with it, is engaged in a propaganda operation trying to paint the upcoming elections as “State elections,” implying—without evidence—that President López Obrador is using the government apparatus and public resources to promote his party’s candidates. In the opinion of these “experts,” the government’s social programs and public works constitute utilizing public resources for “political purposes” and make the playing field “uneven,” and therefore they should be suspended during the election period. These experts fail to mention that existing electoral laws mandate that the government declare no new projects once the campaign period has started, or the fact that the government paid the financial aid of the social programs beforehand, in respect for electoral norms. What is more, “the opposition wants to make the people believe that the social programs are not the government’s achievements, as if they fell from the sky,” says linguist and political analyst Violeta Vázquez-Rojas. She opines that the narrative of State elections “is fundamental to delegitimize the result of the June 2 election which, as the opposition already knows, it will lose in a landslide.” Given the fact that State elections did exist in Mexico, with each president from 1946 onwards imposing his successor by any means possible (including assassination), a cycle that was broken in 2018 with the election of AMLO, the political commentators of the opposition are trying to use this history as a basis to construct its “post-truth” narrative, where “the truth is irrelevant,” Vázquez-Rojas explains.

On May 15, the PRIAN campaign team, including its presidential candidate, Xóchitl Gálvez, went to the Electoral Tribunal to discuss a possible annulment of the elections. They presented a “risk map” to the tribunal, pointing out voting districts where they think there may be violence on election day, although the fact remains that the majority of political violence in the country is committed by the very same opposition parties. Responding to the press after the meeting, Gálvez repeated the media commentators backing her, “The president’s interference will have to be evaluated when certifying the election results. The playing field is uneven.” She went on to claim that AMLO’s criticisms of her corrupt dealings constitute “open interference in favor of his candidate.”

Some political analysts believe that the risk map, in all probability, projects the districts where the opposition would try to get 30% of the ballots annulled and thus open a route for annulling the presidential election. The opposition has the judicial and electoral authorities on its side and would try to opt for the annulment plan if the difference in votes obtained between the two leading candidates is not high enough, given that frauds were carried out in this way many times in Mexico.

June 2 and beyond
All projections for the presidential election, during the three months of the campaign and even from months before, have shown a comfortable margin for Claudia Sheinbaum, with 20-30% of voting intentions over Xóchitl Gálvez (except Massive Caller that put Gálvez in the lead, but this pollster got all its electoral surveys wrong since at least 2018). The two latest opinion polls, carried out by Bloomberg and Reforma, two media outlets that are by no means pro-AMLO, reiterate this trend, placing Sheinbaum in the lead with 55-57%, Gálvez in second place with 30-35%, while the other candidate, Jorge Álvarez Máynez of Movimiento Ciudadano party who is presenting himself as a “third option,” is polling around 10%.

Nevertheless, the operatives and sympathizers of MORENA and its allies call upon the people to not feel comfortable due to the polls and to make sure to vote on June 2 to prevent any possibility of fraud. That is because this possibility will always exist in Mexico as long as the likes of INE, TEPJF, and the Supreme Court exist in their current forms. They have never protected democracy in Mexico, rather they accommodated all sorts of attacks on democracy. Instead, what really protected democracy in 2018 was the 30 million votes for López Obrador, given that he had already been the victim of fraud twice in presidential elections and once in the governor election in his home state of Tabasco. The people of Mexico have learnt from past experiences that it is essential to vote en masse and for the same party, otherwise, there may be electoral fraud.

However, as mentioned earlier, the presidency is not the only post up for grabs, and the outcome of the national and state legislature elections will impact the next government to a large extent. This brings us to Plan C, MORENA’s call to vote for its candidates and those of its national-level allies, Labor Party (PT) and Green Party of Mexico (PVEM), and its regional allies, to ascertain the greatest possible support for the next president who, as matters now stand, will undoubtedly be Sheinbaum. For the president to be able to execute any constitutional reform, the minimum requirement includes the support of a qualified majority (two-thirds majority) in both houses of parliament and the support of a simple majority of state legislatures (50% + 1). The indispensability of this requirement came to the fore during AMLO’s term, as he could get approved the least number of initiatives among all presidents since 1917, because his party bloc lacked a qualified majority in Congress. This means that the president had to institute his flagship social welfare programs through decrees, which in turn implies that they may be revoked by some other head of state in the future. On the other hand, integrating the programs into the constitution would convert them into universal rights guaranteed by the constitution, which would provide people with constitutional protection in their right to access the schemes. In fact, AMLO proposed 20 constitutional reforms covering social, economic, political, and environmental aspects, but could not get any one of them approved, leaving them as a monumental task for the next president if his party’s candidate wins plus if Plan C succeeds.

Even if the alliance backing Sheinbaum achieves its Plan C, the judiciary will remain a hurdle for the next president, as evident from the actions of the Supreme Court throughout AMLO’s term. During the last few years, the Supreme Court had become the last resort for the opposition parliamentarians who refused to even read the president’s initiatives. From 2019 to 2023, the Supreme Court issued 425 rulings on unconstitutionality complaints: in 102 of them, it analyzed the issue of violations of the legislative process and decreed approved laws to be invalid in 74 instances (38 totally and 36 partially). Thus, the Supreme Court acted as a watchdog—not of the Constitution, but against it—allowing a minority to undermine a majority elected by popular vote. This led President López Obrador to propose a judicial reform to modify the selection methods for judges and magistrates so that they “respond to the interests of the people and not of the oligarchy.” In order to achieve this, he proposed “election by the popular vote of ministers of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, circuit magistrates, district judges, Electoral Tribunal magistrates, and members of a new body called the Court of Judicial Discipline” to audit and uproot corrupt practices from within the judiciary. All these posts were proposed to be elected by the people through a special election in 2025. As expected, this caused a huge outcry from both the opposition and the judiciary, but Sheinbaum has included the proposal among her campaign promises. This reform can only be carried out through the constitutional route, which again highlights how indispensable Plan C is for an eventual Sheinbaum administration.



There is, however, another factor in this dirty water that remains, and will remain, outside the control of the Mexican government: the role of US imperialism. According to Chilean lawyer and political analyst Ingrid Urgelles Latorre, this is true not only for Mexico but for Latin America as a whole. “Latin America has always been a territory of plundering of natural resources; therefore, when there are more or less left-wing progressive governments that try to put limits to this extractivism, all these soft coups arise,” she commented. “We live in a world of extractive capitalism and, therefore, those who really have the power are the large extractive transnationals. It is not simply that Biden wants to destabilize Mexico; it is that there are probably economic questions, such as corn, and energy and mining issues, which are the most important ones. We have to ask who loses when there is a government that puts obstacles to transgenic corn and ends open-pit mining concessions, and that, moreover, fights for a program to recover natural resources, especially energy resources. None of this is in the interests of the de facto economic powers.”

According to Rafael Barajas “El Fisgón,” Mexican cartoonist, political analyst, and director of MORENA’s National Institute of Political Education, the dirty war in Mexico is part of a “highly used strategy” in Latin America. “A media war is generally a prelude to a judicial war or lawfare,” he said, referring to infamous cases of media warfare and lawfare against progressive leaders such as Rafael Correa, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Lula da Silva, Dilma Rousseff, etc.

“There is another factor, which to me is the most obvious, but which is less talked about; it is the USAID and the National Endowment for Democracy, that is, the US State Department,” he pointed out. The financing by these CIA cutouts for Mexican opposition groups masquerading as “civil society,” such as the NGO Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity (MCCI), belonging to Claudio X. González Guajardo of the Kimberly-Clark Mexico fortune and currently directed by academician María Amparo Casar, is well documented. It is this Claudio X. González who brought together PRI, PAN, and PRD parties to form the opposition coalition (which has had several names over the past years but has currently settled for Broad Front for Mexico), and it is he who imposed Xóchitl Gálvez as the group’s candidate. MCCI, in turn, funds several other NGOs focusing on various issues, but all having an anti-AMLO, anti-Fourth Transformation slant. Receiving foreign funding from organizations for political purposes is considered treason by the Mexican constitution, and AMLO has sent diplomatic notes to the US government for financing MCCI, accusing it of fomenting a soft coup in Mexico. The US government, however, has not stopped these interfering activities.

Historian, political scientist, and lifelong left activist Pablo Moctezuma Barragán considers that the media-economic-judicial-political nexus against the Fourth Transformation is working to prepare the grounds so that eventually the opposition can request the United States for a military intervention in Mexico. The narratives of narco-president, authoritarianism, militarization of the state, state elections—all constitute a prelude to an eventual claim that democracy is at risk in Mexico, or that the Mexican state is controlled by organized crime, opines Moctezuma Barragán. “They are taking as models the characters of the pro-Yankee Venezuelan oligarchy, such as Juan Guaidó and María Corina Machado, who are backed by the State Department in the United States’ attempt to bring about a coup in Venezuela,” he points out. “The US is trying the same tactic against the president of Colombia, Gustavo Petro, to create a climate of coup d’état.”

Rafael Barajas and Ingrid Urgelles agree about the probable long-term plan behind the “soft coup.” “It is a strategy that allows them to win, whatever the electoral result may be… To sow doubt in the electoral result is an attempt to weaken from the start the government of Claudia Sheinbaum, who, as everything indicates, is going to be the next president,” Barajas said. Similarly, according to Urgelles, the opposition’s strategy is to make sure, in any way possible, “that Sheinbaum arrives at the presidency in a weakened form and with the ground laid for an eventual lawfare… like what was done against Dilma [Rousseff].”

For Moctezuma Barragán, the definitive way out for Mexico is “to reject the sellouts and fight for complete independence of Mexico. We must fight against neocolonialism and demand that our rights, our country, and our future be defended.” To achieve this, it is necessary for Mexicans to elect a government that will “advance in the transformation that will lead us to real sovereignty.” However, to achieve this, it is also urgent to look beyond the elections, to overcome the current situation of dependence on the empire, with Mexicans being “the United States’ southern slaves,” and to completely reintegrate into Latin America and the Caribbean.

https://orinocotribune.com/mexico-goes- ... ce-part-2/

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Here’s what you need to know about the historic elections in Mexico
On June 2, Mexicans head to the polls to elect their next president and local officials that will serve from 2024-2030

June 01, 2024 by Zoe Alexandra

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The Zocalo in Mexico City, full for the campaign closing. Photo: MORENA

98.3 million people are eligible to vote in Mexico’s general elections on June 2. They will be voting for 20,708 local and federal officials, including all members of the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate, and the president of the Republic. The official campaigning ended on Wednesday May 29, leaving the nearly 100 million voters time to make their final deliberations to cast their ballot on Sunday. Those elected will serve a six-year term from 2024-2030.

The frontrunners for the presidential race are Claudia Sheinbaum of the left-wing “Let’s Continue Making History” Coalition, Xóchitl Gálvez of the right-wing “Force and Heart for Mexico” Coalition, and Jorge Álvarez Máynez of the Citizens’ Movement party. With Máynez scoring around 12% and under in all major polls, it is likely that whatever happens on Sunday, Mexico will have its first woman president.

Let’s take a look at the candidates.

Claudia Sheinbaum
Claudia Sheinbaum, who has been scoring around 50% and above in all major opinion polls, is one of the founders of the Movement for National Regeneration (MORENA) and served as the head of government of Mexico City from 2018 to 2023 (when she officially began her campaign). The 61-year-old scientist has more than 20 years of experience in public office and began her activism as a student at Mexico’s world-renowned public university, the National Autonomous University of Mexico.

She took office in 2018 as head of government in Mexico City as her colleague and party leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador took office as president of the Republic and inaugurated the “Fourth Transformation” project on a national level. The 4T, as it’s called, is the proposal to do away with the corrupt regime of injustice and privileges for the ruling elites which had characterized the previous governments, and instead rule for the majorities through what AMLO called “Mexican Humanism”. AMLO implemented a slew of anti-neoliberal and pro-people policies such as increasing the minimum wage, investing in public works and transportation projects across national territory, nationalizing lithium and strengthening national energy production, and aggressively combating corruption and collusion with organized crime. AMLO will end his time in office with a record high 80% approval rating, according to Gallup Polls.

During her tenure as head of government in Mexico City, Sheinbaum sought to implement 4T policies on a local level, and focused on improving the quality of life for the 20 million inhabitants of one of the world’s largest cities (including the metropolitan area). Some of these policies included improving transportation, instituting public policies to promote women’s development and safety within the city, and improving access to basic rights and necessities such as education, energy, and housing. The scientist also innovated different renewable energy and waste projects in the city.

In an exclusive interview with Peoples Dispatch and BreakThrough News in April 2023, she spoke about the significance of the Fourth Transformation, “..states have to give the rights to the people. What do we think is a right? Education, health, a home, pension for all the elders. We also believe in strategic areas of the economy such as energy. The state has to be part of this, especially electricity, oil and mainly and now lithium…it’s important and it’s going to be very important in the future…You cannot have private investment measured only by GDP or international investment. You have to measure investment, public and private, in wealth for the people. And that’s the big difference with neoliberalism that believed that everything was going to be solved by the market.”

