South America

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Mon Apr 14, 2025 2:39 pm

Citizen Revolution Denounces Massive Electoral Fraud in Ecuador

Image
Presidential candidate Luisa Gonzalez, April 13, 2025. X/ @SputnikMundo

April 14, 2025 Hour: 9:04 am

The organization provided details about the irregularities that harmed presidential candidate Luisa Gonzalez.

On Sunday the results of the second round of the presidential elections in Ecuador surprised millions of citizens. Despite having led the polls for weeks, Citizen Revolution candidate Luisa Gonzalez obtained fewer votes than she had obtained in the first round.

Hours after the voting concluded, the National Electoral Council (CNE) announced President Daniel Noboa as the winner of the presidential elections.

In response to the events, Gonzalez rejected the results presented by the CNE, denounced electoral fraud, and demanded a full and exhaustive recount of the votes. On Monday, the Citizen Revolution Movement endorsed its candidate and issued the following statement:

“Presidential candidate Luisa Gonzalez, along with millions of Ecuadorians, categorically reject the official results announced this Sunday due to conclusive evidence of systematic electoral fraud. We demand that the free press, embassies, and the international community act urgently in response to this serious violation of Ecuadorian democracy.

#Ecuador has not had free & fair election for several years since US-backed rightwingers took over in 2017; but Noboa & the crooked CNE has clearly resorted outright fraud in the vote count yesterday. I’ve been saying, many have been saying, it was possible

Thread https://t.co/f1HonWWaHp

— Joe Emersberger (@rosendo_joe) April 14, 2025
We call for an immediate and independent investigation into the following documented irregularities:

1. Inexplicable and selective vote reduction: Thousands of votes for Luisa Gonzalez unjustifiably disappeared during the vote count, while Daniel Noboa registered statistically impossible increases in numerous polling stations.

2. Manipulation of official records: Dozens of official tally sheets lacking signatures or legal validity certified exclusively favorable results for Daniel Noboa, violating basic electoral transparency standards.

3. Illegal restrictions to prevent visual documentation of fraud: The use of cell phones in polling stations was unlawfully prohibited under threat of fines up to $30,000, with the express purpose of preventing voters from graphically documenting who they actually voted for.

4. Premature statements by the CNE to influence public perception: The president of the National Electoral Council released preliminary results favoring Noboa before the data was officially consolidated, manipulating public perception.

5. Suspicious interruptions and technical failures at key polling sites: Unexpected power outages at strategic locations, unjustified early closures of polling stations, and repeated technical failures in electronic transmission facilitated serious alterations in the vote count.

6. Military intimidation and obstruction of electoral observers: An excessive military presence deliberately hindered the work of independent observers and pollsters, severely limiting transparency in the electoral process.

7. Official results contradict scientific and statistical evidence: The published results contradict at least a dozen independent polls and internationally recognized statistical models, including those close to former President Guillermo Lasso. RC5 possesses conclusive scientific evidence demonstrating the mathematical impossibility of the official results.

8. Arbitrary last-minute changes in polling locations: Thousands of voters identified with RC5 were affected by sudden and unjustified changes in their designated polling places, resulting in an artificial and statistically impossible drop in turnout among our supporters.

Faced with this unprecedented threat to Ecuadorian democracy, we reaffirm our absolute commitment to electoral transparency and to the unwavering defense of the will of the people.”

https://www.telesurenglish.net/citizen- ... n-ecuador/

Luisa González Rejects Ecuador Election Results, Demands Recount

Image
Luisa González, presidential candidate for the Citizens' Revolution Apr 13, 2025 Photo: EFE

April 13, 2025 Hour: 9:56 pm

Luisa González of the Citizens’ Revolution rejects Ecuador’s election results, alleging fraud and calling for a recount. Tensions rise as she demands transparency in the electoral process.

In a strong statement following the second round of elections in Ecuador, Luisa González, presidential candidate for the political movement Citizens’ Revolution, expressed her rejection of the results announced by the National Electoral Council (CNE). González alleged that fraud occurred in the vote tally, accusing current president Daniel Noboa of benefiting from an irregular electoral process.

“Before my people, facing them as I always do and as is right for good women,” González stated, emphasizing that her movement has accepted defeats in the past when polls indicated so. However, this time she declared: “Today we do not recognize the results.”

🔴🇪🇨 Luisa González, candidata a la presidencia de Ecuador sostiene que esta vez no reconoce los resultados de las elecciones de segunda vuelta. Sostiene que pedirá el reconteo y que se abran las urnas y denuncia un fraude. pic.twitter.com/oyTUE9GEo8

— Elena Rodríguez Yánez (@ElenaDeQuito) April 14, 2025


The candidate called on “the men, women, and young children I represent,” urging a review of the electoral process. “I refuse to believe there is a people who prefer lies over the truth. We will demand a recount and that the ballots be opened,” she concluded.

She insisted that they will request a recount. “We are going to defend our right to democracy. Ecuador cannot continue to be governed by a person incapable of leading it toward peace and development, someone who only prioritizes their business and the well-being of their family,” he said.

“Now more than ever, we must be vigilant about what the person who calls themselves the President of the Republic is doing. I publicly denounce that they are committing fraud. We continue in the fight,” he concluded.

Previously, González denounced that the president did not request unpaid leave from the National Assembly and used state resources to campaign, in addition to not entrusting the presidency to the elected vice president, Verónica Abad, as mandated by the Constitution.

The day before, the Parliament and the legislative bench of the Citizens’ Revolution accused Noboa of violating fundamental guarantees by declaring a state of emergency without just cause and imposing it in provinces where the vote did not favor him.

A few hours earlier, Noboa decreed the closure of borders to prevent international observers from entering the country, which would contribute to the transparency of the runoff election. In no case did the electoral authority—the CNE—speak out against these and other irregularities.


In addition, this Sunday, after the polls closed, the former presidential candidate of the Citizens’ Revolution, Andrés Arauz, denounced that the CNE (National Electoral Council) is uploading vote records without signatures, a requirement established in Article 127 of the Democracy Code to validate the results.

Arauz published images of six electoral records lacking the joint signatures of the president and secretary of the Voting Reception Boards (JRV). According to his complaint, all these unsupported records favor the current president, Daniel Noboa.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/luisa-go ... s-recount/

******

Video: Bombshell Investigation Exposes Ecuadorian President’s Cartel Conspiracy
April 12, 2025

Image
File Image. Photo: Grayzone.

An investigative report has placed Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa at the center of a vast conspiracy to transform his government into a laundromat for transnational drug cartels.

The Grayzone spoke to Andres Duran, the journalist who broke the bombshell story, and who had to go into exile to save his own life.

[youtube] http://youtu.be/FfaWCYSA30w[/youtube]

Ecuador teeters on the edge of a narco abyss, awash in violence, and with its dollarized economy and strategic ports transformed into a cocaine highway through Guayaquil to Europe and beyond.

President Daniel Noboa, heir to a banana empire exporting $3.5 billion yearly, presides over a nation where austerity has gutted state power, leaving a void which cartels eagerly fill. Guayaquil, handling 70% of exports, is a sieve.

Over 600 kilos of cocaine linked to Noboa Trading S.A. were seized between 2020 and 2024, bound for Croatia and Italy, yet no one has been held accountable. This isn’t chaos; it’s a system, one where narco cash—billions in U.S. dollars—props up a fragile state too broke to print its own money.

To understand Ecuador’s crisis, we must first grasp the following: you can only buy drugs using cash.

Consequently, that cash is drained from the economic system into the underworld. It’s like trying to keep a bowl full when it has a hole; you need to find a way to plug it back into the system. Our economic and social systems depend on it, because to replace it, printing money would cause inflation and dilute the current supply at an alarming rate.

So the system needs that money back.

The parallels to Wachovia’s 2008 banking scandal are stark, because shutting the bank down risked economic collapse after “dark cash” ceased to flow back and caused a shortage. Ecuador’s austerity, imposed since dollarization in 2000, mirrors this: after years of deep cuts, powerless police and control agencies show a state crippled, not careless and an economic and political empire, also, “too big to fail”.

In his “war on gangs,” President Noboa has carefully avoided the Sinaloa, CJNG, and Balkan cartels. Is it possible he cut some kind of backroom deal to keep drugs and cash moving while he crushes dissent?

The 2023 assassination of the anti-corruption crusader and presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio by the cartel known as Los Lobos, clearly demonstrated the price of defying the cartels. Ecuador is now ruled by a narco-political order where cash trumps justice, and austerity ensures the state will not fight back.

Cartels exploit decades of cuts, making Ecuador a laundering hub, its dollarized veins pumping narco wealth into a global system that desperately needs it.

Andrés Durán, an Ecuadorian reporter exiled after exposing Noboa’s links, uncovered a state complicit in its own undoing.

Image

OSCAR LEON: “Andrés, thanks for joining us.”

ANDRES DURAN: “Thank you, Oscar, thank you to The grayzone. I’m here to share what I’ve uncovered.”

OSCAR LEON: “Thank you, Andres. During the presidential debate, Luisa González grilled Daniel Noboa about his family’s company trafficking cocaine—not once, but multiple times.”

——————

LUISA GONZALES: …My question is clear—are you or are you not the owner of Noboa Trading, the company that exported cocaine-laced bananas in 2020, 2022, and 2024—while you were already president? Five prosecutors have been replaced, and still no answers.”