During her campaign launch on March 1, she presented the 100 points of her Nation Project, which will be the roadmap of her administration if elected and deal with key areas of the economy and society such as pensions, transportation, infrastructure development, minimum wage, energy production, and more.

At the launch, Sheinbaum had said that in these elections there are only two paths: “One where the transformation continues and the other, the one that wants corruption and neoliberalism to return.” She highlighted that more than five years after starting the process of the Fourth Transformation, great progress has been made: the minimum wage was doubled (and tripled in the border region with the United States), roads, refineries, airports, trains, and power plants were built. solar, new school textbooks were launched, and the country has not gone into debt.

Xóchitl Gálvez

Xóchitl Gálvez Ruíz is running for the Force and Heart for Mexico Coalition and currently polling at around 30%. The business woman was mayor of Miguel Hidalgo from 2015-2018, and was Senator for PAN from 2018 to 2023.

Her coalition is composed of former ruling parties of PAN and PRI which for decades held power in Mexico and were rivals. Representing Mexico’s traditional ruling elites, Gálvez has been unable to galvanize mass support. Rather than developing her political platform and proposals, Gálvez has focused most of her energy on attacking her rival Sheinbaum and the MORENA party, calling Sheinbaum the “candidate of lies” and “a cold woman”. Despite representing the parties and leaders that oversaw the worst episodes of corruption, fraud, and human rights violations in the country, she has attempted to sling those accusations right back at Sheinbaum and AMLO.

Gálvez has received help from an unlikely place, mainstream liberal US media, who have echoed her accusations that AMLO and MORENA are authoritarian, anti-democracy, and have links to the drug trade.

In one public appearance, Gálvez made a poorly calculated jab at Sheinbaum, who previously stated that her apartment was rented, saying, “if at the age of 60 you have not been able to acquire property, you are pretty pathetic.” The comment angered millions of working-class Mexicans who have also been unable to achieve economic stability and buy a house.

Due to her inability to overcome 33% in the opinion polls, Gálvez appears to be preparing to launch accusations of electoral fraud. José Luis Granados Ceja, a journalist based in Mexico City, has been ringing the alarm that the right-wing appears to be creating the conditions for an attempted fraud narrative to be installed.

The Mexican opposition is positing itself to challenge the result of Sunday’s election. Don’t be surprised if you hear cries of fraud and demands to annul the vote. https://t.co/2aby7dUnRq

— José Luis Granados Ceja (@GranadosCeja) May 29, 2024


Jorge Álvarez Máynez
The young candidate for the Citizens’ Movement party has been hovering between 10-12% in all major voter opinion polls. The progressive candidate’s main approach has been to condemn “old politics”, largely the PRI-PAN-PRD politics and promise “the new”. In order to reach young voters he has also published catchy songs with music videos.

Some of the key points on his platform are to demilitarize the country, regularize cannabis, increase investment for education to increase scholarships and provide free textbooks, promote feminist policies to combat gender violence. In the economic realm, he calls for an increase in social policies for the poorest and most marginalized like a minimum income, a universal pension for all workers, and unemployment, as well as the advancement of green and renewable energy projects, and an increase in public transportation.

Máynez’s campaign suffered a tragedy on May 23, when a strong storm caused the stage to collapse at one of his campaign events in Nuevo León and nine people were killed.

Results
Preliminary results from the elections will be announced by the National Electoral Institute (INE) from the quick count on the night of Sunday June 2. Whatever happens, Mexico will certainly be making history!

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2024/06/01/ ... in-mexico/

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ELECTIONS IN MEXICO: THE MOST RELEVANT DATA
June 1, 2024 , 9:00 am .

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The candidates for the presidency of Mexico (Photo: AFP)

Next Sunday, June 2, the general elections will be held in Mexico, the largest in its history because 629 positions will be chosen at the federal level: Presidency of the Republic, 128 senatorial offices and 500 federal deputies. Likewise, 19,634 local positions will be elected in the states of the country, including deputations, municipal presidencies, receiverships and councilors.

The long campaign that lasted three months concluded last Wednesday, May 29, with huge rallies by the ruling party Claudia Sheinbaum, who since the beginning of the campaign has emerged as the favorite to become president, Senator Xóchitl Gálvez Ruiz, of the alliance National Action (PAN), Institutional Revolutionary (PRI) and Democratic Revolution (PRD) and Jorge Álvarez Máynez for the Citizen Movement (MC).

If the MORENA candidate wins, she would be the first president to govern Mexico. According to the latest El PAÍS survey, Sheinbaum remains the favorite with a 92% probability of being president. The opponent Xóchitl Gálvez retains one option among twelve to win by surprise according to the media.

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(Photo: El PAÍS)

Mexico's electoral roll is 99,537,940 citizens and it is expected that 170,000 polling stations will be installed, which in Venezuela are known as polling stations.

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(Photo: Common cause)

Due to the violence, the National Electoral Institute (INE) of Mexico had to stop installing 104 polling stations in six states of the country. The most violent states are Michoacán, Oaxaca, Sinaloa, Tlaxcala, Nayarit and Mexico City, for which some 60,645 voters will be channeled to vote in other districts.

However, violence during the campaign period is not new. During the 2017-2018 electoral process, which was known as the most violent in the last hundred years for the OAS, 152 murders of political actors (elected officials, party leaders and activists, pre-candidates and candidates) were recorded, more than those of this year's contest.

THE PROPOSALS (SUMMARY)
Claudia Sheinbaum promised that she will not let the corrupt return. Likewise, she has said that she will go for the second floor of the 'Fourth Transformation', with which she would be giving continuity to the successful plan of the outgoing president Andrés Manuel López Obrador. The candidate ensures the universal pension for older adults and support for people with disabilities, as well as scholarships for preschool, primary and secondary students in public schools.

For his part, Xóchitl Gálvez Ruiz offered a “strong hand” to criminal organizations. He has an ambitious security plan that contemplates withdrawing the armed forces from civilian functions to focus them on the fight against organized crime.

The candidate Jorge Álvarez Máynez includes among his proposals to promote nearshoring in Mexico, which would link education to the productive sector. "With "nearshoring," the candidate refers to the practice by which a company transfers part of its production to other nearby countries in search of reducing costs," CNN points out in this regard .

WHAT DOES AMLO LEAVE?
The outgoing president is among the most popular world leaders, with an approval rating that has exceeded 60%, which is recognized by his adversaries. When he hands over power, there will be some milestones of his administration that make him worthy of the popularity that he holds.

Below we compile some:

Among the main achievements of the López Obrador government are the reduction of poverty, the increase in the minimum wage and investment in infrastructure. He managed to lift 8.9 million people out of poverty, according to official figures in 2022.
In 2018 the minimum wage was 88.36 pesos per day. In 2023 the general minimum wage is 172.87 pesos per day, which represents an increase of 100%.
Roads, airports, hospitals, schools and other projects have been built or remodeled. For example, the Mayan Train has been built, a 1,500-kilometer transportation infrastructure project that will connect the main archaeological sites of the Yucatan Peninsula.
The reform that the Government and private investment carried out allowed for better pensions since companies are increasing the contribution to the worker's account with the objective of going from 6.5% to 15% of their salary by 2030, which constitutes an important achievement to unite these sectors.
The Mexican economy has accumulated three years of expansion, reaching 3.1% in 2023.
MORENA'S CHALLENGES FOR THIS SECOND STAGE
Continue with the social programs initiated by the outgoing president.

Although Sheinbaum is likely to win, it is not yet known what the new composition of Congress will be. Let us remember that Morena seeks to expand the simple majority in both chambers to approve López Obrador's transformation proposals, as well as the justice reform that some call dictatorial.

The approach is that the judges of the Supreme Court should be elected by popular vote and their number should be reduced. He also proposes cutting the size of the electoral body.

https://misionverdad.com/globalistan/el ... relevantes
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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Mon Jun 03, 2024 2:24 pm

Claudia Sheinbaum is the next president of Mexico

The progressive leader is making history as the first woman president in North America and has vowed to follow in the footsteps of her colleague President López Obrador in building an anti-neoliberal economic development model

June 03, 2024 by Zoe Alexandra

Image
Claudia Sheinbaum at her campaign launch.

Dr. Claudia Sheinbaum won the presidential election in Mexico on June 2, making her the first female president of Mexico. The scientist, public servant, Nobel Peace Prize winner, and longtime activist ran with the “Let’s Continue Making History” Coalition composed of the Movement for National Regeneration (MORENA), the Labor Party (PT), and the Green Ecologist Party of Mexico. With 58% of the votes (according to INE quick count at 1:25 am (UTC-6)), Sheinbaum defeated Xóchitl Gálvez Ruíz who was the candidate of the right-wing Force and Heart for Mexico Coalition of PRI-PAN-PRD. Jorge Álvarez Máynez came in third with around 10% of the total vote share.

Sheinbaum addressed thousands of supporters in the Zocalo in the center of Mexico City to celebrate her victory. “I feel excited and thankful, for the recognition that you have given to the Fourth Transformation of public life of Mexico. Here as we have always done, I promise to not let you down. Today, the people of Mexico have made possible the continuity and advance of the Fourth Transformation, and also for the first time in 200 years, we women have arrived to the presidency of the Republic!”

Earlier in a press conference, Sheinbaum also announced that MORENA had achieved a majority in the Chamber of Deputies and was set to also win a majority in the Senate. Clara Brugada, the former mayor of Iztapalapa, won the race for head of government of Mexico City.

Sheinbaum’s party MORENA had announced her victory in a press conference about an hour and a half after polls had closed and all major exit polls projected her victory with a 2:1 margin, which they characterized as an irreversible trend. The President of MORENA, Mario Delgado, had stated: “Today sovereignty, independence, and democracy have also triumphed. The people have shown that they will not be deceived, not with hate campaigns nor with lies. The votes defeated the bots!”

The National Electoral Institute (INE) began to release results of the quick count at 8:00 pm (Mexico City time). Just before midnight on Sunday, the Council President of the National Electoral Institute (INE), Guadalupe Taddei Zavala, released a message to announce that based on the preliminary results of the rapid count, Dr. Claudia Sheinbaum is set to win the presidency with a wide margin over right-wing candidate Xóchitl Gálvez. She added that between 58.9-61.7% of the electorate had participated in Sunday’s local and federal elections.

Tensions had begun to rise in the period after voting when conservative candidate Gálvez Ruiz, instead of accepting her overwhelming defeat, confirmed in the exit polls and the preliminary results of INE, called on her supporters to remain vigilant and suggested she is in fact be the winner. She then published a series of tweets, echoing the same messages of “vigilance” and wrote, “They want you to go to bed thinking that they beat you. They lie like always.” Analysts had been alerting to a situation wherein Gálvez would “cry fraud” and attempt to undermine the results of the election in light of her predictable defeat.

However, this narrative was quickly debunked after the official results confirmed the landslide victory of the MORENA candidate. When Sheinbaum announced her victory, she confirmed that Gálvez had called to congratulate her moments earlier.

Claudia Sheinbaum vows to continue making history
Sheinbaum will be the first woman president of Mexico and North America, and has vowed to continue the project of the “Fourth Transformation” inaugurated by President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, led by the principle of “Mexican Humanism”. The anti-neoliberal socio economic project has had enormous success across Mexico in raising the standard of living for the majorities in the country through the increase in minimum wage, expanded social and economic programs to increase access to key rights of education, housing, healthcare, and more. AMLO will finish his term in office with a 80% approval rating, according to Gallup polls.

Sheinbaum spoke about the importance of the 4T project in an interview with Peoples Dispatch and BreakThrough News in April 2023, “states have to give the rights to the people. What do we think is a right? Education, health, a home, pension for all the elders. We also believe in strategic areas of the economy such as energy. The state has to be part of this, especially electricity, oil and mainly and now lithium…it’s important and it’s going to be very important in the future…You cannot have private investment measured only by GDP or international investment. You have to measure investment, public and private, in wealth for the people. And that’s the big difference with neoliberalism that believed that everything was going to be solved by the market.”

Mexico’s northern neighbor, the United States, is its most important trading partner. During AMLO’s six-year term, he managed to maintain a mostly amicable relationship with both Donald Trump and Joe Biden, but also did not shy away from holding his ground on key issues. For example, as president, AMLO was one of the strongest voices on topics which directly contradict US policy such as the US blockade of Cuba, the imprisonment and persecution of Julian Assange, and the subordination of the region to corporate and imperialist interests. AMLO was also a driving figure in reinvigorating spaces of regional integration and served as pro-tempore president of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). How Sheinbaum relates to her northern neighbor and the rest of the region will be a defining feature of her presidency.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2024/06/03/ ... of-mexico/

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Puebla Group Congratulates Candidate Claudia Sheinbaum

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Presidential Candidate Claudia sheinbaum accompained by marco Enriquez-Ominami, May 2, 2024 | Photo: X/ @marcoporchile

Published 3 June 2024 (9 hours 21 minutes ago)

Also members of the association, met with the candidta to express their congratulations and accompany her in the elections.