PRESIDENT DANIEL NOBOA: “No.”

DEBATE HOST: “Candidate Noboa, you have one minute to explain your answer.”

PRESIDENT DANIEL NOBOA: “No, I’m not the owner—but members of my family are.”

————-

OSCAR LEON: “He denies ownership, yet he said it’s his family’s. Can you unpack the importance of that?”

ANDRES DURAN: “Absolutely. My investigation—conducted with journalists across Latin America—uncovered a scandal the Ecuadorian media tried to bury. Noboa Trading, linked to President Noboa through Inmobiliaria Zeus S.A. (Ecuador) and Lanfranco Holding S.A. (Panamá), was caught red-handed trafficking cocaine: 167 kilos in 2020, 400 kilos in 2022, and 78 kilos in 2024, all en route to Italy and Croatia.

This isn’t speculative intelligence like Lasso’s León de Troya—it’s a blatant crime. And Noboa himself admitted on live TV that the company belongs to his family—a confession with explosive political, legal, and reputational consequences.”

Before the president’s slip-up during the debate, these were only suspected shell companies.

The company controls farms, trucks, and port access. On March 29, Raya magazine confirmed Durán’s findings: several police documents directly implicated Noboa Trading, making this the first case to directly link an Ecuadorian president to drug trafficking—further fueling suspicions of a cartel-state alliance.

On April 3rd, Agência Pública (Brazil) reported that Noboa and his brother own 51% of Lanfranco Holdings, which in turn owns Noboa Trading and hundreds of other companies—an apparent attempt to conceal the president’s influence, business interests, and tax responsibilities. Noboa, notably, owes $89 million in taxes and fees to the very state he governs.

This report confirms Durán’s long-standing investigations into the matter.

ANDRES DURAN: “We need to add more disturbing facts and connect the dots. First, under the current president, only $5,677 was allocated to the National Police’s Ports and Airports Intelligence Unit—just over $5,000! This is the budget given to one of the most critical units fighting organized crime in the country’s ports.

Second, regarding the 2022 case: at the time, Daniel Noboa was an assembly member representing Santa Elena province. He asked his top advisor to act as the legal representative for the only defendant in all three Noboa Trading cases—Mr. José Luis R. That advisor is now the current Minister of Health, Mr. Edgar José Lama Von Buchwald.”

Durán points out that just a month after the arrest, the case was closed when State Attorney Julio Sánchez, who has been linked to the Los Choneros gang, refused to press charges against José Luis R., whose sole job is to be the legal representative responsible for the company, during container inspections. Consequently, José Luis R. was legally deemed not responsible for the “drug contamination.” Yet despite this, the case was closed, and no investigation was launched to identify the actual perpetrators.

ANDRES DURAN: “So while Noboa publicly claims, ‘It’s not my company, I have nothing to do with it… but my relatives are involved,’ we must ask: if it’s not his company, why did he assign his top advisor to defend the sole suspect in the case?

At the time, Lama Von Buchwald was Noboa’s closest advisor, and yet he became the legal representative for the only defendant in the Noboa Trading cocaine trafficking cases—despite being a public official, which legally disqualified him from serving as a defense attorney.

These are just some of the irregularities. And to all that, let’s add another name: Ms. María Beatriz Moreno Heredia—accused of illicit trafficking of controlled substances. What exactly was her role?”

María Beatriz Moreno, national president of ADN, has been charged, along with four others, with the alleged crime of illicit trafficking of controlled substances since August 2024, when she was arrested in connection with the seizure of 1.3 tons of cocaine. Moreno, who was released the same night, also serves as manager of other companies in the Noboa group, such as Nobexport S.A and even Vinazín S.A, and Agroindustrias San Esteban C.A., which have been recently involved in corruption scandals.

————————————-

LUISA GONZÁLEZ: “Dear Ecuadorians, go on social media right now and look into Noboa Trading—drugs have been exported in banana boxes from the Noboa company, owned by Mr. Daniel Noboa, to Croatia and Italy. Drugs! So, the one making deals with you… or the mafias is you, Mr. Noboa.

Let’s talk about money laundering—according to that same leaked chat, drug money is being laundered in banks today, something I will fight. And let’s not forget: your family owns banks too.

Now let me ask: who is financing political parties and campaigns with drug money? You are. María Moreno, linked to drug trafficking, is president of your party and manages nine companies within the Noboa Group. Stop lying to the Ecuadorian people.”

DEBATE HOST: “Time for candidate Noboa’s second interpellation. You have 30 seconds.”

PRESIDENT DANIEL NOBOA: “Luisa, you’re a lawyer—you should know that if a company alerts the National Police about contamination, it means it’s cooperating, not complicit, as you claim. Meanwhile, your friends are still walking free. Do you recognize Maduro’s dictatorship, Luisa?”

DEBATE HOST: “Candidate González: You have one minute to respond.”

LUISA GONZÁLEZ: “Once again: Noboa Trading—an Ecuadorian company owned by Mr. Noboa—was caught exporting drugs in banana boxes in 2020, 2022, and 2024. Five prosecutors have been replaced. To this day, the case remains unresolved.

The real pact with mafias is yours. And you still haven’t answered: why is the president of your political party involved in a drug trafficking case? The Prosecutor’s Office removed her name from the system, and only after public outcry did they restore the data.

So again: who’s funding political campaigns with drug money?

———————————-

A few days after the debate, María Moreno was acquitted.

ANDRES DURAN: “There’s also the case of the manager of Transmabo, who has been charged twice with cocaine trafficking. So, are these just coincidences? Absolutely not. These are not coincidences—because Noboa has had the power to tighten control over the banana inspection system, UniBanano, and he hasn’t.

In fact, his Minister of Agriculture has been complicit in the so-called ‘drug contamination’ that several banana-exporting companies in Ecuador face on a daily basis.”

OSCAR LEON: “Noboa’s defenders would say someone else contaminated his containers, not him. What’s your response to that?”

ANDRES DURAN: “That excuse doesn’t hold. These containers have refrigeration recorders that track temperature 24/7 from Guayaquil to Europe—any opening is logged. Yet in none of these cases was the data checked. Trucks are equipped with GPS, but no stop records were reviewed. Noboa Trading owns the entire chain—farms, transport, and Blasti S.A.’s container yards. Hiding 400 kilos requires at least 15 people working in coordination—it’s not the work of a lone saboteur. No forensic investigation was conducted. The omission screams complicity.”

A single individual—legally declared incapacitated—was charged in all three cases, which remain unresolved. What’s alarming is that those responsible for contaminating the shipments have not been investigated or arrested. As Durán points out, this type of concealed contamination requires heavy industrial machinery and a full-scale metalworking operation—something impossible to hide. We’re not talking about a jute sack tucked away somewhere.

ANDRES DURAN: “To do that kind of thing, you need at least 15 people, at least 15 people. That is, 15 people gained access to the yard, the truck, or the container depot belonging to the company, Blasti Sociedad Anónima Property of the President of the Republic and his family, to carry out the contamination. 15 people who weren’t identified by security, 15 people who entered the house like Peter in his own house.”

Durán points out that amid a falling commodity market, the contrast in returns for investors is stark: per icontainers a container with 29 tons of bananas is worth between $12000 and $18000, while a single container carrying a ton of cocaine is worth around 37 million, according to (Europol/UNODC).

Given that only 10% of containers are searched, the numbers seem to speak for themselves—especially in a system built on impunity.

On January 24 in Madrid, President Daniel Noboa hosted a lavish party at a Japanese restaurant—a night of excess during which he was reportedly seen throwing money in the air and calling for a celebration.

Spain’s Ministry of the Interior later filed a formal complaint over the use of official vehicles during the event. The Ecuadorian government denied the report as ‘false.’

However, Spain’s El Debate revealed that the $15,000 in cash used to pay for the party came from León Van Parys, a fruit importer working with Noboa Trading, who allegedly labeled the payment as ‘an advance’ after covering expenses for Noboa’s assistant. Van Parys, is a European banana partner of the Noboa Group.

Despite portraying himself as a conservative family man, Noboa is known for a rather liberal private life. During the presidential debate, he was even challenged to take an anti-doping test. Instead of addressing the request, he ignored it and quickly changed the subject.

———————————-

LUISA GONZALES: “I invite you, let’s call, let’s have someone give us a drug test when we leave here. And to everyone, clearly, we want to educate our young people”.

Between 2005 and 2010, U.S. federal agents investigated Wachovia for laundering $378.4 billion for drug cartels. The bank was fined just $160 million—a mere fraction of the money moved.

The Noboa Trading case follows a similar playbook: lax oversight, massive laundering, and a symbolic penalty that keeps the system intact.

Ecuador’s dollarized economy, weakened by years of austerity, may rely on this illicit cash flow even more than Wachovia once did. Government estimates place cartel money circulating in the country between $3 TO $5 BILLION ANNUALLY, though the true figures remain unverifiable.

Against this backdrop, Noboa’s $5,677 budget for the Port Intelligence Police is laughable. And yet, the pipeline remains wide open—just as Wachovia’s slap on the wrist preserved its liquidity.

Ecuador now resembles a bank “too geopolitically big to fail,” recycling narco-dollars into a state that can’t print its own currency—ultimately feeding the global financial system.