On Monday, on the eve of the official results of the Presidential Elections in Mexico, Puebla Group congratulated, through social networks, the winner for first counts, Claudia Sheinbaum.

Also members of the association, met with the candidta to express their congratulations and accompany her in the elections, such was the case of the Bolivian Former President, Evo Morales, the former Argentine president Alberto Fernández and the founder of the group of Puebla, Marco Enriquez-Ominami.

In his X account, former president Evo Morales Ayma wrote: "A nice meeting with the newly elected president of Mexico, Claudia Sheinbaum. As always, she was very humble and committed. We share the joy of his triumph with Alberto Fernandez, Marco Enriquez-Ominami, Mario Delgado, president of Morena, Alberto Anaya, president of the PT and others. Claudia is Latin America. Thanks to Brother AMLO for being the moral reserve of humanity".

On the other hand, Enriquez-Ominami said, "In Mexico, change won over those who wanted to return to the past. Congratulations to the Mexican people and the first President of Mexico Claudia Sheinbaum".

The text reads,
A nice meeting with the brand new elected president of Mexico,
@Claudiashein
. As always, she is very humble and very committed. We share the joy of his victory with
@alferdez
,
@marcoporchile
, Mario Delgado, president of Morena, Alberto Anaya, president of the PT and others. Claudia is Latin America. Thanks to brother
@lopezobrador_
for being the moral reserve of humanity.


Officially, the Puebla Group expressed its best wishes saying, "A historic day for democracy in this country, with the largest electoral process of all its times and with the election, for the first time, of a woman as president".

Sheinbaum, of the MORENA party, leads the elections with 57.7% of the vote, being declared the winner of the elections at the quick count stage.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Pue ... -0001.html

Morena’s Clara Brugada Wins Head of Government in Mexico City]

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Clara Brugada when she casted her right to vote this Sunday in CDMX. | Photo: X/ @ClaraBrugadaM

Published 2 June 2024

According to exit polls the left-winger candidate will rule in the CDMX for the next six years.


The candidate of the Coalition Continue Making History, led by the left-winger Morena party has declared herself the winner of the Head of Government of Mexico City, a country where the largest general elections in its history took place today.

The pollsters Enkoll and Parametría give for winner to the candidate of Morena - Workers Party (PT) - PVEM to the Head of Government, Clara Brugada, with a wide margin of advantage that could vary from 10 to 15 points compared to the other candidates.

"I am able to inform you that we have an average of the exit polls that have been carried out by recognized pollsters and give us an average of more than 15 points advantage, we win with a clear and irreversible advantage, we won the head of government, the majority of mayors and local and federal congresses, we also won the senators," said Brugada



Brugada also expressed that she will finaly start the reconciliation of Mexico City working together with all the economic and social sectors.

In turn, she called on polling representatives and militants to count the votes well and ensure that the ballots reach the district councils and the IECM.

Now the candidates have to wait for the official results of the Electoral Institute of Mexico City: "Thanks to the chilangos and chilangas of Mexico City, hearts up," she said on her victory speach.

Also, two exit polls declare the victory in Morelos and Mexico City of candidates Margarita González Saravia and Clara Brugada, says Morena national leader Mario Delgado.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Mor ... -0027.html

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Electoral appeal of the Communist Party
Communist Party of Mexico 30 May 2024

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FOR A MEXICO FOR THE WORKERS!

#ChooseFight

#VoteCommunist


To the working class of Mexico, to the working woman, to the working youth.

To migrants, to the unemployed, to indigenous peoples.

Proletarian sisters and brothers, comrades:


On June 2, the elections for President of the Republic are held, to integrate the Chambers of Senators and Deputies that will make up the next Legislature; Governors are also elected in Mexico City, Morelos and other entities, as well as local councils and legislatures.

We repeatedly heard the proposals of the candidates of the two large blocs of bourgeois parties, Claudia Sheinbaum for MORENA-PVEM-PT and Xóchitl Gálvez for the PRI-PAN-PRD. There is no room for deception, they have stated their intentions clearly and loudly, which will make them successful.

Both Sheinbaum and Gálvez have committed to the representatives of the monopolies to guarantee the conditions for nearshoring and relocation, a temporary economic situation arising from the confrontation between the capitalist interests of the US and China, with which They intend to turn Mexico into the production and storage station for merchandise that North American consumers require. It is not about expanding the productive base to satisfy popular needs, but about becoming the factory of products that the North American market requires; To this end, the public budget will be generously used for the creation of logistics infrastructure, railways, ports, airports and development poles in the Northwest, North, Bajío, Center and Southeast. To encourage these rapacious monopolies to come and temporarily park themselves, the candidates guarantee them social peace: low salaries, zero class-based union organization, a police state in the name of insecurity; as well as all necessary natural resources, mainly water. Although the current Federal Government boasts of increases in the minimum wage, objectively the salary of the Mexican worker is among the lowest in the world, pulverized by inflation and scarcity, never enough to escape from misery. With all this, what Sheinbaum calls “conscious capitalism” or the second floor of the 4T can be foreseen ; that new measures will come to devalue work, to attack the living and working conditions of the working class.

None of the bourgeois blocs takes a position on serious international problems. Firstly, the imperialist war in Ukraine, which is becoming generalized into a world war, and which, in addition to the death of those directly involved, has an impact on the increase in the prices of food and services in the world. They say nothing about the Genocide in Palestine, the blockade of Cuba, to talk about some of the hot topics.

We already met them all in the Government: both the PRI and the PAN, as well as MORENA and allies. The Obrador Government, like that of Peña, Calderón and Fox, is anti-worker, anti-popular and anti-immigrant. A Government that militarized the country, that left workers to their fate during the COVID pandemic; a Government during which monopolies have doubled their fortunes, while workers see how our salary is insufficient for basic needs. The Obrador Government is a great scam, wrapped in demagoguery of love for the people, but completely at the service of the elites and the bosses, of the bourgeoisie.

It is clear that they are equal, that they are the same, that MORENA, the PRI and the PAN govern in favor of the exploiters; who profit politically from the desperation, suffering, anguish, hunger and misery of the workers. It is a matter of their class, they all govern and reach an agreement to serve the bourgeoisie. And in favor of our class, of the workers, the workers, only we ourselves can be. The strength of the workers is in their unity and organization, and in the Communist Party.

Below, among the working class, many already have the conviction that the blocks that drive Sheinbaum and Gálvez are equal; that didn't change anything. And that is why many workers think of rejecting them with abstention. If that is your decision, we salute you; But we invite you to take a step forward by voting for the Communist Party, because by doing so, in addition to rejecting the Power of the monopolies, you give strength to the leadership of Workers' Power: the strength of all workers. We also find workers who, disappointed with Obrador and worried about the continuity of that management, think that it is better to vote for the other bourgeois bloc. It is a wrong reasoning, because while it is correct to oppose the dangerous course of militarization, of the hardening of restrictions on the freedoms of mobilization and expression, the return of authoritarianism, presidential absolutism, it is not a correct trench that of the bourgeois faction that calls itself #marearosa: those who were repressors yesterday proclaim themselves democrats today. Do not be fooled by false opponents. The truth is that Obrador's anti-worker, anti-popular government, and his right-wing opposition, express two sides of the same coin. It is an interbourgeois dispute, a struggle within the ruling class.

Workers :

We communists call on you to make the only choice possible for the working class, the choice to fight. Fight to cancel the T-MEC; militarization; anti-immigrant politics; anti-worker, anti-indigenous and anti-popular politics. Fight against the imperialist war, for friendship and solidarity with the people. Fight against hunger and misery. Fight for work, health, education, housing, culture. Fight for the free development of youth. Fight for the emancipation of working women. We call to vote on June 2 for the communist candidates: for President of the Republic, Marco Vinicio Dávila; and for the Governments of Mexico City, by Ángel Chávez, and the state of Morelos, by Diego Torres. But above all we call you to fight after June 2 for the most important of tasks: overthrowing capitalism, putting an end to exploitation and oppression; so that the working class conquers power and thus builds socialism-communism, the only path to happiness, full development and satisfaction of popular needs, a new world for workers.

#ChooseFight!

Let's go together for the radical change of Mexico and the World!

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Tue Jun 04, 2024 2:12 pm

Some Initial Thoughts on Mexico’s Genuinely Historic Election
Posted on June 4, 2024 by Nick Corbishley

Claudia Sheinbaum’s epic electoral victory would not have been possible without AMLO’s enduring — indeed, ripening — popularity. The question is: what will she do with her newfound power after the hand over on Oct. 1?

The word “historic” tends to slip too easily into newspaper headlines in post election analysis, but in the case of Mexico’s elections this past weekend, history was most definitely made — on a number of fronts. For the first time in over 200 years of (relative) national independence, Mexico has its first female president. As the Washington Post reported with time-honoured sensitivity, “Mexico is famous for its macho culture,” yet it “has just elected its first female president, Claudia Sheinbaum, in what was essentially a race between two women engineers.”

The Post contrasts this landmark achievement in Mexico with the “two-man contest” about to take place in the US between Biden and Trump, while predictably ignoring Robert Kennedy Junior’s independent candidacy in the presidential race. It correctly points out that Mexico is “eclipsing its northern neighbour on gender parity in governance”, and not just in the highest office: “women hold half the seats in Mexico’s legislature — roughly double the percentage in the U.S. Congress” — and there is a larger share of female governors than in the US.

Electoral Bloodbath

The elections were historic for another reason: the sheer scale of the bloodbath. According to projections made by the National Electoral Institute, or INE, the 61-year-old former Mexico City mayor garnered around 58-60% of votes. That is around 30 percentage points more than her conservative rival, Xóchitl Gálvez, and some 50 percentage points ahead of the only man in the race, centrist candidate Jorge Alvarez Maynez. It is also six percentage points more than Mexico’s outgoing President Andres Manuel López Obrador’s vote haul in 2018 (53.2%) and according to El País, the highest vote count of any presidential candidate in recent history.

Support for Mexico’s traditional parties, the National Action Party (PAN), the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), which in Gálvez fielded a unified candidate who was uniquely unqualified to govern, once again crumbled, both at the national and state level. Sheinbaum’s ruling MORENA party also benefited from a mass exodus into its ranks of PRI governors, senators and representatives, some, unfortunately, with long histories of corruption.

Sheinbaum’s crushing victory would not have been possible without López Obrador’s enduring — indeed, ripening — popularity. As the US pollster Gallup reported just days before the election, López Obrador (aka AMLO) is ending his six-year term with record high approval ratings of 80%, making him one of the world’s most popular national leaders. It puts to shame his presidential counterparts in North America. After less than four years in office, Joe Biden is the least popular US president in 75 years, according to Newsweek, while Trudeau’s approval ratings consistently hover at or below 40%.

In 2023, confidence in the national government was twice as high in Mexico as it was in the U.S. (30%). What’s more, public approval of, and confidence in, the government actually grew over time, as opposed to steadily or rapidly declining. When was the last time that happened in your country?

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First Jewish President

Sheinbaum is not just Mexico’s first female president; she is also its first Jewish president — no mean feat in a country with one of the largest Catholic populations and whose Jewish community represents just 0.03% of the populace. A daughter of a Sephardic mother and an Ashkenazi father who were both active in left-wing movements in the 60’s, Sheinbaum is not a practising Jew. During the campaign she described herself as “non-religious.”

Like her parents, Sheinbaum’s background was in academia before entering politics in the late ’90s. Per Wikipedia:

“[She] studied physics at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), where she earned an undergraduate degree in 1989. She earned a master’s degree in 1994 and a Ph.D. in 1995 in energy engineering…

In 1995, she joined the faculty at the Institute of Engineering at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM). She was a researcher at the Institute of Engineering and is a member of both the Sistema Nacional de Investigadores and the Mexican Academy of Sciences. In 1999, she received the prize for best UNAM young researcher in engineering and technological innovation…

In 2007, she joined the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) at the United Nations in the field of energy and industry, as a contributing writer on the topic “Mitigation of Climate Change” for the IPCC Fourth Assessment Report.

A Sheinbaum presidency is unlikely to result in a substantial shift in Mexico’s stance toward Isreal and Palestine. The North American nation has maintained ties with both Israel and Palestine for decades and has consistently held a fairly neutral position on the Middle Eastern conflict regardless of the ruling political party.

“If we take sides we would not help to bring about what should matter most to all of us: that the war stops, that there are no more deaths, dead, murdered in Gaza,” said AMLO last week. “That is why we have acted very cautiously.”

AMLO has repeatedly condemned the violence in Gaza and called for a ceasefire, though he has so far refused to call Israel’s onslaught of the enclave as “genocide”. But unlike many of his peers in Latin America, his government does not recognise Palestine as a state, though it did reclassify the Palestinian Authority’s diplomatic mission in Mexico City last year from special delegation to embassy. Last week, just days before the election, it requested to join the genocide case filed by South Africa against Israel.

Sheinbaum, like AMLO, has condemned Israel’s systematic attacks against civilians. She has also called for a cease-fire and reiterated her support for a two-state solution. During Israel’s bombardment of the Gaza Strip in 2009, she wrote a letter to the Mexican daily La Jornada condemning what she described as “the murder of Palestinians”:

My maternal grandparents came to Mexico fleeing Nazi persecution. They were saved by a miracle. Many of my relatives from that generation were exterminated in the concentration camps. Both families decided to make Mexico their homeland. I was raised as a Mexican. Loving its history and its people. I am Mexican and that is why I fight for my country. I cannot and do not want to deny my history; to do so would be, as León Gieco says, to deny the soul of life. But I am also a citizen of the world, because of my history and because that is how I think it should be…

Therefore, because of my Jewish origin, because of my love for Mexico and because I feel like a citizen of the world, I share with millions the desire for justice, equality, fraternity and peace, and therefore, I can only see with horror the images of the State bombings… No reason justifies the murder of Palestinian civilians… Nothing, nothing, nothing, can justify the murder of a child. For this reason, I join the cry of millions around the world who are calling for a ceasefire and the immediate withdrawal of Israeli troops from Palestinian territory.

“Total Power”

Following these elections, Sheinbaum’s ruling MORENA party and its coalition partners will have sizeable majorities in both of Mexico’s legislative houses and possibly even “super majorities” — i.e. more than two-thirds of the seats. This, as the Atlantic Council notes, “allows for constitutional changes which could not be obtained thus far by the López Obrador administration.” The MORENA coalition also won at least six of the eight gubernatorial seats up for grabs, as well as Mexico City’s all-important mayoral race. As a result, it will control at least 23 of Mexico’s 32 states. From Jacobin‘s Kurt Hackbarth:

According to [INE’s] conteo rápido, or fast count, the landslide was expected to carry over into Congress as well, with MORENA and its allies winning up to 380 of 500 seats in the lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, and up to 88 of 128 seats in the Senate. This would put the center-left coalition within range of its ambitious goal of achieving a qualified majority of two-thirds, which would allow it to pass constitutional reforms on its own (together with the state legislatures it controls). And not only did MORENA win the all-important mayorship of Mexico City with candidate Clara Brugada, the MORENA coalition is also set to pick up at least six of the eight governor’s races up for grabs…

In 2018, the conservative parties Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and National Action Party (PAN) ran separately; this year, they ran in coalition. But instead of adding in numbers, the coalition wound up subtracting.

The front page of the news magazine, Proceso, sums it up nicely: “Total Power”. Of course, as Lord Acton once warned, too much power can be a dangerous thing, even for a political project that commands the widespread support of the public. There is a concern, not only among MORENA’s opponents, that without any meaningful counterweights or balances, the party could end up taking greater control of the federal system and even recreating the one-party system that governed the country for roughly 70 years.

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El poder total

A History of Outside Meddling

That said, Mexico’s government will always face opposition and interference from beyond its borders. In fact, MORENA’s electoral triumph has occurred despite a coordinated international campaign between the US Drug Enforcement Agency, Western think tanks and media to paint AMLO and MORENA as being in league with Mexico’s drug cartels. During the presidential debates, the conservative candidate, Xóchitl Galvez, repeatedly called Sheinbaum a “narco candidate,” to no avail.

As I noted in February, the accusations were unsubstantiated and their main source was a DEA informant who had earned a reputation for fabricating testimonies. The “exposé,” published simultaneously by two US publications and a German broadcaster, came just eight months after the Mexican government locked horns with the DEA over revelations that the agency had run a covert, 18-month incursion into Mexican territory, in direct contravention of Mexico’s 2020 National Security Law. In the end, these attempts by the DEA and international media to hijack the political debate ended up backfiring, as I warned could happen:

Most of Mexico’s corporate press will happily lap up and amplify any allegations against AMLO or Sheinbaum, whether demonstrably true or false. That said, it is unlikely that these allegations will have any material impact on Mexico’s elections and could end up backfiring. My guess is that those who already despise AMLO will despise him a little more while those who support him will continue to do so, just more fervently. In other words, it will help to fuel political polarisation in the country while increasing distrust of the DEA among AMLO supporters, who continue to represent over 60% of voters.

In fact, AMLO, now in his last year in office, is the second most popular national leader in the world after India’s Prime Minister Narendi Modi. I would argue that the main reason for this is that Mexico’s economy has fared far better than AMLO’s doomsaying detractors have consistently predicted over the past five years. In the IMF’s latest nominal GDP forecasts, in December 2023, Mexico placed 12th in the ranking of the world’s largest economies, having overtaken Spain, Australia and South Korea in the past two years.

Given the economic sweet spot Mexico finds itself in right now, with unemployment at its lowest level in 20 years and investment pouring into the country from companies looking to take advantage of the nearshoring trend, all Sheinbaum had to do on the campaign trail was pledge to continue where AMLO left off while refusing to be goaded by the opposition’s “go-negative” campaign. Which is pretty much what she did.

Hackbarth documents, her 100-point program includes “extending social programs and scholarships, continuing annual minimum-wage increases, consolidating Mexico’s push toward national health care, building a million affordable homes on a rent-to-buy plan, constructing seven long-distance train lines, mandating that companies investing in the “nearshoring” phenomenon provide higher wages and benefits, and — in what is certain to continue raising the hackles of multinational energy interests — a public sector–led energy transition building on Mexico’s state-owned oil, electricity, and lithium companies.”

The hackles have been raised throughout AMLO’s five-and-a-half-year mandate, with Western media, NGOs and think tanks relentlessly trying to depict AMLO as a threat to both Mexico’s economy and democratic system. In 2018, the Financial Times‘ Latin American editor, John Paul Rathbone, described him as a bigger threat to liberal democracy than Brazil’s strongman president Bolsonaro.

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Contrast The Economist‘s depiction of AMLO with Time magazine’s near-messianic treatment of his predecessor Enrique Peña Nieto, whose PRI government would end up being one of the most corrupt of modern times. [Peña Nieto, like two other former presidents of Mexico, Carlos Salinas de Gotari and Felipe Calderon, is now a full-time resident of Spain].Gema Kloppe-Santamaría on Twitter: "Can we talk about Mexican politics beyond the language of saviors and messiahs? Can we move beyond the false notion that Mexico can or should be "saved" by

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In 2022, the Index on Corruption, a London-based NGO that has been around since the Cold War and which bashfully describes itself as “the global voice of free expression,” even named him as “tyrant of the year.” As we reported at the time, the NGO’s donors include the Charles Koch Foundation, George Soros’ Open Society Foundations, Google, Facebook, the European Commission and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

The irony was palpable: a non-profit whose stated mission is to defend free expression and combat censorship worldwide accepting funding not only from three of the companies that, partly at the behest of certain governments, did more than just about any other to censor online information and debate in 2022 but also NED, which has spent the past 40 years trying to pull off soft coups and colour revolutions in Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe.

Looking Ahead

Lastly, a few brief thoughts on the challenges, opportunities and possible betrayals that may lie ahead. One very obvious difference between Sheinbaum and AMLO is their leadership style. AMLO is a stay-at-home president who has left Mexico to attend overseas events and engagements on probably fewer than ten occasions since taking office in late 2018. To his credit, he has not once attended the World Economic Forum’s annual meeting in Davos. His focus has been squarely on the domestic agenda, and there are few national leaders on the global stage who have done such a good job at dominating national politics.

One of the main keys to AMLO’s success is the hours-long morning press conferences, or “mañaneras”, that he has chaired at the National Palace more or less everyday from Monday to Friday since the beginning of his presidency. This has enabled him to communicate directly with the Mexican people, cutting out the middlemen and women in the broadly hostile domestic and international media and nipping in the bud many crises before they bloom. It has allowed him to control most of the key narratives at a time when most Western governments are rapidly losing control of the narrative and having to resort to ever more blatant forms of censorship.

In this particular area, Sheinbaum will not be able to fill AMLO’s shoes though she is determined to keep direct lines of communication with the Mexican public open. As she herself admitted in an interview with the Russian journalist Inna Afinogenova a few months ago, “(AMLO) has an extraordinary form of communication that is recognised by locals and foreigners alike” as well as an encyclopedic knowledge of Mexican history, culture and geography, “so we have to adapt something special to our personality, but there must continue to be this awareness of the people of Mexico and this direct communication.”

There are certainly areas where Sheinbaum could improve on AMLO’s performance, including the environment (a subject on which she is an expert), women’s rights, and security, an area in which she has already excelled. As mayor of Mexico City (2018-23) she was able to reduce intentional homicides in the capital by half. Since 2019 Mexico City has accounted for almost a quarter of all high-profile arrests in the country. And unlike many other parts of the country, most of those arrests were carried out by local police — and not the army or national guard.

Sheinbaum attributes much of this success to her administration’s extensive use of data and surveillance technologies to tackle serious crime. As Biometric Update reports, over the last decade “Mexico City has installed the largest video surveillance system in the Americas, altering the way criminal investigations are conducted for better or worse.”

This highlights another key difference between AMLO and his successor: whereas AMLO is very much an old school Mexican politician with nationalist sensibilities, Sheinbaum appears to be more of a technocrat with globalist leanings. Before entering politics, she received a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation, one of the world’s longest-standing proponents of technocracy. During her time as mayor of Mexico City, her administration also received funding from George Soros’ Open Society Foundation and Bloomberg Philanthropies.

In January, Todd Martinez, director of the sovereign debt group at Fitch Ratings, remarked in a seminar broadcast to investors that while “Sheinbaum does come from the left-wing Morena party, she seems like more of a technocratic figure.” And technocrats can apparently be trusted — at least by the investor class. Interestingly, the word “technocratic,” denoting a system of governance based on technical approaches, is often used pejoratively by AMLO to refer to the ultra-neoliberal administrations that preceded him.

This invites the question: to what extent will Sheinbaum, a committed environmentalist with apparent globalist leanings who is determined to move ahead with the energy transition, stay true to AMLO’s political project, which is largely based on principles of energy (mainly oil) and food independence and security? Will she be another Lenin Moreno, the Ecuadorian president hand-picked by his predecessor, Rafael Correa, to continue the country’s economic development along largely left-wing lines, who, once elected, handed in Julian Assange to British authorities in return for an IMF loan? Or will she stay loyal to her long-time mentor?

For the moment, there is no way of knowing. Something else that is not yet clear is who she will have to deal with in Washington after the November elections. If Trump wins, as is widely expected despite his legal entanglements, will he follow through on his plans to covertly send “kill teams” into Mexico to take out cartel kingpins? Even if he doesn’t win, relations between the US and Mexico are likely to remain fraught, especially if the US, as the Council of Foreign Relations’ Shannon K. O’Neil suggests, seeks “to boost economic ties with Mexico by enforcing free trade rules and insisting on the fair and equal treatment of businesses."

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2024/06 ... ction.html
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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Sun Aug 25, 2024 5:11 pm

US-Mexico Row Heats up as Latin American State Pivots From America’s Grip
August 24, 2024

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Mexico's President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Photo: Marco Ugarte/AP Photo.

By Svetlana Ekimenko – Aug 18, 2024

A diplomatic row is escalating between Mexico and the United States as part of a general pivot of the Latin American country away from Washington’s overbearing influence.

Outgoing President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador has accused the US of sponsoring opposition NGOs through USAID programs.
Obrador said his Foreign Ministry had sent a diplomatic notice in protest at the funding of groups such as Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity (MCCI), while he would personally write to US President Joe Biden about it.
The US government has sent nearly $5 million to MCCI since 2018, with private donors including the Rockefeller and Ford foundations, Mexico’s Financial Crimes Unit (UIF) said.
The US Agency for International Development (USAID), established by former President John F. Kennedy during the height of the Cold War, has long been controversial as a tool for to extend US influence under the cover of humanitarian aid. The agency has backed media, activist and political forces abroad to promote Washington’s favored policies and support operations in countries targeted for regime change — so-called “color revolutions” like in Ukraine in 2004 and 2014.

But reported attempts by the US to influence the outcome of the elections in Mexico through its NGOs appear to have failed. President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum – who will be sworn in on October 1 – has vowed to continue the policies of her predecessor.



The current row comes as part of a general pivot away from the US driven by Obrador, also known by his initials AMLO.

The leader of the left-wing MORENA political party has repeatedly doubled-down on assurances that he will not tolerate Mexico being subservient to the US.
Last year Obrador rebuked “irresponsible” calls from some in the US Congress for military action against drug cartels. “We are not going to permit any foreign government to intervene in our territory,” he said.
Mexico’s president refused to grant the Pentagon permission to track a stray Chinese balloon through Mexican airspace using UIS military aircraft and surveillance drones last year. The US shot down the balloon, claiming it was on a spying mission for Beijing, despite China insisting it was a civilian craft conducting scientific research.
Obrador also accused the US Department of Defense of spying and vowed to restrict the exchange of military information after Mexico-related intelligence documents were leaked along with dozens of armed forces files last year.
AMLO conditioned helping Biden with his southern border migrant crisis on lifting sanctions on Cuba and Venezuela – both of which are Mexico’s trading partners.
Mexico has sought to slash imports of genetically-modified US corn in favor of boosting local production, sparking a trade dispute.
Together with other major Latin American countries, Mexico pushed back on efforts by the US and EU to diplomatically isolate Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro after he was re-elected for a third term in office.
Mexico has refused to be drawn into supporting NATO’s proxy war in Ukraine, and declined to impose economic sanctions on Russia.
Trade volume between Russia and Mexico increased by 9.8 percent in the first four months of 2024 compared to the same period in 2023, amounting to $759.99 million.

https://orinocotribune.com/us-mexico-ro ... icas-grip/

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Elections 2024
Communist Party of Mexico 04 June 2024

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On the results of the elections in Mexico

The electoral process in Mexico concluded with the vote on Sunday, June 2, to elect the President of the Republic, Chambers of Deputies and Senators, Governments of Mexico City and other entities, several local legislatures and municipal governments of several states.