———————————-

OSCAR LEON: “We’ve seen ties between the government, the Balkan Mafia, and the Mexican Cartels under Lasso. Does that continue with Noboa?”

ANDRES DURAN: “No. What’s happening in Ecuador is a shift—a transfer of power from the financial mafia to the exporting mafia. That’s the reality.

If you examine the León de Troya report closely, you’ll find even more—like the unresolved case of Banco de Guayaquil, former President Guillermo Lasso’s bank, which facilitated money transfers for the Albanian mafia.

I have capital integration certificates linked to several individuals connected to the Albanian mafia, some of whom also have ties to Banco Litoral, owned by the Noboa family. These connections paint a grim picture of the Ecuadorian state. We must continue digging to expose those involved in organized crime—whether through banking or the Banana Control System.



And who orchestrated the deregulation and dismantling of that system? Bernardo Manzano. While serving as Guillermo Lasso’s Minister of Agriculture, he also held a senior role in the Noboa Group, where he worked for nearly 18 years.

These facts speak volumes about the current administration. In the end, they turned me—a journalist—into an exile.”

Noboa’s rise is closely linked to the assassination of presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio. Although the blame initially fell on Correísta candidate Luisa González, authorities knew from the outset that the Los Lobos gang was responsible. Leaked chats from Attorney General Diana Salazar, revealed in August 2024, confirmed this. The damage to González’s campaign cleared the way for Noboa to present himself as a safer, alternative candidate.

The circumstances of the murder point to state complicity. Villavicencio’s armored vehicle arrived late to the designated back exit, yet he was inexplicably directed through the crowded front entrance with only two guards. Additional agents assigned after previous threats did nothing. Frame-by-frame footage shows a gunshot fired near his own escorts. He was also alone in the car—violating established security protocols.

The lead gunman later died in police custody, raising suspicions of a cover-up. Just hours afterward, police raided three locations and arrested six Colombians carrying weapons and phones allegedly linked to opposition politicians. Was this a swift law enforcement response—or a carefully staged operation?

Los Lobos, affiliated with Mexico’s CJNG and Balkan cartels, claimed responsibility for the murder. By October 2023, the rest of the hitmen had been silenced in prison. Daniel Noboa, who was sworn in on November 23, 2023, now controls Ecuador’s banana exports, military, police, and port infrastructure, all critical to cocaine shipments to Europe, yet trafficking has not been curbed, not even at his own companies.

Villavicencio’s plans to militarize ports and build a supermax prison directly threatened these routes. Even Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador hinted at state involvement.

On January 7th 2024, Los Choneros leader “Fito” escaped from prison. Just 2 days later, Los Lobos staged a violent takeover of TC Televisión in January 2024. The incident gave Noboa justification to declare a “war on gangs,” though curiously, this campaign excluded cartels and money-laundering networks.

Noboa’s selective crackdown on street gangs—while his family’s banana empire is repeatedly tied to cocaine shipments—suggests either deep complicity or profound helplessness within a cartel-state structure inherited from the Lasso administration.

Former President Guillermo Lasso’s brother-in-law, Danilo Carrera, collaborated with Rubén Cherres, a figure linked to the Albanian narco-network. Cherres operated with impunity until his assassination in 2023. The León de Troya report exposed wide-ranging connections to drug trafficking, influence peddling, and high-level corruption—prompting three separate investigations.

Despite U.S. lawmakers urging President Biden to respond to Ecuador’s growing cartel ties, no meaningful action followed. Years of austerity created a power vacuum now occupied by organized crime. Under Noboa’s leadership, the state appears either unwilling—or unable—to regain control.

OSCAR LEON: “You faced threats and exile. What happened?”

ANDRES DURAN: “It began in October 2023, at the Esmeraldas Provincial Authority when I investigated property irregularities involving the Prefect. This woman had several inconsistencies in her assets. After posting about them at least three times, I received threats.

As a result, I was placed in the Victim and Witness Protection System—until four days before the first election round, when they expelled me without explanation. They claimed I violated protocol, which only involved sporadic home visits to check if I was alive.

In 2024, after exposing that Dritan Gjika’s companies were still operating and laundering money through mining, I received another threat—a call from the Albanian mafia. Yet, the State and the protection system did nothing. Instead, legal harassment against me continued.”

Dritan Gjika, an Albanian national, arrived in Guayaquil in 2009 and, over 13 years, frequently traveled across Europe and Latin America. He built a network of 71 companies in Ecuador, spanning construction, agriculture, and real estate—allegedly to facilitate drug trafficking and money laundering.

By December 2022, Gjika fled to Dubai and remains a fugitive with an active Interpol red notice. Investigators found that his companies, many of which should be closed, are still operating as fronts for illicit activities, extending his influence across Ecuador’s economy.\

ANDRES DURAN: “I got a lawsuit from alleged operators of a very dangerous criminal gang called Los Choneros. These brothers from the province of Los Ríos, whom I hadn’t even mentioned—the plaintiff wasn’t even part of my investigation. Later we learned that the inmate who sued me was, at the time, the romantic partner of Diana Salazar, the Attorney General of the Nation.”

Attorney General Diana Salazar stands at the center of several growing scandals. Her reputation came under fire after leaked chats—first reported in The Grayzone’s August 2024 exposé—suggested she acts as a pawn of the U.S. Embassy and Ecuador’s right-wing elite.

The messages allegedly show her coordinating with U.S. agents to shield allies of Presidents Guillermo Lasso and Daniel Noboa, while aggressively targeting opposition figures.

Critics claim that Salazar’s selective justice, backed by chats that suggest US pressure, guarantees impunity for the right, consolidating a political order where Noboa thrives and leftist dissent is crushed.

OSCAR LEON: “It seems that in Ecuador, drug trafficking and money laundering sustain both society and the global banking system, while the so-called war on gangs targets low-level operatives, disposable foot soldiers easily replaced, while ignoring the cartels and money laundering structures.”

ANDRES DURÁN: “When President Guillermo Lasso took office, he was already compromised. The National Police had been monitoring active members of the Albanian mafia, including one of his campaign financiers, Rubén Lleras. Lleras’ ties to Rubén Cherres—and through him, to Albanian mafia leader Dritan Gjika—show that these criminal networks extend far beyond politics. We’re not just talking about narco-politicians; these are businessmen, especially in the financial sector. The mafia even had direct links to one of Ecuador’s major banks.

Another major issue is the collapse of the country’s security policy. U.S. Ambassador Michael Fitzpatrick publicly stated that Ecuador has ‘narco-generals, narco-judges, and narco-prosecutors,’ yet no investigations followed. I was the first journalist to file a criminal complaint against four National Police generals for covering up the ‘León de Troya’ report, which exposed Lasso’s ties to the Albanian mafia. Nothing was done.

Meanwhile, the government accelerated deregulation in the banana industry—a known conduit for drug trafficking. Executive decrees enabled fraudulent export quotas, including the infamous ‘F code’ used to smuggle cocaine in banana shipments. Criminal organizations infiltrated security forces, as revealed in the Metástasis case, where two police officers involved in money laundering remain on active duty.

Ecuador’s dollarized economy makes it an ideal hub for laundering illicit funds, yet the lack of financial oversight continues to fuel corruption and violence. This isn’t mere negligence—it points to systemic complicity.”

While he was able to escape, Durán’s fate somehow threatened to mirror Villavicencio’s. Endanger the cash machine, and you’re gone.

The machine never stops. Since 2018, Ecuador has become a key node in the global cocaine trade. At least 17 reported seizures of drug-laced fruit containers—mostly bananas—have occurred across destinations like Russia, Spain, Italy, Germany, Turkey, and the U.S., totaling over 38 tons where quantities are disclosed (Reuters, BBC, Nexta TV, EL PAÍS English, Revista RAYA).

These busts reveal how Ecuador’s banana exports have been systematically used to smuggle cocaine. Highlights include 257 kilos seized in Russia in 2018, 3 tons in Ecuador headed to Russia in 2023, 6.2 tons in Posorja in 2024, and a record-breaking 13 tons intercepted in Spain that same year. Most likely, these reports only scratch the surface. Smaller domestic seizures and interceptions in transit hubs like Panama often go unreported.

And while Luisa González mentioned only 3 cases, out of the 17 documented cases, at least five are directly linked to the Noboa Group—through Noboa Trading S.A. or affiliates like Bonita Banana.

Five Noboa Group-Linked Cases Since 2018 with Links

2020 – 167 kg to Italy (Noboa Trading S.A.)
Details: 167 kg of cocaine was seized in banana containers shipped by Noboa Trading S.A., intercepted at an Italian port (likely Gioia Tauro or Livorno). Part of Andrés Durán’s 600+ kg total for Noboa since 2020.
June 30, 2022 – 260 kg at Naportec, Guayaquil (Noboa Trading S.A.)
Details: 260 kg of cocaine was found in Noboa Trading banana containers at Naportec port, Guayaquil, tied to José Luis Rivera Baquerizo’s arrest (later released). Pre-export, intended for Europe.
2022 – 400 kg to Croatia (Noboa Trading S.A.)
Details: 400 kg of cocaine was seized in Noboa Trading banana shipments at a Croatian port (likely Rijeka), within Durán’s 600+ kg tally.
2024 – 600 kg to Mersin, Turkey (Banana Bonita)
Details: 600 kg of cocaine was seized at Mersin port in banana boxes branded “Banana Bonita,” a Noboa Group entity under Fruit Shippers Ltd., by Turkish customs.
March 23, 2025 – 324 kg to Italy (Noboa Trading S.A.)
Details: 324 kg of cocaine was seized in Ecuador, destined for Italy in Noboa Trading banana boxes, confirmed by police docs and ADN40. X posts (@radiolacalle) support this.
Sources: Revista RAYA, “Empresa de familia de Daniel Noboa, presidente de Ecuador, involucrada en tráfico de cocaína a Europa,” March 25, 2025.
Link: https://revistaraya.com/empresa-de-fami ... -a-europa/
These account for 1,751 kilos of cocaine seized between 2020 and 2025, as confirmed by ADN40, Revista RAYA & Andrés Durán.

The remaining 12 busts involve other exporters or unnamed firms. The data suggests that Noboa, whether by action or omission, is deeply involved, but not alone, in Ecuador’s narco-export network.

To understand the scale, consider this: Guayaquil—handling 70% of Ecuador’s exports—moved around 325,000 banana containers in 2023 alone (AP News, September 3, 2023).

Between 2018 and 2023, that likely totals 2 to 2.5 million containers. Yet fewer than 40 containers have been caught with cocaine. That’s less than 0.002%—virtually nothing.

Even factoring in possible unreported seizures—some estimates suggest 80 tons in 2024 alone, or roughly 4,000 containers—the interception rate might rise to 1 in 500. Still, the odds overwhelmingly favor traffickers. The scale of Guayaquil’s shipping volume offers cover, allowing narco-exports to flow with near impunity.

Ecuador’s ports are a hub for world cocaine trafficking, while its dolarized, deregulated system is a laundering paradise, feeding a global need for narco cash. A well-oiled system, unpunished, essential, and deadly.

(The Grayzone) by Oscar León

https://orinocotribune.com/video-bombsh ... onspiracy/

Ecuador: Presidential Candidate Luisa González Criticizes President Noboa for Abruptly Changing Her Security Personnel
April 12, 2025

Image
The closing event of presidential candidate Luisa González's electoral campaign in Quito, Ecuador, April 10, 2025. Photo: X/@LuisaGonzalezEc.

The leftist candidate in the presidential elections of Ecuador, Luisa González, condemned the abrupt change of her security team and held President Daniel Noboa and the state authorities responsible if something happens to her or her family.

“Today, I have been informed by the Armed Forces personnel in charge of my security that they have been abruptly relieved of their duties,” she said in a video posted on social media on Friday, April 11. She pointed out that the security team had been assigned to protect her due to the threats against her life.

DENUNCIA PÚBLICA AL PAÍS!

Alerto al país sobre el irresponsable acto del Gobierno al relevar a mi equipo de seguridad de las Fuerzas Armadas, poniendo en riesgo mi vida y la de mi familia.

¡No detendrán el cambio que se avecina para nuestro país!

Ustedes tienen el miedo,… pic.twitter.com/ThL0i5BAaa

— Luisa González (@LuisaGonzalezEc) April 11, 2025



She demanded that the team originally assigned as her security be maintained until the results of the elections are declared, highlighting that changing it at this moment increases the risk for her life and her family.

González criticized this “irresponsible, reckless, and profoundly dangerous decision.” According to her, the change was deliberately made by President Daniel Noboa, Minister of Defense Gian Carlo Lofredo, and the head of the joint command of the Armed Forces of Ecuador, General Jaime Vela Erazo.

https://orinocotribune.com/ecuador-pres ... personnel/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Tue Apr 15, 2025 2:16 pm

Ecuador: Leftist Luisa Gonzalez rejects election results and claims fraud
April 15, 2025 Alejandra Garcia and Bill Hackwell

Image
Luisa Gonzalez calls fraud in Ecuadorian elections.

Today Ecuadorians were called to the polls for the runoff elections, which pitted leftist candidate Luisa Gonzalez against incumbent President and Trump supported Daniel Noboa. The election day was marked by a series of setbacks, including complaints of irregularities, violations of democracy and the activation of a new state of emergency which allowed the most extreme militarization the country has ever experienced. In addition, the arrival of international observers was prohibited, which generated even more doubts about the transparency of the process.

Despite this complicated context, at the end of the day, the National Electoral Council (CNE) announced the victory of right-wing billionaire Daniel Noboa, which has raised questions about the veracity of the results. According to the CNE, with more than 90% of the ballots counted, Noboa would have obtained 55.94% of the votes, while Revolucion Ciudadana movement, candidate Luisa Gonzalez had received 44.06%.

Just on the surface those numbers are hard to believe considering the backing Gonzalez received after the first election in February from a number of other parties including the left leaning indigenous Pachakutik Plurinational Unity Movement; and yet her numbers went down in this round of voting.

Shortly after this announcement, Luisa Gonzalez, presidential candidate for the political movement Revolucion Ciudadana, expressed her rejection of the results. In a strong statement, she affirmed that she does not recognize the electoral result and denounced a fraud in the registration of votes, designed to benefit President Noboa.

“Ecuador is living a dictatorship. I refuse to recognize these results. I refuse to believe that a country chooses violence over change. How can these results they are showing be credible, in the midst of so many irregularities?” questioned Gonzalez. “Ecuador cannot continue to be governed by a president who only thinks about the enrichment of his family, and not about the path towards the definitive peace of the country. We must be united now more than ever”.

Gonzalez also made a call to the population, stating: “I refuse to believe that people prefer lies instead of the truth. We are going to ask for a recount of the votes and for the polls to be opened”.

Yesterday Noboa issued a presidential decree to close the borders making it impossible for international observers to attend. As if that was not enough Noboa ordered 45,000 of soldiers to be posted in the streets and in the polling stations themselves as a way of intimidation to voters who already live in a climate of violence. A delegation from the U.S. based Black Alliance for Peace (BAP) delegation that had arrived earlier confirmed this overwhelming presence of the military during voting in Guayaquil, Ecuador’s largest city,especially in poor and AfroEcuadorian communities.

The situation in Ecuador remains tense, and the response of the international community and citizens will be crucial in the coming days. The demand for transparency and justice in the electoral process has become a clamor throughout the country, while Ecuadorians await a resolution that guarantees the integrity of their democracy.

How Ecuador reached this runoff election

Last time Ecuador held elections, in 2023, the country’s national assembly had been dissolved and then-President Guillermo Lasso had faced potential impeachment for a corruption scandal involving embezzlement of public oil transport funds.

This led to a political crisis that saw snap presidential elections usher in Daniel Noboa, a multi-millionaire with a direct lineage to Ecuador’s encrusted oligarchy, mainly through his father, Alvaro Noboa, a billionaire, the richest man in Ecuador who controls the Noboa Group of Companies, and also Noboa Corporation, which has more than 128 companies in Ecuador and around the world. Up to that point, his political experience amounted to one term in the National Assembly.

Rooted violence

Ecuador faces the 2025 elections in a context of violence and insecurity that has escalated alarmingly in recent years. The country closed 2024 with a rate of 38.76 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, which places it among the most violent in the world. In total, 6,964 violent deaths were recorded, an average of one every hour and 15 minutes.

Although this figure represents a slight decrease compared to 2023, the most violent year in the country’s history, it still reflects a security crisis resulting from the growth of organized crime, prison massacres and institutional fragility.

Since 2020, starting with Lenin Moreno’s administration, at least 16 prison massacres have left hundreds of victims, many of them dismembered or burned, exposing the state’s inability to contain violence.

A country under constant “states of exceptions”

The government of Daniel Noboa, like his predecessors Lenín Moreno and Guillermo Lasso, has resorted to states of exception as a response to insecurity. In 2024, Ecuador lived more than 250 days under this measure, including the declaration of an “internal armed conflict” to confront gangs such as Los Choneros and Los Lobos, linked to international drug trafficking.

This decree allowed the Armed Forces to take control of prisons and public security, but also generated complaints of human rights abuses and violations. Cases such as that of four minors, Steven, Josué, Ismael and Saúl, detained, beaten and murdered in the custody of the Armed Forces, whose bodies were later found burned in the surroundings of the Taura Air Base, where they were taken after being arbitrarily detained, without evidence, after leaving a soccer game a short distance from their homes, according to what their parents later declared; have exacerbated criticism of the use of military forces in civilian functions.

Energy crisis and its origins

Ecuador is facing one of the worst energy crises in its recent history, a situation that has not only transformed the daily lives of its citizens, but has also marked the political, economic and social situation of the country on the threshold of the 2025 general elections. With power outages of up to 14 hours a day, economic losses in the millions and a government struggling to regain control, uncertainty dominates the national scene.

The current crisis has multiple causes, among them, the lack of maintenance and investment in the country’s hydroelectric power plants, a problem that has been dragging on since the government of Lenín Moreno.

Added to this is a severe drought which, according to the government, is the worst in 60 years, and which has significantly reduced the generation capacity of hydroelectric power plants, the main energy suppliers in the country.

However, experts point out that the drought is not the only determining factor. While other countries in the region have faced similar scenarios, Ecuador is the only one that has experienced such prolonged daily blackouts. This, according to analysts, is due to poor government management, insufficient planning and the lack of implementation of alternative energy projects.