The electoral process was marked by government intervention in favor of its MORENA party, by the use of social programs, that is, profiting from extreme poverty, by the demagogy of the two large bourgeois blocs and their candidates Claudia Sheinbaum and Xóchitl Gálvez, the dirty campaigns, by the obscene waste of money, both from the prerogatives of the INE, and from foreign sources (or from business groups or organized crime), by violence.

The role of the Movimiento Ciudadano Party as a governmental strikebreaker was visible; it was also notable that from a programmatic point of view, Sheinbaum and Gálvez were framed in the same platform, with minor and non-essential differences. Fundamentally, both ratified the commitment to carry forward the management of capitalism.

The results are clear: Claudia Sheinbaum was elected, and she will have a qualified majority to undertake the set of legislative measures she considers necessary, since the PRI and the PAN will not have the correlation of forces to hinder them. The so-called Plan C, which among other measures seeks to place the National Guard under military control, will be implemented. From the start of the campaign, the businessmen dictated their priorities. Today, the satisfaction of the ruling class, of the power of the monopolies, is evident with this result, with the immediate congratulations of the bankers and employers' associations.

The Obrador administration, which is coming to a formal end, achieved, after almost three decades of social instability and the intensification of the class struggle due to the shock policies of privatization, a social peace that has allowed a rapid phase of capitalist expansion that led Mexico to improve the position of its capitalist economy within the imperialist system, displacing Spain, Australia, South Korea, and coming close to being one of the 10 main capitalist economies in the world. Under Obrador, the monopolies have doubled their profits, firstly by increasing the rate of extraction of surplus value, devaluing the workforce, and through the imposition of anti-popular, anti-immigrant policies, and measures that had previously been rejected. He ratified the T-MEC; despite presenting himself as anti-neoliberal and declaring the end of neoliberalism, he did not reverse any of the privatizations, and the monopolies that benefited from them in the 1990s were allies of the President during this six-year term.

Obrador was in charge of re-legitimizing the State and its discredited repressive forces, especially the Army; he temporarily healed the cracks in the class domination of the bourgeoisie, resorting to the formula already tested by Plutarco Elías Calles in 1929: a multi-class State Party. In the last six years, MORENA has functioned as a landing strip for the groups and currents of the PRI – including the Atlacomulco group – and also of the PAN; like the PNR-PRM-PRI, today MORENA claims to represent the popular interest when in truth it expresses the class interest of the bourgeoisie and the monopolies. In content and form it restores absolutist presidentialism, authoritarianism. For the moment, the monopolies, industrialists and bankers are satisfied with Obradorism, and in the inter-bourgeois struggle they have supported him, relegating the PRI and PAN to the reserve, which they have doubled electorally.

Thus, Sheinbaum's triumph has already predetermined its course: that of an anti-worker and anti-popular management, which she does not hide with what she pompously calls the second floor of the 4T, which she also calls conscious capitalism , which simply means the opening to nearshoring and relocation, to occupy, within the framework of the conflict and rivalries between the capitalist states of China and the United States, the place that China had as a producer of the goods that the North American market requires; for this purpose, the construction and development of transport, communications and logistics infrastructure was started and will continue, trampling on the rights of workers, indigenous peoples and sacrificing natural resources. We note that the bourgeoisie projected from the campaign, two of its cadres as replacements in the direction of the State: Omar García Harfuch and Altagracia Gómez, of proven anti-popular line and defense of order.

Demagogy is the hallmark of Obrador's government and will be Sheinbaum's. They vulgarly took advantage of the Ayotzinapa tragedy and have betrayed the victims to join the executioners; they have been indifferent in the face of the genocide in Palestine, or in the face of the expansion of drug trafficking throughout Mexico, in the face of the thousands of dead and missing.

How deluded are those who think that the Obrador or Sheinbaum governments are expressions of the left or the people; those opportunists who from various latitudes today salute Sheinbaum with abjection, just as yesterday they remained silent in the face of militarization and dispossession, are co-responsible for the agony of the people and workers of Mexico. Equally deluded, or abject, are those who proclaim as a historical milestone the fact that there is a female President instead of a male President, when she equally represents interests antagonistic to those of the millions of Mexican and migrant working women who continue to experience first-hand not only the intensified exploitation of capital, but also the unstoppable social and criminal violence.

The Communist Party of Mexico will undoubtedly continue to fight against Obrador and, starting on October 1st, against Claudia Sheinbaum, because they express the class interests of exploitation. We are aware of the moment, of the need to strengthen political and organizational ties with workers, working women, youth and students, migrants, with indigenous peoples, with independent class organizations, in order to develop an antagonism with the social democracy of Obrador/Sheinbaum with an anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly social alliance.

In this direction, the communist campaign was a step forward, allowing us to reach thousands of workers, almost 234,000, with a class-based programmatic platform for a new power and a new economy, based on the social ownership of the means of production. The vote for Marco Vinicio Dávila, communist candidate for the Presidency of the Republic, and the other communist candidates, which is from thousands of workers who have chosen to fight, despite all the legal and extra-legal difficulties, is an incentive. According to the PREP trend, the vote for unregistered candidates is now 85,000 and could reach 90,000. In addition, we have evidence that many of the votes for our candidates were recorded as invalid. We call on those who decided to vote communist to take a step forward, so that together we will fight daily until we change everything that needs to be changed, to fight for the new world of socialism-communism. We also salute the more than 1,300,000 invalid votes, many of those who, in vindicating their missing, those who, aware that neither MORENA nor the PRI-PAN are a way out, have decided to reject them. It is a good prospect that thousands of workers and young people have chosen to fight and not be trapped in the dilemma of the lesser evil.

With the proletariat, with the working class, fighting every day, without respite, with optimism for the future that will come if we are willing to maintain classist and internationalist positions.

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

The Political Bureau of the Central Committee

http://www.comunistas-mexicanos.org/ind ... iones-2024

The fight for popular education from the grassroots.
Aug 21, 2024

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By: Ivan Carreno

The Democratic Schools Front February 25 (FEDF-25) is a popular education project located in the State of Mexico, although it is not limited to it. They see in the teacher not only the worker who must be in front of a classroom for 8 hours a day, but the teacher is the door to access universal knowledge, culture, fine arts and popular struggle, recovering the teacher and the popular school, beyond a government slogan, a motto or a theoretical perspective, the Democratic Schools Front shows itself as part of the struggle that the masses make day by day to survive, taking into account that the main enemy is an unjust economic system and not only poor public administration, thus promoting an educational struggle front, creating popular primary, secondary and preparatory schools accessible to all, in addition to already having the Indigenous University of Chimalhuacán.

Although this path in the community struggle for a critical, scientific and popular education has led this organization to face repression and silence, since its founding they had to face the murder of Professor Agustín Pérez Rodríguez 45 years ago who at just 22 years old had made possible the recognition of 40 public schools in the state of Mexico, those who accompanied him continue fighting under the same ideals today, carrying the date of his martyrdom in the name of the organization, the aforementioned attack did not end there, it continues with the imprisonment of leaders, the fabrication of crimes against its militants and even forced disappearance and torture as in the recent case of teacher Félix Jiménez who appeared alive after a month of intense protests by the FEDF-25 and other solidarity organizations, with all the above that does not diminish the capacity of the organization to carry out the commemoration of anniversaries with recitals, dance, alliance with other similar projects, forums for popular education or against forced disappearance, and even study circles on dialectical materialism.

We hope that the slogan “Education first for the child of the worker and education later for the child of the bourgeois” continues to be a reality that is being built and fought for by the FEDF-25.

https://elmachete.mx/index.php/2024/08/ ... lo-popular

Job insecurity in Mexico for health workers: What are the conditions?
Aug 21, 2024by Editorialin The Machete

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By: Hiram Quintero

Who are health workers? According to the WHO, health workers are those who carry out work activities that aim to improve people's health. This includes doctors, nurses, among other specialists, as well as healers and practitioners of traditional medicine (2022). This is a definition that covers more workers who are not always recognized within this branch and are not regulated, as they lack institutional validity.

Currently, according to the Government of Mexico, the number of doctors, nurses and other health specialists is 396 thousand, their average monthly salary is 9, 210 pesos per month, having an average age of 41.7 years, 39.1 hours per week, with 5.02 days a week worked, 10.7% employed with a second job, 22% are informal workers and have an average of 17.5 years of schooling. (Government of Mexico, 2023)

The working population in the health field can be divided between public and private work. In one, people work formally, mostly with social security and attended by public institutions, while in the other, there are mostly informal workers. Since there are few public vacancies, some are forced to work independently or have a job that may or may not be related to the health field. (Montañez-Hernández, 2022)

Health workers are of utmost importance to society, and taking care of their health and conditions is at the same time beneficial to the population. However, Mexico is one of the Latin American countries that are members of the OECD with the lowest results in health indicators such as: infant mortality, life expectancy. This may be due to low public spending in the sector, as well as an insufficient number of nurses, doctors and hospital beds (Expansión Política, 2023).

There are various problems in Mexico such as the unequal distribution of medical personnel in the regions and high rates of job neglect, which means that doctors who are unemployed or work less than 20 hours, have a job other than their professional training or whose main activity is housework in general, practice medicine very little or do not practice it. (Montañez-Hernández, 2022)

Mexico has a deficit in the number of doctors and nurses, which represents an obstacle for the service to be effective and essential in prevention, emergency care and clinical care intervention. Doctors and nurses in Mexico are lower than in OECD members, which are on average 1.7 and 3.8 higher per thousand inhabitants. (Llanos-Guerrero, Méndez-Méndez, 2021)

Mexico ranks second among OECD countries with the lowest average annual salary for specialized medical personnel, only above Poland (OECD 2019). The average annual salary of specialized medical personnel in Chile is 1.5 times higher than the salary in Mexico. (Llanos-Guerrero, Méndez-Méndez, 2021)

Likewise, the average annual salary of nursing staff is below the OECD average and that of countries such as Chile, Spain and Italy (OECD 2019). The average annual salary of the OECD is 0.6 times higher than the salary of nurses in Mexico, while the salary in Chile is 0.7 times higher. (Llanos-Guerrero, Méndez-Méndez, 2021)

Regarding people who work for a company, whether public or private, it is known that in Mexico labor is cheap and that profits are distributed unequally, compared to the rest of the world where normally the profit for workers represents 54% of the value they produce and 46% for the owners, but in Mexico workers receive only 35% of the value they produce and sometimes even less, showing that the one who takes most of the value generated is the boss (Rios-Viridiana, 2021).

Being a health worker means facing difficult working conditions that make them prone to exposure to diseases. This was evident and increased during the pandemic: situations of violence, anxiety, depression, psychological stress, insomnia, and it is known according to the WHO that medical professionals have a higher risk of suicide. (Cruz Robazzi, 2010)

In Mexico, since there is no universal coverage, there is an increasing demand for private services. These services are characterized by: shorter waiting times than those of public institutions, proximity and affordable prices, with an increase in the supply of private outpatient services. (Montañez-Hernánde, 2022)

Perhaps the lack of policies for the health care of workers that address their health problems is due to the erroneous thesis that health is a cost and an investment, since a healthy workforce is a determining factor for the socioeconomic development of each country (Tennessee, 1995). But more than this, health should be recognized as a right rather than an economic investment. Health is a right that should be universal, however, health workers have occupational risks in their work from infections to psychosocial problems or violence. Procuring the health of health workers is safeguarding the health of the workers themselves, which is why it is important that they have access to the necessary care, protection and prevention. (WHO, 2022)

Due to these aforementioned conditions, there is a lot of job insecurity in Mexico. There are three factors to determine job insecurity, the first is the income level that takes the minimum wage as a reference, the other is the legal dimension that considers the creation of a written contract and the duration of the working day, the third dimension is social security that includes affiliation to social security and other benefits. Job insecurity is a phenomenon not exclusive to Mexico that is part of making the labor market more flexible to increase employment and economic development, at the cost of worse working conditions (Montañez-Hernández, 2022). Unfortunately, it is seen that priority is given to economic development over the development of the working class. The development of the working class will be what will truly help improve the economy, since it would help them to access better services and quality of life.