Economic and social impact

The effects of the blackouts, which commonly last for 14 hours a day, have been devastating. According to data from the Quito Chamber of Commerce, in just two months of outages, the industrial sector lost U.S.D 4 billion, while the commercial sector reported a decrease of U.S.D 3.5 billion. In total, economic losses amount to more than U.S.D 9.5 billion since the rationing began in 2023.

The social impact has been no less alarming. Uncertainty about the timing of power cuts, unfulfilled government promises and the lack of clear information have generated an atmosphere of distrust. In addition, the energy crisis has led to massive layoffs, affecting key sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture and commerce. According to the Ministry of Labor, in September 2024, 3,647 termination notices were registered, 40% of them due to untimely dismissals.

The political management of the crisis

The government of President Daniel Noboa has been at the center of the debate. After assuming power in a context of energy instability, his administration promised to solve the crisis by January 2025. However, experts assure that there are no technical figures to back up this claim. The president’s credibility has also been affected by the resignations of high-ranking officials, such as the Minister of Production and the Minister of Energy, who left their posts in the midst of the crisis. The lack of effective communication and the improvisation in the planning of the cuts have increased the perception of citizen discontent.

Migration, unemployment and insecurity: the other faces of the crisis

The lack of employment and deteriorating economic conditions have driven an unprecedented wave of migration. Between January and July 2024, there was a migration deficit of almost 100,000 people who left the country and did not return, reflecting widespread discontent. This trend comes on top of a climate of insecurity exacerbated by drug trafficking, which has impacted both communities and the productive sector. According to the latest estimates by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Human Mobility, there are already more than 2.4 million Ecuadorians living outside the country, which represents about 10% of the population.

In an ominous sign of the increasing U.S. backed militarization of Ecuador CNN has reported that mercenary military contractor and Blackwater founder Erik Prince joined in law enforcement operations on Saturday that included raids on homes in Guayaquil.

Source: Resumen Latinoamericano – English

https://www.struggle-la-lucha.org/2025/ ... ims-fraud/

The camouflaged U.S. invasion of Panama
April 13, 2025 Gary Wilson

Image
Demonstrators hold banner reading “Southern Command out of Panama.” Panama City, April 8.

Panama’s opposition parties accused the U.S. of launching a “camouflaged invasion” amid escalating tensions over the U.S. military presence in the country. Following U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s recent visit, President Donald Trump confirmed troop deployments, stating, “We’ve moved a lot of troops to Panama.”

Hegseth cited the need to “secure” the Panama Canal from Chinese influence, announcing increased U.S. military activities at four former bases vacated in 1999 under the Torrijos-Carter treaties, which stipulated the canal’s neutrality and prohibited foreign (i.e., U.S.) military installations.

‘Without firing a shot’

Opposition leader Ricardo Lombana condemned the U.S. actions as an invasion “without firing a shot.”

On April 4, the National Front for the Defense of Economic and Social Rights (FRENADESO) denounced the large-scale operation in Panama that the U.S. is orchestrating.

The week before Hegseth’s arrival, military forces from Panama and the United States began conducting the joint exercise Panamax 2025, with “protection” drills for the interoceanic canal “against possible threats.”

Memories of 1989 U.S. invasion

The military exercise involves the arrival of members of the U.S. Armed Forces, who participate in joint tactical and operational training activities. This U.S. military operation evokes painful memories of the 1989 U.S. invasion, Operation Just Cause, causing widespread concern among Panamanians. A separate agreement granting preferential canal fee reimbursements to U.S. Navy vessels has raised further controversy, seemingly violating neutrality provisions.

Demonstrations across the country against both U.S. policies and Mulino’s administration are expected on April 12, highlighting widespread discontent and the deepening crisis surrounding Panama’s sovereignty.

The U.S. operation is meant to reassert control over the Panama Canal with a military occupation at four bases in strategic locations: Colón’s Coco Solo and Rodman, Balboa, Howard, and the Darién Gap — a critical migration route.

FRENADESO condemns concessions

FRENADESO says Mulino’s administration has capitulated to U.S. demands, citing concessions such as migrant detention policies, the sale of Balboa and Cristóbal ports to U.S.-based firm BlackRock, cybersecurity collaboration with U.S. Southern Command, and the withdrawal from China-linked agreements like the Belt and Road Initiative. The group also warns of a classified U.S.-drafted defense pact, written exclusively in English, bypassing Panama’s constitutional requirement for legislative approval.

“This government has subordinated itself to U.S. interests, from immigration to infrastructure,” FRENADESO stated, condemning the incremental arrival of U.S. troops and equipment, including advanced weaponry and aircraft.

Protests against austerity

Hegseth’s visit followed a 48-hour teachers’ strike and construction worker protests against austerity measures, with unions now vowing to rally against the “sell-out” to “U.S. imperialism.”

The United People’s Alliance of Panama stated: “The country is being handed over with the four military bases that have been talked about. We cannot accept that. In this country, several generations of Panamanians fought for the sovereignty of the country, and today the dictator [Mulino] wants to hand over the sovereignty of this country and that cannot go unnoticed.”

“We request international solidarity from peoples around the world and progressive, democratic, and revolutionary governments. We call for struggle and popular mobilization in defense of our national sovereignty. We reject Pete Hegseth’s presence in Panama.”

https://www.struggle-la-lucha.org/2025/ ... of-panama/

******

Quelle Surprise: Three Days After Milei Signs Another Unpayable IMF Bailout, US Treasury Secretary Pays Argentina a Call
Posted on April 15, 2025 by Nick Corbishley

The US has one clear goal in sight: to get Argentina to sever its ties with China, particularly by terminating a long-standing currency swap agreement.

As we warned just over a month ago, the wheels are beginning to fall off the Mileis’ faux libertarian clown bus. But if anything, the show is getting even weirder.

Last Friday (11/04), as the country experienced its third general strike since Javier Milei’s government took office 16 months ago, Milei gave a televised address to the nation. Flanked by his senior cabinet members, Milei told the Argentine people that his government had finally lifted the currency controls once and for all so that people can once again buy dollars unhindered.

Economic stability, he said, had finally returned to the country — all thanks to another IMF bailout, Argentina’s 23rd since becoming a member of the fund in 1956.

Fake Libertarians Celebrate While IMF Staffers Refuse to Sign

To my knowledge, this is the first time that an Argentinean government, or indeed any national government, has responded to an IMF bailout with jubilant celebration. The fact that this is a government of pseudo-libertarians to whom the IMF should be anathema makes it all that more surreal.

Argentina’s Finance Minister Luis Caputo, a serial debtor and former JP Morgan Chase banker who already burdened Argentina with a $57 billion IMF loan in 2018, even thanked his wife and children for their support during the negotiations, as if he were winning a lifetime award.

At the same time, some senior IMF staffers were so opposed to the deal that they were willing to walk away from their jobs, according to La Política Online (LPO):

The opposition that this situation generated among the staff of the organisation, led to the firing of several management cadres. First it was the Chilean Rodrigo Valdés, who as director of the Western Hemisphere was the persion who naturally had to lead the Argentine case. Valdés is a consistent critic of Argentina’s hyper-indebtedness favoured by the Fund.

And now it has emerged that Turkey’s Ceyla Pazarbasiogluel, the director of the IMF’s Strategy, Policy and Review Department (SPR), refused to sign off on the new loan. In her place, two minor officials intervened to trigger the loan. “Totally outside the manual,” the Fund itself acknowledged to LPO.

The SPR is known as the “alpha male” of the IMF’s departments, or the IMF’s “politburo” — metaphors that illustrate its enormous power behind the scenes, since no major report can be published without its approval, as a former member of that committee revealed in an article in the Financial Times.

The IMF’s original $57 billion bailout of Argentina in 2018 was already the biggest in the Fund’s 81-year history. At the time, many warned that Argentina would end up bailing on the bailout. As my former WOLF STREET colleague Wolf Richter wrote at the time, “No one should ever lend dollars to Argentina, not even the IMF. This always ends the same way: in a default.”

And so it proved. In recent weeks, a default was looking more and more likely. The Central Bank of the Argentina Republic (BCRA) had burnt through more than $40 billion of the country’s foreign exchange reserves in a futile attempt to keep the peso artificially high, and thus inflation (in pesos) artificially low. In the process, it had not only run out of reserves, it had taken them into negative territory, and was now auctioning off other state assets to contain the run on the dollar.

Now, even senior staffers at the IMF are warning about the risks of doubling down on the Fund’s exposure to Argentina’s debt. Buried within the text of the new agreement is an admission by the Fund itself that Argentina’s even more bloated debt load is practically unpayable. From LPO:

What is striking is that even without Pazarbasiogluel’s signature on the contract, the SPR warns in the fine print of the agreement about the risk of the IMF’s larger than ever exposure to Argentina.

The Fund’s maximum credit to Argentina, assuming disbursements are made as scheduled, is projected to reach 1,352% of the country’s quota in 2026. This would be the Fund’s largest exposure in absolute terms in its history.

Argentina is receiving loans not just from the IMF but also the World Bank and the Inter-American Bank, all of which will have their own sets of terms and conditions. The IMF will be providing just under half of the total $42 billion bailout ($20 billion) while the World Bank will chips in an extra $12 billion, and the IAB, $10 billion. The latest loan package increases Argentina’s total debt to multilateral institutions to over $80 billion.