“Job insecurity can have short- and medium-term costs for doctors. In the short term, it can affect their health, quality of life and that of their families, in addition to limiting the possibilities of professional growth. In the medium term, it can influence unemployment rates and job waste. It can also affect the quality of services provided to the population. This makes it necessary to formulate and establish a human resources policy in Mexico that jointly considers the training of health professionals and the health needs of the population, and that in turn regulates the public and private markets.” (Montañez-Hernández, 2022)

The main deficiencies faced are: Minimum wage, number of hours exceeding those allowed by law, lack of contract, security and benefits. (Montañez-Hernández, 2022). The factors that currently favor excessive work: the process of globalization, increased competitiveness, the search for better living conditions and accumulation of goods, characteristics of the capitalist system. (Cruz Robazzi, 2010)

It is therefore important that there are policies and regulations that protect workers, since many times they work without a contract and legal benefits and ironically do not have health insurance, these conditions being more common in the private sector, but also in the public sector. (Montañez-Hernández, 2022)

In short, the current conditions of health workers are precarious, which results in poorer services for the general population and difficult access to them. Greater investment, a greater number of health professionals, as well as a greater number of decent jobs for them are needed.

Rights are not granted simply by asking for them; labor organization is necessary, through a union or guild of health care workers.



Literature:

Tennessee, Current situation and perspectives of occupational health in Latin America, (1995), Vol. 3,

INEGI, MEXICAN HEALTH SECTOR SATELLITE ACCOUNT (CSSSM) 2022, Retrieved from: Press Release. Mexican Health Sector Satellite Account 2020. (inegi.org.mx)

INEGI, HEALTH STATISTICS IN PRIVATE ESTABLISHMENTS. (2021)

Political Expansion, With poor performance in health indices, Mexico moves away from the objective Denmark, (2023) Internet article.

WHO, Occupational health: health workers. (2022)

Rios, Viridiana, (2021). It's not normal. The hidden game that fuels Mexican inequality and how to change it. Mexico: Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial. 89 pp.

WHO, Ensuring the safety of health workers to protect the safety of patients. (2020). Internet article.

Montañez-Hernández et. al. (2022) Employment conditions and job insecurity of physicians in Mexico: analysis based on a national survey

Llanos-Guerrero, Méndez-Méndez (2021) Salaries and wages in the health sector: International Year of Health Workers

Government of Mexico. (2023) Physicians, Nurses and Other Health Specialists. Physicians, Nurses and Other Health Specialists: Salaries, diversity, industries and labor informality | Data Mexico (economia.gob.mx)

Cruz Robazzi, et. al. (2010). Overwork and mental disorders in health workers. Cuban Journal of Nursing, 26(1), 52-64. Retrieved on March 5, 2024, from http://scielo.sld.cu/scielo.php?script= ... es&tlng=es.

https://elmachete.mx/index.php/2024/08/ ... ciones-hay

Activism or militancy?
Aug 21, 2024by adminin The Machete

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By: Guillermo Uc

Why is it so difficult to take on militancy? Why is it so comfortable to remain an activist? Although both terms can be confused as synonyms (or there are those who want to pass them off as such), each has a different content. Therefore, in order to reach an answer to the questions raised, it is necessary to distinguish between both categories, contrasting them.

A militant is someone who makes a commitment to a political position and defends it actively and permanently. A militant cannot conceive of his life without the political position he has assimilated. He understands that his actions, however small, will be aimed at achieving greater objectives, at achieving an accumulation of forces so that his objective is fulfilled.

The militant is driven by necessity. The militant becomes such because he comes to understand that the only way to change his situation is through taking sides and leaving inaction behind. It is not surprising, then, that in the present era the majority of individuals who assume militancy belong to the working class or to the popular sectors, because they feel the chains of capitalist slavery firsthand and therefore react by organizing themselves.

But this objective is not only personal, individual, isolated. The militant understands that he is not the only being on the face of the earth who lives in a calamitous situation. Whoever assumes militancy does so because he comes to understand that there are hundreds of thousands of individuals who live under the same conditions as him. In this sense, he links up with others in an organized way to achieve the same goal since he understands that his emancipation cannot be achieved without the emancipation of the rest of the masses. A militant is not necessarily someone who is a militant in a political party. The student who is a militant does so in a student organization; the worker, in the union; the inhabitant of the neighborhoods and belonging to the popular sectors, in the neighborhood committee, in the association of the same branch of production, etc., and, of course, the most advanced, will end up militating in the party of the working class. Militant and organization are two words that will never be found separated. The “militant” who considers that he can be without being organized, simply is not one. Therefore, the militant is not motivated by an individual, selfish, egocentric motivation, but rather, if he dedicates his life to his cause, it is for collective, mass objectives. Therefore, the militant understands that his value as an individual is relative, and only acquires importance when his individual acts contribute to collective tasks.

Is militancy, then, a renunciation of individuality? No, because the militant understands that he is responsible for his own individual actions. It is up to him to ensure that, in his workplace, in his school, in his neighbourhood, or wherever he sets foot, the rest of the masses know his positions (which, as we have said, are not only his own, but those of the organisation to which he belongs), understand them and adopt them as their own. He, too, as an individual, is responsible for the mistakes he makes. Of course, the organisation, as a collective, is responsible for the correct training, both theoretically and practically, of the militant, for the supervision of the militant's actions, etc., but the militant, as an individual, is responsible for ensuring that his actions and lifestyle correspond with what he acquires in consciousness through his organisation.

One type of militant is the militant of the working class party, that is, of the Communist Party of his country. He is not a fan of the movement for the movement's sake. A communist militant is someone who knows how to estimate the true value of a cause or, in this case, of the concrete way in which a cause is fought for. On the one hand, he knows that, although there are "struggles" that proclaim themselves to be just, these can be deceptive. For example, contemporary opportunists in Mexico maintain that, more or less, the "just" struggle of the working class in our country is to support social democracy. An activist without criteria easily falls prey to this deception; the communist militant understands that this is demagogy, denounces this thought as such and shows the masses that for them this movement does not represent any advance in their struggle. On the other hand, the militant is aware that, although there are just struggles, not all the ways in which they are expressed deserve to be supported. For example, the communist party understands that in Mexico the struggle against the dispossession of land from the impoverished peasantry is, in general, a just struggle, and therefore it tries to attract the working and oppressed masses to it and participate in actions that effectively contribute to that end. In those cases, the rest of the masses that participate in that struggle can be certain that the communist militant will always be there, that he will be the first to arrive and the last to leave, even in the most adverse conditions. But it is also aware that not all the expressions that occur in that struggle have a concrete end, that there are some that have no head or tail and that are doomed to failure. If the struggle against land dispossession, for example, is being dragged into voting for the social democracy that promises to “take action on the matter,” even though that same social democracy has endorsed dispossession in previous times, then the communist militant must expose to the masses the folly of continuing down that path and firmly criticize those who promote it. Therefore, the militant is not guided by the spontaneous movement, but, on the contrary, he tries to make the spontaneous movement become something conscious, organized, and it is also his duty to assess whether that spontaneous movement has a future or whether it will remain trapped in the logic of mere activism.

In order not to be a slave to the movement, the communist militant tries to educate himself ideologically and politically, both individually and collectively in his organization. The militant must read, educate himself, and raise his cultural level. If he does not want to be swept away by everything that arises, but also if he wants to give an organized character to the struggle, he must have a clear understanding of the world and the reality that surrounds him. But the militant must not limit himself to just reading and acquiring bookish education. The communist militant can only find a verification of the theory in practical reality and learn from it.

The communist militant is someone who is discreet, he is an enemy of the morbid desire to attract attention, to attract cameras, spotlights and microphones, unless the organization's assessment deems it necessary. The militant is in the fight not for medals or recognition, but for the conviction of achieving the objective at any cost.

So, is the militant a slave of the organization? Is he an automaton that obeys without reason? Not at all. Organizations are made up of their militants and would be nothing without them. The organization exists because there are militants who not only make it up, but who give it direction, strengthen it, enrich its analysis, propose solutions, analyze the results.

It is therefore natural that organisations, movements and struggles will be successful because of the participation of those elements who have taken on a militancy. However, why are there so few militants compared to the multitude of activists? To get one step closer to the answer to this question, we must therefore define what an activist is and how he or she differs from a militant.

Unlike the militant, the activist has a very weak commitment. Although he appears to be committed to a cause, this commitment is usually circumstantial. He is moved by something that is in the media, that is his condition for being part of it. He is moved more by a personal, moral or passionate motivation than by a political one.

This is also because activists are not driven by necessity. Activists generally do not belong to the exploited classes under capitalism. Their way of thinking and acting is due to the fact that they belong to the petty bourgeoisie or have a relatively comfortable lifestyle. Therefore, it is personal satisfaction, feeling good about themselves, knowing that they are doing the right thing, in other words, the voice of their petty bourgeois conscience, that “forces” them to mobilize. As a consequence, the limits of their “obligation” are defined by themselves and, therefore, their membership in a struggle tends to be temporary or depend on their mood. One day they can be there and the next day they can’t, if they don’t feel like it. Their commitment is as voluntary as charity; they are capable of committing themselves to such an extent that it does not require a greater effort than they would devote to a hobby, that is, they can devote their spare time.

Not belonging to the exploited classes, the activist does not have to (nor does he wish to) submit to the leadership of the working classes who have taken up militancy and who, because of their clarity, naturally tend to be recognized as the vanguard of the rest of the masses. The activist's ego is offended when his academic training, his "experience" based more than anything on age (which may mean nothing, in reality, if he never learned anything from it) or his supposed "prestige" end up being overtaken by the clarity of the militant's conscience. The immediate response is a tantrum, even threatening to abandon the struggle if what he wants is not done.

This is why activists are not interested in organizing themselves; in fact, they are terrified of the organization, which they see as a monster that devours everything. “Nobody tells me what to do!” is the maxim of the activist, since they perceive the organization as a threat to their individuality. The self is everything for the activist. For them, the success of the struggle will depend on their isolated individual action. It is not surprising that the activist’s method is closer to anarchism, a bourgeois, disorganizing, liquidating and even reactionary current.

The activist does not care about having a political, ideological, or in some cases, not even cultural background. “Why all this theory?” is the second maxim of the activist. Therefore, it is not surprising that the activist is like the shrimp that falls asleep, because it ends up being dragged by the current of any fashionable movement that arises. Today it can be an environmentalist, tomorrow it can be a feminist, and the day after tomorrow it can be an expert in “decolonialism.” In the end, it does not matter what the struggle is about. It could be against the genocide in Gaza, or in the unity of the left so that the “transformation” continues in the case of Mexico, without considering the contradictions that this expresses. What matters is to be in it, even if they are contradictory positions.

But the few activists who have acquired the habit of reading through academia have the serious problem of not knowing how to distinguish between a true, correct theory that can be verified in reality and a “theory” that is the brainchild of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois intellectuals and that, therefore, only exists in the heads of those who proposed it. For them, everything is valid, because as long as there is one case in a million that verifies what they read, it is approved as a correct theory. It does not matter that material reality works from generality and not from particularities. For them, everything is a matter of interpretation, nothing concrete exists, because everything depends on how one wants to interpret it. But they themselves are hypocrites with their self-imposed rule, because if the explanation for the phenomena is found in Marx, Engels, Lenin or Stalin, that is dogmatism and sectarianism; but if Enrique Dussel, Judith Butler, Walter Benjamin or Michel Foucault say it, it must be true. And woe betide any “dogmatist” who wants to argue with the interpretation of our tantrum-laden activists!

The activist's petty bourgeois roots are reflected in his obsession with standing out, with being the first to pose in front of the cameras, with monopolizing the microphones, even if he has nothing relevant to say. "Let it be seen that I am in the public eye, even if I never show up for the most laborious and least attractive work!" is the activist's greatest concern, even before the cause he boasts of supporting. If he is not given the attention he demands, if there are no conditions to prove that he was the one who was here or there, his assessment is that it is not worth continuing there. "I have been ignored in better places!" will be the activist's whimper, before being seen again.

In short, it can be seen that if there are many activists but few militants, it is because activism is the comfort of doing things when one wants and not fearing the consequences of not doing them, of wanting to have the best of both worlds (recognition without commitment), not having to worry about the dull work, or training, or taking on tasks, or being accountable to anyone other than one's petty bourgeois conscience. On the contrary, militancy is not taken on by just anyone, it is taken on by someone who has decided to give up part of their individuality and ego to merge into the organised revolutionary torrent. Being a militant means being, as the Indian Naborí would say, the last to have, the last to eat, the last to sleep and the first to die. And that is something that few are willing to accept, especially when they ignore the conditions that make sacrifice preferable to misery. In other words, we can conclude that the militant is in a higher category of commitment than the activist.

But is there anything wrong with that? Does it affect the struggle? If there are militants and activists, why not let the militants be militants and the activists remain activists? Why not follow the “live and let live” approach? In the end, we are all “comrades in the same struggle,” aren’t we? That would be precisely the reasoning of the activist, who sees no further than his own nose and thinks that individual actions and decisions have no consequences on the struggle of the proletarian and popular masses. The militant reasons in the opposite direction; he knows that it is a fundamental issue, that one or another form of political activity influences the organizational processes.