Needless to say, attached to the IMF bailout are all the usual structural adjustment reforms (pensions reform, labour reform, fast-tracked privatisations, tax reforms and currency devaluation…) that the IMF itself admitted almost a decade ago don’t work yet continues to apply. Javier Milei, who before entering politics described the IMF as as a “perverse institution”, will happily abide.

Loosening Currency Controls

“Today we are breaking the cycle of disillusionment and disenchantment and are beginning to move forward for the first time,” Milei said. “We have eliminated the exchange rate controls on the Argentine economy for good.”

Even in the most generous of readings, this is only partially true. Some currency controls not only remain in place but appear to have got even tighter. A statement issued by the central bank on Friday suggested that the loosening of currency controls will not apply to those who use cash. In order to be able purchase foreign currency banknotes, the central bank said that “customers’ use of local currency cash must not exceed the equivalent of USD 100 (one hundred US dollars) in the calendar month for all entities and for all the indicated purposes.”

In other words, the currency exchange controls not only remain in place but will actually intensify for anyone using cash — before the latest IMF bailout, Argentineans could exchange up to 200 dollars worth of pesos in cash per month. Needless to say, $100 does not get you far in today’s Argentina, which thanks to Milei’s policies has became the most expensive country in dollar terms in Latin America.

Government representatives have since countered that citizens and businesses will be able to buy unlimited sums of dollars and send them overseas — but only using online banking. This is great news, of course, for well-heeled corporations and investors, including those who have made huge returns by betting on the roughly 30 percentage-point interest rate differential between Argentina and the US — all made possible by the Milei government’s unsustainable policy to keep the peso artificially high against the dollar.

Just as happened in 2018, it looks like an IMF loan is about to be used to finance capital flight out of the country. In 2018, the then-Macri government’s prior lifting of capital controls allowed the financial speculators who had invested in Argentine bonds to get their money out of the country before the next default.

It’s a different story for the legions of Argentineans who don’t use online banking, preferring instead to have their savings, mainly in dollars, outside the banking system. This is largely because of their well-earned distrust of the banking system. It was, after all, only a generation ago that President Fernando De la Rúa imposed brutal restrictions on the withdrawal of money from banks, which would come to be known as “el corralito”. As inflation surged following repeated devaluations, many Argentines lost their life savings.

Today, more and more people who do have bank accounts are having their bank accounts frozen due to failure to pay all their taxes on time or comply with the ever more onerous tax obligations. As we’ve reported previously, Milei’s government, despite its libertarian pretensions, has massively increased the tax burden during its 16 months in office, especially for lower and middle classes.

Another way Argentineans will be instantly impacted by the bailout deal is through devaluation of the Argentine peso, and the resulting inflation it will fuel. One of the conditions of the IMF bailout is that the Milei government and central bank allow the Argentine peso to trade within a so-called currency band ranging from 1,000 to 1,400 pesos per dollar. On its first day of trading within the band, the official exchange rate fell 12%. It will probably fall a lot further.

Just two months ago, Milei said there was no way his government would devalue the peso.

De ninguna manera https://t.co/3pgcrSHZFB pic.twitter.com/xfESYCiF5W

— Arrepentidos de Milei (@ArrepentidosLLA) April 14, 2025


The upshot of all this is that Argentina is likely to see a sharp resurgence in inflationary forces in the months to come. The Milei government’s most touted achievement — its supposed taming of inflation, achieved through the brutal application of austerity — was totally unsustainable. Inflation was already beginning to surge back in recent months. The country continues to boast the highest official inflation rate of any country not at war, and Milei is now talking about bringing price inflation to zero by mid-2026. Only his most committed followers will believe him.

Meanwhile, the austerity will intensify. The only way the government has of bringing inflation under control is to kill the economy, and even that’s not working.

US Secretary of State Pays a Call

On Monday, just three days after the IMF mission left Argentina, the US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent arrived. It is unusual for a US treasury secretary to visit third countries, especially those with smallish economies, notes the Argentinean sociologist Atilio Boron in an essay on the possible reasons for Bessent’s visit. Besides participating in multilateral fora such as meetings of the G7, the G20, and the IMF, treasury secretaries rarely travel in an official capacity to countries that are not of decisive importance to the functioning of the global economy.

Which is why the visit of Donald Trump’s Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to Argentina yesterday (14/04) raised a few eyebrows, especially given the turbulent global economic and geopolitical backdrop.

As trade officials in Washington awaited the arrival of Maros Sefcovic, the trade chief of the European Union, one of the US’ biggest trade partners with nearly $1 trillion in two-way trade last year, Bessent was sitting down to do business with Javier Milei, the president of a country that accounts for a mere $16.3 billion in total annual trade with the US.

It’s not hard to see why. The obvious answer, says Boron, is China:

In keeping with Trump’s full frontal attack against Beijing — once a mere economic competitor and now an apex enemy, as characterized by numerous official US documents – Bessent will surely repeat the three magic words of the White House, uttered by both Biden and Trump alike: “keep China out”.

“A Very Interesting Partner”

As readers may recall, Milei was initially hostile to the mere notion of doing business with the “murderous” regime in Beijing. But he gradually warmed to the idea as he realised how much Argentina’s economy and finances depended upon China, its second largest trade partner. By October last year, as dollars were drying up, Milei even began singing Beijing’s praises as efforts begun to relaunch Argentina’s strategic economic agreement with China.

“China is a very interesting trading partner. They do not make demands, the only thing they ask is that they not be bothered.”

In others words, general non-interference — the diametric opposite to how the US has traditionally engaged with its Latin American neighbours. Milei was also seemingly impressed by Chinese efficiency, saying: “We had a meeting with the ambassador (Wang Wei) in June, the next day they unlocked the swap,” referring to the rescheduling, last June, of the payments corresponding to an activated tranche of the currency swap that both nations are keen to maintain.

But the US wants to gut that bilateral swap, and is apparently willing to use the IMF bailout as a bargaining chip. In a recent trip to Argentina, the US State Department’s head of Latin America, Mauricio Claver-Carone, cited the ending of Argentina’s swap line with China as a key condition for an explicit endorsement of the Trump administration for the IMP bailout.

“We want to make sure that no agreement with the Monetary Fund ends up prolonging that line of credit or that swap they have with China,” said Claver-Carone. “If we do that, we are shooting ourselves in the foot.”

Washington sees the swap line as an “extortion mechanism,” which is ironic given how Washington uses the IMF in exactly that way.

In 2020, Claver-Carone, in the same role for the first Trump Administration as he has today, openly admitted that the US’s decision to grant the $57 billion loan requested by Mauricio Macri’s government in 2018 was largely based on geopolitical considerations. That loan was granted despite the fact that the funds were clearly going to be used for electoral purposes. From Infobae:

Donald Trump considered Mauricio Macri a key player on the geopolitical chessboard of Latin America and used all his institutional power to support his Cambiemos government, which was in a bind due to recessionary conditions that could open the door to a Peronist victory in the approaching elections.

Trump intended to block a return of the Justicialist Party to the Casa Rosada, since such a government would complicate his plans to end Nicolás Maduro’s regime in Venezuela. For the White House, a victory for Cristina Fernández… could bring back a populist axis — Argentina, Venezuela and Cuba — and affect US interests in the region.

In this respect, the president of the United States not only supported Macri in public, but also secretly used all his global influence to get the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to break all its financial limits and grant Argentina a historic credit of more than 55,000 million dollars.

In an interview with Bloomberg yesterday, Bessent praised Milei for working to bring down barriers towards reciprocal trade with the United States. He also admitted that the US is seeking to prevent Latin American countries from giving up their mining rights to China in return for aid. The unsaid part: those rights would be much better used in the hands of US, Canadian, European and Australian companies.

“China has signed a number of these rapacious deals marked as aid, where … they’ve taken mineral rights. They’ve added huge amounts of debt onto these countries balance sheets,” he said. “They’re guaranteeing that future generations are going to be poor and without resources. And we don’t want that to happen any more than already has in Latin America.”

This is all part of the collective West’s China debt trap lie that won’t die, as Conor documented in 2023:

While Beijing certainly seeks influence in countries where it lends, it also usually builds infrastructure. And while those roads, train tracks, ports and more are also usually beneficial to Chinese operations, their construction also helps the host country. It’s also way more than the West offers in terms of infrastructure.

There are, of course, other possible motives for Bessent’s presence. Perhaps, writes Boron, he visited Argentina to carry out an on-the-ground inspection of the possibility of dollarizing the Argentine economy, just at a time when the dollar is losing ground in the global economy:

Dollarizing was one of Milei’s campaign pledges. Isn’t it possible that Trump, in great need of allies in this part of the world, has decided to bind Argentina to the US by taking advantage of the fact that its current government, imbued with a deep colonial mindset, would be more than happy to put an end to the peso – described by Milei as excrement — and replace it with the dollar? The USD already legally prevails as legal tender in Ecuador, El Salvador and Panama. Adding Argentina, the region’s third-largest economy, to that list would be a formidable victory for Washington. And it could be done at negligible cost to the empire.

A third possible motive flagged by Boron is that the US turns Argentina into a full-fledged military outpost. Given the country’s geostrategic position, on the doorsteps of the Antarctic and sharing the “Triple Frontier” with Brazil and Paraguay, a key border in South America in terms of population, movement of people and international relations, this is a distinct possibility:

Is it outlandish to imagine that Bessent has come to demand, in exchange for the Argentine bailout, authorisation to install several US military bases in different parts of the country – especially in Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego – in order to control access to Antarctica and the bioceanic passage in the event of a conflict in the Panama Canal zone, without having to negotiate anything with its devalued NATO partners stationed in the large British base built in our Malvinas (Falklands) Islands?

The Milei government will, of course, happily oblige with any US demands. In an interview yesterday, Milei described Bessent’s visit as “historic” for Argentina, adding that his government is in “perfect synch” with Trump’s. Put simply, the Milei government will bend over backwards to give away Argentina’s riches.

This was on full display in a speech given by Damián Reidel, the head of Milei’s Council of Advisors, at the Latam Forum in March. Speaking to captains of the US oil industry, tech company CEOs, billionaire investors and public officials, Reidel explained how the natural resources of southern Argentina would soon be theirs for the taking (emphasis my own):

“We have large tracts of land with access to energy and water, cold climates, which is the icing on the cake for cooling AI systems; and in addition, we are in an area without armed conflicts, without tsunamis, or earthquakes. There aren’t many places on Earth with those qualities. Obviously, the problem is that these areas are populated by Argentines. So this is one of the things that we’ve fixed. We are stabilizing the macro, we are giving them the legal framework to explain to them that we are open for business this time.”

Meanwhile, for Washington the IMF continues to serve as a handy tool for pursuing its geopolitical goals, not only in its own “backyard” but far beyond it. As more and more of the Global South’s stagnating and heavily indebted countries succumb to the whipsawing effects of Trump’s global trade war and enter into default, the use of that tool could be about to increase significantly.

The question is: how will China respond?

Beijing’s refusal to let a BlackRock-led consortium buy out a Hong Kong-based holding’s ownership of two ports on the Panama Canal has shown that it is willing to assert its power as Washington attempts to roll back its influence on the American continent. China is still an important contributor to the IMF’s coffers even as it has expanded its own loan agreements with Global South countries. But will that collaboration continue if Washington intensifies its weaponisation of the Fund against Beijing’s alliances with the Global South?

There is one other participant in this unfolding drama that is getting much less attention: the Argentine people. As Boron notes, it would be a serious mistake to think that the current popular mood of relative passivity will last indefinitely:

It is a fact that social mobilization has grown in recent months and that, as all the polls show, frustration is spreading even among those who voted for Milei (NC: the Mileis’ LIBRA crypto scam, targeted primarily at Milei’s most fervent supporters, was almost certainly a turning point in this regard)… A careful reading of this country’s past teaches us that the popular mood can change in the blink of an eye in the face of events that, in another historical context, would be unimportant.

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2025/04 ... ilout.html

******

Mexico’s Sheinbaum Delays Recognition of Ecuador’s Electoral Results (+Chile’s Boric)
April 14, 2025

Image
Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum. Photo: File photo.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum has opted not to declare a position on the presidential elections in Ecuador, where current President Daniel Noboa is leading the results with 55.88% of valid votes compared to 44.12% for the Citizen Revolution Party candidate, Luisa González, according to data from the National Electoral Council (CNE) with over 90% of the votes counted.

This Monday, April 14, during her morning press conference at the National Palace, Sheinbaum stated that she would wait for the results of the vote recounting to be announced before expressing her position. “We are going to wait. Luisa, the candidate, does not recognize Noboa’s victory. We are going to wait,” the president said.

The election result has not been recognized by González, who represents the Citizen Revolution movement led by former President Rafael Correa (2007–2017). She has announced that she will request a recount, citing irregularities in the electoral process.

This rejection adds to the political tensions that have marked relations between Ecuador and Mexico, which have been strained for a year.

The diplomatic tensions arose after the Ecuadorian police invaded the Mexican embassy in Quito on Noboa’s orders to arrest former Vice President Jorge Glas, who is facing a new corruption trial that is seen by many analysts as political persecution via legal tools, also known as lawfare. This incident exacerbated the differences between the two countries and highlighted the political tensions that persist in the region.

President Boric’s fast recognition
Meanwhile, Chilean President Gabriel Boric acknowledged the disputed results of the second round of elections held this Sunday in Ecuador, despite multiple allegations of fraud and the non-recognition of the results by Luisa González.

Boric made the statement via social media, where he congratulated Noboa for “contributing to strengthening democracy in Ecuador.”

“From Chile, we salute the Ecuadorian people for their democratic participation yesterday. I congratulate President-elect Daniel Noboa on this new term that begins, and we also recognize those, like Luisa González, who have contributed to strengthening democratic debate with vision and courage,” Boric’s message reads.

The Chilean president’s behavior contrasts with what he expressed after the results of Venezuela’s presidential election on July 28 of last year, in which President Nicolás Maduro was reelected.

This was highlighted by renowned journalist Ignacio Ramonet, who described it as “curious” that Boric did not demand the voting records from Ecuador as he did after the presidential elections in Venezuela.

On that occasion, the Chilean president echoed the allegations of fraud filed by far-right candidate Edmundo González, as well as by María Corina Machado, who, through a parallel National Electoral Council (CNE), tried to convince the world of a result different from the one announced by Venezuelan electoral authorities.

https://orinocotribune.com/mexicos-shei ... les-boric/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Wed Apr 16, 2025 3:50 pm

Noboa Commits “Grotesque Electoral Fraud” in Ecuador’s Runoff Vote
Posted by Internationalist 360° on April 14, 2025
Kawsachun News

Image
Presidential candidate of the Citizens’ Revolution Luisa González addresses a crowd of supporters on election night in Quito.

Left-wing presidential candidate Luisa González announced to supporters that she does not recognize the results presented by the CNE and called for a recount.


Luisa González is contesting the National Electoral Council (CNE) vote count and demanding a recount following Sunday’s presidential election runoff. The presidential candidate of the Citizens’ Revolution addressed supporters who packed the campaign house on Reina Victoria Avenue, in the city of Quito.

She thanked those who support her political project and was energetic in expressing that the Citizens’ Revolution has always recognized defeats at the polls, but not this time, “On behalf of the people we represent we do not recognize the results presented by the CNE”.

“I refuse to believe that there is a people that prefers lies before the truth, violence before peace and unity, I categorically refuse to believe it… we are going to ask for a recount and that the ballot boxes be opened”.

Figures shown on the official website of the CNE positioned González trailing incumbent Daniel Noboa by 11-points, with 96.94% of votes counted—despite that exit polls showed the candidates with a margin of only four points, and at least one widely published exit poll gave González the victory.

At the same time, nearly all voter intention surveys conducted in the weeks leading up to the vote showed González poised to win the runoff.

Her campaign received many key endorsements ahead of the second round, including from the Pachakutik indigenous movement, whose candidate Leonidas Iza came in third in the first round.

Noboa, who’s name has become associated with corruption and narco-trafficking, took drastic measures alongside the CNE authorities in the final days before the contest, including decreeing a state of exception in seven provinces, closing land borders, preventing international observers from entering the country, suspending the vote for Ecuadorians in Venezuela, and relocating polling stations just hours before the vote.

Luisa’s supporters chanted “fraud” and “you are not alone”, during her speech.

The candidate denounced the abuse of power exercised by the current president, who never asked for a license to campaign, and decreed a state of exception, among other irregularities.

“There are about 11 statistical investigations, 11 surveys in which even those of the government itself gave us the victory, the exit poll gave us the victory, then “I denounce before the people, before the world that Ecuador is living a dictatorship and we are facing the worst and most grotesque electoral fraud in the history of the Republic of Ecuador” she expressed with confidence.

The candidate emphasized how little credible is the idea that votes had not increased since the first round of elections in February and called for unity and to be attentive to what happens in the coming hours. “We will continue in the fight” she concluded.

Earlier in the day, left-wing and progressive parties in Ecuador expressed concern over the series of irregularities by the National Electoral Council (CNE) and the government of presidential candidate Daniel Noboa, implemented just hours before the vote.

The Antifascist International Ecuador Chapter and the International Collective of CELAC Social denounced fraud in Sunday’s vote and called for active and organized resistance by Ecuadorians. A statement released by the Executive Secretariat of the Bolivarian Alliance, ALBA-TCP, stated that irregularities in Ecuador’s runoff election suggests “the execution of a clear premeditated electoral fraud.”

Image
A caravan of supporters of Luisa González accompanies the candidate in Manabí to cast her ballot in the April 13th presidential election runoff.

The left-wing Revolución Ciudadana party of Luisa González demands an immediate and independent investigation into a long list of “documented irregularities” carried out by President Daniel Noboa and the National Electoral Council of Ecuador.


The political party of presidential candidate Luisa González has denounced massive and systematic electoral fraud in the presidential runoff vote held on Sunday. The Citizens’ Revolution says that incumbent president Daniel Noboa, who was declared winner by the National Electoral Council (CNE), registered “statistically impossible increases in numerous polling stations. A translation of the statement released by the Citizens’ Revolution can be read below.

PUBLIC DENUNCIATION OF MASSIVE ELECTORAL FRAUD IN ECUADOR’S PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

Presidential candidate Luisa Gonzalez, Citizens’ Revolution List 5 (RC5), and millions of Ecuadorians categorically reject the official results announced this Sunday due to conclusive evidence of systematic electoral fraud. We demand that the free press, embassies, and the international community act urgently against this serious violation of Ecuadorian democracy.