Of course, although we reject the petty-bourgeois method of activism, we do not condemn all activists in the abstract. On the contrary, we think that this first form of joining the struggle can be developed, polished, improved and, eventually, turned into militancy. But we are clear that, if the struggles of the working class and the popular sectors intend to advance and conquer better positions against the class enemy, they will not achieve this by following the activist method. They can only unleash their full force by assuming a militant commitment, whether in their unions, student organizations, neighborhood organizations and, of course, in the Communist Party.

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Tue Aug 27, 2024 2:06 pm

Three Amigos No More? US and Canada Warn of Dire Economic Consequences if Mexico Persists With Judicial Reforms
Posted on August 27, 2024 by Nick Corbishley

Mexico’s President AMLO responds by refusing to discuss the matter with US Ambassador Ken Salazar while giving the Mexican people a brief history lesson on US interference in Latin America.

Well, that was quick.

Just a week ago, we wagered that the US and Canadian embassies would soon begin piling pressure on Mexico as the outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (aka AMLO) seeks to pass sweeping constitutional reforms to its mining laws, energy laws and judicial system, among other things, in his last month in office. Just two days later, the US Ambassador to Mexico, Ken Salazar, sent a communique warning that the proposed judicial reforms could have serious consequences for the US’ trade relations with its biggest trade partner:

Based on my lifelong experience supporting the rule of law, I believe popular direct election of judges is a major risk to the functioning of Mexico’s democracy. Any judicial reform should have the right kinds of safeguards that will ensure the judicial branch will be strengthened and not subject to the corruption of politics.

I also think that the debate over the direct election of judges in these times, as well as the fierce politics if the elections for judges in 2025 and 2027 were to be approved, will threaten the historic trade relationship we have built, which relies on investors’ confidence in Mexico’s legal framework. Direct elections would also make it easier for cartels and other bad actors to take advantage of politically motivated and inexperienced judges…

We understand the importance of Mexico’s fight against judicial corruption. But direct political election of judges, in my view, would not address judicial corruption nor would it strengthen the judicial branch of government. It would also weaken the efforts to make North American economic integration a reality and would create turbulence as the debate over direct election will continue over the next several years.


Canada Joins the Scrum

It didn’t take long for the Canadian Ambassador, Graham C Clark, to join the scrum, warning that Canadian investors — primarily, of course, the mining companies that dominate Mexico’s mining sector and which now face tougher regulations following Mexico’s mining reforms last year — had also expressed concerns about Mexico’s judicial reform.

“I heard these concerns this morning. So, the only thing I’m doing is listening to what our investors are saying about it and there’s concern,” Clark said, adding that the proposed judicial reforms may affect the “bond of trust” between investors and the Government of Mexico. From Forbes Mexico:

“An investment is a sign of confidence. I’m going to invest in your country, I’m going to, I don’t know, build a factory or invest in a Mexican company,” the diplomat added.

However, the ambassador clarified that his “interest is to convey the concerns of the Canadian private sector” without intervening in Mexico’s affairs.

“As a diplomat, I am very sensitive to any comment that could be seen as interference in Mexico’s affairs and it is certainly not my goal,” Clark said.


Yet interfering in Mexico’s affairs is exactly what Clark and Salazar are doing. And AMLO is acutely aware of this, as, it seems, are many Mexicans. After all, this is not the first time Salazar has meddled directly in Mexico’s domestic affairs. In 2022, Salazar — a long-serving oil and gas lobbyist with close ties to the Clintons — lectured Mexico on renewable energy as the AMLO government sought to pass an energy reform package aimed at restoring a strong role for the state in Mexico’s energy and electricity sectors.

AMLO’s “Plan C”

The AMLO government’s “Plan-C” judicial reform proposals seek to radically reconfigure the way Mexico’s justice system works. Most controversially, judges and magistrates at all levels of the system will no longer be appointed but instead be elected by local citizens. Those elections will be taking place in 2025 and 2027, and sitting judges will have to win the people’s vote if they want to continue working. New institutions will be created to regulate procedures as well as combat the widespread corruption that has plagued Mexican justice for many decades.

This, insists the AMLO government, is all necessary because two of the main structural causes of corruption, impunity and lack of justice in Mexico are: a) the absence of true judicial independence of the institutions charged with delivering justice; and b) the ever widening gap between Mexican society and the judicial authorities that oversee the legal processes at all levels of the system, from the local and district courts to Mexico’s Supreme Court.

There is some truth to this. And making judges electorally accountable may go some way to remedying these problems, but it also poses a threat to judicial independence and impartiality, of which there is already limited supply. As some critics have argued, with AMLO’s Morena party already dominating both the executive and the legislative, there is a danger that it will end up taking control of all three branches of government — just like the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) that held uninterrupted power in the country for 71 years (1929-2000).

While these risks may exist, it is also true that the AMLO government has every right to pursue these reforms, has the support of roughly two-thirds of the Mexican public, and is doing so following established legal procedures. It is also true that, whatever the Washington Post may claim, Mexico’s judicial reforms are a strictly domestic issue and are of no business to the US or Canadian governments.
Kurt Hackbarth 🌹
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Imperial mindsets never rest. Per the @WashingtonPost, Mexico's judicial reform is not an internal affair but one the US has every right to comment on.

Thus, Mexican ambassador Esteban Moctezuma has the same right to comment on Biden's judicial reform. How would that go over?
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2:08 PM · Aug 26, 2024
In response to Salazar’s latest provocation, the AMLO government sent a strongly worded note to the White House [and is preparing to send a similar one to Ottawa]. In his Friday morning press conference, AMLO read out excerpts from the note to Washington:

The Mexican government is committed to a Judicial Branch that enjoys true independence, autonomy, and legitimacy, thus strengthening the rule of law and improving access to justice for all.

Therefore, the statement by the Ambassador of the United States of America expressing a position on this strictly domestic matter of the Mexican State represents unacceptable interference, contravenes the sovereignty of the United Mexican States, and does not reflect the degree of mutual respect that characterizes the relations between our governments.


AMLO also divulged another way in which the US government has been meddling in Mexico’s internal affairs over the past six years — namely by giving money to organizations that claim to defend human rights but in reality are dedicated to undermining Mexico’s democratically elected government.

Mexico’s Financial Intelligence Unit (UIF) recently revealed that the NGO Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity (MCCI) had received 96.7 million pesos ($4.95 million) from the US Embassy. CIA cut-outs the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) have also been giving generously to MCCI, as we reported in 2021.

Founded in late 2015 by Claudio X. González Jr, the son of the long-serving president of Kimberley Clark Mexico, with the ostensible purpose of investigating the causes and effects of corruption and impunity, MCCI has become a major political actor. In recent years, it has helped build a coalition of opposition parties against the AMLO government. Tellingly, it didn’t start receiving donations from the US government until 2018, the year AMLO won the presidency and his party, Morena, secured a majority in Mexico’s legislative chambers.

In 2021, AMLO described the US government’s funding of MCCI as a form of golpismo, or coup promotion, and likened it to the participation of US ambassador Henry Wilson in the overthrow of President Francisco Madero during the Mexican Revolution. “It’s an act of interventionism that violates our sovereignty … Our Constitution forbids it. You can’t receive money from another country for political ends.”

Historical Background

In his speech on Friday, AMLO also provided some historical background to US meddling in Mexican and Latin American affairs. Like Vladimir Putin, AMLO has a penchant for delving deep into the past to explain current realities:

For many years… the United States has applied an interventionist policy throughout America, ever since it established the Monroe Doctrine…

For a long time Washington set the political agenda of countries on this continent. They imposed and removed presidents at their whim, they invaded countries, created new countries and new protectorates… We were invaded twice… The first time was the War of Intervention of 1847-8, which robbed us of half of our territory. Nine states of the American Union belonged to Mexico.

It was very sad. Imagine: on September 15, the [US troops] took Mexico City and hung the stars and stripes from here, the National Palace. Then, in 1914, they invaded us again, this time in Veracruz. For seven months they occupied our territory.

[T]hen they created a different strategy that was more subtle but highly effective. They began opening up US universities to young, ambitious Mexicans to educate them there… We have evidence of this: [T]hen-President Wilson was told by his secretary of state [Robert Lansing] that it was no longer necessary to invade Mexico or shoot a single bullet; it was just a question of indoctrinating young ambitious Mexicans at US universities.

And the strategy worked… for a long time. At least three (Mexican) presidents during the neoliberal period were educated in the US… [T]he [US] not only dominated politics here but also imposed the economic agenda. They were the ones who defined the so-called structural reforms, they touted the privatisations that transferred the nation’s assets from the hands of the Mexican people into the hands of private individuals and foreign companies.

So, this neoliberal, anti-people, interventionist policy led us into a terrible crisis, a prolonged economic decline — and the people of Mexico, who are fiercely protective of their traditions and are prepared to fight for justice, for freedom, for independence, and sovereignty, said “basta” [enough] and this new transformation began.


Flagrant US Hypocrisy

The US government’s flagrant hypocrisy is once again on full display in this latest diplomatic spat. As Mexico’s former Foreign Minister (and incoming Economy Minister) Marcelo Ebrard pointed out a few days ago, in 42 out of the US’ 50 states at least some, if not all, of the judges are elected:

Dear Ken: what are you talking about? [said in English]. Of all our partners, the US is the country that elects the most judges. In the US, judges are elected in 42 states of the American Union, and this has been going on for more than a century and a half. Mexico never said: ‘oops, democracy is in danger in the United States.’ No one said that, on the contrary, [the election of judges] strengthened it.

What Ebrard doesn’t mention is that all federal judges in the US, including the supreme court judges, are appointed. By contrast, Mexico is proposing to make all judge and magistrate positions subject to vote. In the case of the Supreme Court, which is the highest judicial authority of the land as well as the ultimate interpreter of the constitution, the concerns are understandable.

There are, of course, other elements of US hypocrisy on display here — for example, the fact that over the past year-and-a-half the outgoing Biden administration has tried just about every lawfare trick in the book to get Trump behind bars, or at least disqualified from the ballot, to no avail.

The Biden Administration is now trying to fast track its own reforms of the US Supreme Court, including the imposition of term limits for SC judges as well as a constitutional amendment to “make clear there is no immunity for crimes a former president committed while in office.” As the Supreme Court blog notes, the fact that constitutional amendments in the US require a two-thirds vote of both houses, followed by ratification by three-quarters of the states renders “passage of such an amendment extremely unlikely, if not all but impossible, at this time.”

Also, it goes without the US government is in no place to pass judgment on other countries’ political or judicial systems, given it is essentially facilitating and financing the worst war crime of the 21st century: Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza. As AMLO himself said, imagine our ambassador in the United States “writing a document questioning why the US sells or donates weapons for wars being fought in Ukraine or Gaza that are causing the deaths of many innocent people. Why do they have to meddle in our affairs?”

This was a point even Salazar himself was willing to concede — until recently. On June 13, the US ambassador cautioned against interfering in the Mexican government’s reform agenda (translated from Spanish):

The way this is done… is up to the Mexicans. We cannot impose our opinions.

Yet that is exactly what the US is now trying to do.

Why the Change of Tune?

On August 16, just six days before the big U-turn, Salazar even praised the idea of electing judges, pointing out that “there are different models [for judicial systems]: I, in my time as a lawyer, a member of the Supreme Court of the United States, was an advisor to the governor and was in charge of the election of judges in Colorado.” Experts, he said, gave three proposals to the governor and the governor chose among those three. By contrast, Salazar pointed out, there are states like Texas, where “judges do go out to campaign, seek the vote.”

It’s impossible to know with any certainty why the change of tune, but there is a coincidence worth mentioning: on Aug 22, the same day Salazar issued his communique, the highly influential Council of Global Enterprises issued a statement expressing their “grave” concerns about the dampening effect the reforms could have on investment. The lobbying group’s members include Walmart, AT&T, Cargill, General Motors, Pepsico, VISA, Exxon Mobil, Bayer and Fedex.

“The current reform project contains some critical aspects that must be adjusted to ensure legal certainty and avoid discouraging investments,” the statement said. According to Forbes Mexico, the Council of Global Enterprises believe key aspects of the judicial reforms must be adjusted to preserve legal certainty and avoid discouraging investments, especially as the nearshoring trend continues to accelerate. In other words, US, Canadian and other global corporations, mainly from Europe, are determined to ensure that nothing is done to upset their apple cart.

As AMLO explained in his speech, the proposed judicial reforms are necessary because the current judicial system is “plagued by corruption and serves a rapacious minority. It protects white-collar criminals, both domestic and foreign, and is controlled by heads of criminal organizations.”

The corporations, both domestic and foreign, seem to want to keep it that way. And they can count on the support not only of the US government but also large US banks and ratings agencies, which are warning about the possible risks of Mexico’s judicial reforms. In their report, ominously titled “The Next 90 Days Could Shape the Next Decade for Mexico: Staying on the Defensive”, Bank of America analysts warn that President López Obrador’s goal is to disappear more than 7,000 active judges, as well as the 11 Supreme Court judges.

With pressure coming from both Wall Street and Washington, the peso is likely to continue its current slide, which began just before President elect Claudia Sheinbaum and Morena won by a landslide on June 2. But both AMLO and Sheinbaum are refusing to change course. After 12 hours of debates, the Commission on Constitutional Points of the Chamber of Deputies passed the reform, which now heads to the Plenary of the Chamber of Deputies, where it will be debated and voted on in the first days of September.

Yesterday (Aug 26), Ken Salazar said he was willing to engage in dialogue with AMLO about the election of judges and other aspects of the judicial reforms — an invitation that AMLO politely rejected:

“There must always be dialogue. The problem is that issues concerning Mexico are our exclusive ambit. No foreigners or foreign government can have a say on matters that pertain only to Mexicans. It is a basic principle of independence, of sovereignty.”

But how independent or sovereign can Mexico be if it shares the most-traversed land border on the planet with the world’s fading empire of lies, with which it has signed not one, but two trade deals in the past 30 years — deals whose ultimate goal, as Salazar candidly admits, is the economic integration of North America. But according to AMLO, having a trade agreement with the US does not mean Washington gets to interfere in its internal affairs:

The treaty is not for us to cede our sovereignty, the treaty is about trade, about forging good economic and commercial ties that suit both nations. But that doesn’t mean Mexico must become an appendix, a colony, or a protectorate [of the US].

AMLO does not appear to have heard of Dani Rodrik’s policy trilemma, which we have periodically discussed here on Naked Capitalism. The trilemma holds that “democracy, national sovereignty and global economic integration are mutually incompatible: we can combine any two of the three, but never have all three simultaneously and in full.” In this case, of course, it is regional, not global, economic integration that is on the table. The question is: which of the three will Mexico decide to give up?

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2024/08 ... forms.html

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Ayotzinapa: the eve of a decade
Aug 26, 2024by adminin The Machete

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By: Christopher Leon Campos

Nine years, eleven months and counting. Only one month remains to mark the first decade since the forced disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa teacher training students on the night of September 26, 2014, an atrocious act that the current Federal Government itself recognized as a crime of state, a wound that has marked an entire generation and has opened an almost unbridgeable gap between society - especially the youth - and the State, an infamy that cannot be forgiven and that must not be forgotten, another deep wound that, like Tlatelolco, is incurable, even with the clarification of what happened, because it must never be repeated.

On July 8, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador released his first report on the Ayotzinapa case, a document that summarizes information that has already been disclosed but that, unfortunately, establishes a path that could distance justice and return the cloak of impunity that has been so sought to be revealed. In said report, the President exonerates the Mexican Army of its participation in the events, wanting to divert attention from the very diverse ways in which the Mexican Armed Forces have denied the delivery of information and have obstructed justice, which has also been done by judges, magistrates and government agencies in charge of justice. In other words, this crime continues to show the participation of the State to cover up the truth and prolong the pain of the relatives, who have tirelessly remained in the fight for almost 10 years.

Following the publication of the presidential report, many voices were raised to deplore this change in discourse. For example, Amnesty International pointed out that it is a step backwards in the clarification of the case, because if it had already been recognized as a state crime, and there is a lot of evidence already disclosed and used by different independent and governmental investigation groups, how can they now make society believe that the Army had no participation and is not complicit in such cruel acts?

And this is not a hunt for the military institution, but rather a search for true truths and not historical truths, whether from the period of government of Enrique Peña Nieto, who has not been tried or called to justice, or from the current federal administration, because let us not forget that the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (GIEI) documented the participation of the Army and made known that they knew about the operation that was carried out against the 43 normalistas, and let us not forget that at least one member of the Army was infiltrated among the students and carried out espionage work whose information was used to find out about the student movements of Ayotzinapa, so that on the tragic night the governments of the three levels had reports on the actions of the 43. It is absurd to want to say that they are seeking to harm the Army, when since that same night the relatives have asked for help to find their children and have trusted in the current Government, granting their hope that justice will come.

The Ayotzinapa case has repeatedly shown how the State protects itself, because although it was recognized that it was a crime orchestrated by the power structure with the participation of a variety of people and institutions at all levels, to date no head of power has been truly tried and sentenced for the State crime. For example, Murillo Karam is under house arrest, and military, police and other detained officials have been released little by little, most of whom have been exonerated of all responsibility, not to mention former President Enrique Peña Nieto, who enjoys impunity in power. So, we are faced with a State crime in which the State blames itself and exonerates itself. Ayotzinapa is becoming, after ten years, an uncomfortable legacy for the coming six-year term; it is a test of fire and a national urgency.

Justice for Ayotzinapa, it was the State!

https://elmachete.mx/index.php/2024/08/ ... una-decada

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Mexico

Post by blindpig » Sat Nov 02, 2024 1:47 pm

Claudia Sheinbaum de-privatizes two major oil and energy companies

The measure de-privatizes two large Mexican companies, one dedicated to the extraction and commercialization of oil, and the other dedicated to providing electricity and internet to Mexicans.

November 01, 2024 by Pablo Meriguet

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Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum presenting the decrees to de-privatize PEMEX and CFE. Photo: Presidencia MX

On October 30, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum made a very clear anti-neoliberal gesture in her morning press conference: the de-privatization of two emblematic Mexican energy companies. Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex) and the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) will now be fully controlled by the federal government. The government also signed a decree for the Mexican State to regain full rights over passenger railroads.

This was achieved through a constitutional reform approved by Congress, in which MORENA has a majority. Although Andrés Manuel López Obrador (Sheinbaum’s predecessor) sent the proposal several weeks ago, the current president takes the most important credit for having concluded the process.

In 2013, the neoliberal government of Enrique Peña Nieto undertook a reform to turn Pemex and CFE into “state-owned productive companies”, a euphemism that implies that such companies cease to be public and become private.

In this regard, Sheinbaum told the press “With the signing of the decree we return to Pemex and CFE their public character. The Mexican State also retakes the right over the railroads for passenger transportation.” In addition, the President pledged that the companies “Will be operated efficiently and will provide services, fuel, and electricity at affordable prices for everyone.”

For her part, Mexico’s Secretary of Energy, Luz Elena González, said that “the legislative process for the reform of strategic areas and companies of the Mexican State has concluded, and today it is a constitutional reform that fills us with great pride”. For this, articles 25, 27, and 28 of the Constitution had to be reformed, through which the operation of such companies will no longer be based only on possible profits, but on the possibility of offering the Mexican people an accessible and quality service: “these companies are given prevalence to guarantee continuity, security and accessibility to all Mexicans to a strategic resource. With the previous reform, for example, CFE could not take electric energy to remote towns where it was not profitable, here we recover the essence that it is for the nation, and on the other hand, it allows us to retake the planning capacity that the Mexican State had and that should never have been lost,” said González.

In addition, Sheinbaum celebrated the fact that the Mexican State will once again have jurisdiction over passenger railways, which will allow it to operate trains on all railways and generate more employment: “We will generate 600,000 jobs that we will generate with the trains…Public works generate employment and this boosts private investment,” said the President of Mexico.

With these measures, the new Mexican government seems to declare to the world the tone of its economic policy: a greater presence of the State in the economy, greater employment generation from the State, and strong opposition to the neoliberal logic that dominates a good part of the Mexican market.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2024/11/01/ ... companies/

Make no mistake, this is not socialism, it is nationalism. Which for US capital is nearly as bad, restricting the ability to pillage at will as has been the custom. Nonetheless a step in the right direction which should benefit the people but on the negative could dampen revolutionary fervor if successful.

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Strengthening the class dictatorship
Communist Party of Mexico September 14, 2024 Visits: 1771

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On the approval of the Judicial Reform

The Social Democrats came to power in 2018 promising to reverse neoliberal measures, and yet, rather than debate the major constitutional violations of Articles 27, 28, 123, 130, and others - which destroyed communal land ownership, denationalized telecommunications, allowed the privatization of the state sector of the economy, attacked the secular, scientific, and free nature of education, eliminated the separation of Church and State, etc. - they made it their priority at the beginning of the new Legislature of the Congress of the Union to approve the so-called Reform of the Judicial Branch proposed by López Obrador.

The Mexican Communist Party considers the following regarding Judicial Reform:

The objective of the judiciary is to apply the prevailing law, which emanates from the bourgeois Constitution of 1917. It is the power that for decades has issued arrest warrants against workers, peasants and revolutionaries. It is the power that oversees compliance with the concessions and agreements of the monopolies that for years have plundered peoples and communities. It is the power that has freed criminals due to their political or economic power. It is one of the state's apparatuses of domination, whose operation serves as a pillar to ensure the existing system of domination and exploitation. Its anti-worker and anti-popular essence emanates from its class character, from the defense of the bourgeois order, from its task of ensuring the private appropriation of socially produced wealth.
In addition, the judiciary is rotten to the core, like the other two branches (the executive and the legislative), due to corruption and influence peddling. Any worker who has sought justice in this branch will have faced a bureaucratic labyrinth, and the only justice he knows is called money. And even if there are honest elements in this branch individually, their individual action cannot change either the corrupt dynamics or the bourgeois essence of the judiciary. It is not possible to reform the judiciary or improve it from within in favor of the exploited, without first transforming the social relations that underpin it.

The Judicial Reform proposed by President López Obrador has been publicly presented as a “democratization” of the Judiciary because it proposes a popular vote for ministers and judges. However, as we warned about the attempt at electoral reform with the INE authorities, it is a political maneuver to ensure control of another of the federal powers, to tear away the influence of the other bourgeois parties in the Judiciary in favor of the bloc in government. His first attempt to co-opt the Judiciary was the failed attempt to extend the mandate of Arturo Zaldívar, former president of the Supreme Court of Justice and current member of Sheinbaum's cabinet.
The AMLO government and also President-elect Sheinbaum seek with this reform to ensure control of the Judiciary, to avoid any obstacle to their capitalist megaprojects and future reforms. These were blocked at times, through injunctions and actions of unconstitutionality, sometimes due to inter-bourgeois disputes, and others, simply because of the legal inefficiency that has characterized the MORENISTA administration, whose proposals or actions broke the very framework of the bourgeois constitution. It is worth mentioning the falsity of the argument that the Judiciary was an obstacle to initiatives in favor of the people, since none was presented by Obrador or his government. He did not seek to reinstate those fired from Luz y Fuerza del Centro in their jobs, he did not promote a single reform.
The election of magistrates and judges by popular vote does not ensure greater democratization of the Judicial Branch, nor greater access to justice. For example, for the SCJN the election is reduced to validating one of the options proposed by the federal powers, which are currently controlled by MORENA and its allies. In addition, although on paper the reform prevents public or private financing of the campaigns of magistrates and judges, the Mexican political reality shows that it will only be a dead letter. As occurred in the last presidential election, where millions of untaxed pesos were used to position the candidates with billboards, advertisements, etc. It is no secret that the money of businessmen, including those from the drug trade, flows in abundance in every Mexican election to tip the balance.
In addition to this, the Judicial Reform includes serious reactionary elements. First, it implements the measure of “faceless judges” for cases of “organized crime,” in which the Mexican State has always known how to include popular protest, as it has done against the teachers, against Zapatismo or against the peasant movement. This measure is one of the unfulfilled dreams of Calderonism, and which has been implemented in other countries by openly reactionary governments such as the Fujimori dictatorship in Peru. In addition, the right to protection is mutilated, preventing the generalization of its resolutions, converting it de facto into an exclusive right for those who can afford to pay a lawyer for a long time. The Reform also violates some labor rights of workers in the judicial branch, including job stability.
The process of approving the Reform has shown the level of decomposition and rottenness that characterizes Mexican social democracy and the entire politics of the ruling class. The same legislators who rejected the reform because of the reduction of the work day, citing the need for more study and public debate, have steamrolled both chambers, and several local congresses, to approve the reform in record time. To do so, they have resorted to the purchase and blackmail of other legislators, live and on national television, with such cynicism that it would make the sinister Gutiérrez Barrios blush. Without a shred of shame, MORENA turned its former “adversaries” such as Murat, Eruviel Ávila and the Yunes family into its new heroes. The ovation of the MORENA senators to the pederast and corrupt Miguel Ángel Yunes Linares will remain engraved in the memory of our class, a scene even more disgusting than the PRI “Roque-signal.” We reiterate what is obvious, the corruptor, the person directly responsible for the quagmire in the unclean legislative process is President López Obrador himself, and he cannot evade responsibility or assign it to subordinates in MORENA, a party that does not lift a finger without his approval.
In the face of this reform, carried out strictly to strengthen the bourgeoisie, we call on our class, the workers, to avoid the false dilemma between supporting or opposing the Judicial Reform, between believing that it means the “end of the republic” or the “democratization” of the Judiciary. In the face of the Morena Judicial Reform, which seeks to co-opt a new power under the control of the Presidency, our class must redouble its fight for true justice, justice for the hundreds of thousands of missing people in Mexico, including the 43 rural normalistas of Ayotzinapa, justice for political prisoners and those unjustly detained, justice for the millions of workers who suffer the constant violence of capital. Let us fight for true justice, which can only come from a new Power, the Workers’ and Popular Power.


Proletarians of all countries, unite!


The Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Mexico

http://www.comunistas-mexicanos.org/ind ... a-de-clase

Google Translator
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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