We demand an immediate and independent investigation into these documented irregularities:

Inexplicable and selective reduction of votes: Thousands of votes for Luisa Gonzalez unjustifiably disappeared during the count, while Daniel Noboa registered statistically impossible increases in numerous polling stations.

Manipulation of official records: Dozens of official records without signatures or legal validity certified exclusively results favorable to Daniel Noboa, violating the basic norms of electoral transparency
Illegal restrictions to prevent visual documentation of fraud: The use of cell phones in polling places was illegally prevented under threat of fines of up to $30,000, with the express purpose of preventing voters from graphically demonstrating who they actually voted for.
Early declarations by the CNE to influence public perception: The president of the National Electoral Council released preliminary results favorable to Noboa before the data was officially consolidated, manipulating public perception
Suspicious interruptions and technical failures in key precincts: Unexpected blackouts in strategic precincts, unjustified early closure of polling stations, and repeated technical failures in electronic transmission facilitated serious alterations in the count.
Military intimidation and obstruction of electoral observers: An excessive military presence deliberately impeded the work of independent observers and pollsters, severely limiting the transparency of the electoral process.
Official results contradict scientific and statistical evidence: The released results contradict at least a dozen independent polls and internationally recognized statistical models, including those close to former President Guillermo Lasso. RC has conclusive scientific evidence that demonstrates the mathematical impossibility of these official results
Last-minute arbitrary changes to polling places: Thousands of voters identified with RCS were affected by sudden and unjustified changes to their polling places, generating an artificial and statistically impossible reduction in the participation of our supporters.
Faced with this unprecedented threat to Ecuadorian democracy, we reaffirm our absolute commitment to electoral transparency and to the unwavering defense of the popular will.

Quito, April 14, 2025

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2025/04/ ... noff-vote/

Daniel Noboa’s Electoral Theft Will Cement Cartel and Corporate Control Over Ecuador
Posted by Internationalist 360° on April 15, 2025
Oscar León

Image

President Daniel Noboa appears to have stolen Ecuador’s election. He’s now poised to consolidate control of a system that has benefitted cartels and multinational corporations – including his family business – at the expense of average Ecuadorians. And Washington likes what it sees.

Watch The Grayzone’s special video report on Noboa’s well-documented ties to transnational drug cartels here.

On April 13, 2025, Ecuador’s National Electoral Council proclaimed incumbent President Daniel Noboa the winner of the presidential runoff—a result that his challenger, the left-wing Luisa González, denounced as “massive fraud.”

If Noboa secures what appears to be an ill-gotten victory, he will be able to consolidate complete control over a state weakened by austerity and corrupted by deep infiltration by transnational drug cartels – a criminal network that is deeply enmeshed with his family’s business.

González, who led several polls by up to 6 points as of Friday, has demanded a vote-by-vote recount.

🇪🇨 Luisa González denounces FRAUD in Ecuador’s presidential election pic.twitter.com/a98oorZgE9

— Kawsachun News (@KawsachunNews) April 14, 2025


In doing so, she pointed to irregularities that included, but were not limited to:

18 polling stations in her strongholds being relocated at the last minute
Bonuses paid in cash using IMF funds before the runoff.
“False positives” of ballots that forced the closure of polling stations where she held a wide lead; the banning of several foreign observer groups.
Martial law imposed in seven provinces favorable to González.
The denial of voting rights to all Ecuadorians residing in Venezuela.
Noboa’s illegal campaigning while in office, in defiance of court orders.
Andrés Arauz, a former presidential candidate and close ally of González, presented copies of altered ballots, showing irregularities and lacking the required validating signatures. These ballots were counted — and somehow always favored Noboa. This could explain why the use of cell phone cameras was prohibited in polling places. These strange events mirror earlier complaints of fraud, which were clearly documented with photos and videos from the first round.

Given Ecuador’s enormous mineral wealth, and the timing of the election outcome amid a global scramble for copper, oil, and rare earth metals, the country’s already fragile sovereignty now hangs in the balance.

Image
The Noboa family, with patriarch Alvaro at center in white suit, and Daniel on the far left.

Noboa plunges Ecuador into violence, cartel-tied corruption

Noboa’s victory reflects the dominance of an elite rooted abroad. Born in Miami, the sitting president is the scion of a family empire embedded in the system of global capitalism, and operating with complete impunity. As revealed in the Panama Papers, his family business includes Lanfranco Holdings, which was linked to three failed cocaine shipments to Europe. Noboa-owned companies owe $98 million in taxes to the country he now governs, and he has publicly stated that he doesn’t intend to pay.

Noboa’s tenure follows the neoliberal shift overseen by former presidents Lenín Moreno and Guillermo Lasso, who unleashed a wave of austerity on the country, hollowing out public services and state institutions while cooperating with Washington’s national security agenda – most notably on the surrender of Julian Assange to British authorities.

The weakening of the state, especially in marginalized areas, opened the door for cartel infiltration—from ports to power structures. Ecuadorian investigative journalists Andrés Durán and Anderson Boscán have methodically exposed links between the state and the cartels which transformed Ecuador into a hub for drug trafficking and money laundering, while plunging its society into violence. But the journalistic duo’s reporting soon forced them to flee into exile to save their own lives, highlighting the risk dissenters face in Noboa’s Ecuador.

The infiltration of the Ecuadorian state reshaped the cartels, transforming them from monolithic transnational syndicates into a loose federation of specialized franchises that coordinate trafficking, weapons, and money flows. These networks now dominate Ecuador’s fragmented, “balkanized” territory—with minimal state resistance.

The resulting atmosphere of violence and austerity keeps the population in a state of shock. To keep working class Ecuadorians from seeking an alternative among the nationalist left represented by González, they have invoked the boogeyman of socialist Venezuela as a cautionary tale, warning that any break from the neoliberal model imposed by Washington will lead to economic ruin.

While mainstream media paints Noboa as a politically “moderate” fighting cartel hitmen with a heavy hand, the facts on the ground are stark: 46 homicides per 100,000 people in 2023, 10,700 extortions in 2024 — figures far worse than Venezuela under Maduro — and 220 tons of cocaine seized, most shipped from private ports, marking the rising trend of trafficking under his watch.

These ports are overseen by a customs intelligence unit with a budget of just $5,677, according to journalist Andrés Durán — against a drug trade worth millions, billions, or even trillions. That’s right, just $5,677 to battle perhaps the largest transnational criminal network in the world.

Image

Noboa has targeted street gangs but left the cartels’ financial structures untouched. His anti-money laundering bill, submitted urgently to Congress, concealed provisions that had been previously rejected. Lawmakers argued the proposal did not provide effective tools to combat money laundering and would have introduced new tax burdens.

In Ecuador, military forces arrest and disappear children, such as the notorious case of the “Malvinas 4,” by exploiting the legal cover of a preventive presidential pardon. At the same time, corruption and drug trafficking cases are manipulated to protect insiders and secure their impunity.

The numbers tell the story: austerity feeds cartels, while social investment strengthens institutions and offers alternatives. The public investment once promised by Noboa during his first campaign never materialized. Since then, there has been only the “stick,” no “carrot,” and the situation has worsened—with 2024 and 2025 showing the worst security data in Ecuador’s history. In the run-up to this latest election, blackouts swept the country, and public services like healthcare and education were in shambles.

A corrupt, hollowed out system enables Noboa’s “victory”

Noboa has mobilized his support base against the return of a left-wing nationalist leader like former Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa. Despite a stronger, more functional state at that time, cases of corruption and repression of anti-mining indigenous activists fragmented and weakened the left. They’ve lost six consecutive presidential elections since then.

But this time was different. The toxic presence of the Miami-born Noboa and his corruption-stained, ruinous tenure has managed to unite left and right-wing factions against him, and in support of González. This means that the indigenous movement has converged with the Correista left after more than a decade of rancor, while even the right-wing military veteran and former presidential candidate Jan Topic, and right wing congresswoman Ana Galarza, have thrown their support behind González.

Just a week before election day, most of the polls showed González leading by up to 6 points and trending upwards.

Her surge followed a dominant debate performance in which she hammered the president over the documented ties between his family business and the cartels, and challenged him to take a drug test “right here, after the debate.” A visibly shaken Noboa ignored the challenge and changed the subject.

Polls (April 7–9, 2025, per El Universo):

TresPuntoZero (Apr 7): González 52.87%, Noboa 47.13%
MaLuk (Apr 7): González 53.47%, Noboa 46.53%
Ideamos (Apr 7): González 52.14%, Noboa 47.86%
Pedro Cango (Apr 9): González 52.1%, Noboa 47.9% (±2.8%)
Tino Electoral (Apr 7): Noboa 53.74%, González 46.26%
Cedatos (Apr 7): Noboa 61.08%, González 38.92%
Noboa’s alleged fraud was made possible by a fundamentally corrupted electoral system. Ecuador’s central election council, known as the CNE, is run by Diana Atamaint, whose brother Kar Atamaint was appointed by Noboa to a diplomatic position as Ecuador Consul in Queens, NY. Among the five electoral council members, four are government loyalists.

As pressure built for Atamaint to resign in November 2024, and with her term expiring, Noboa sent police to surround the CNE’s offices and prevent the new council members from taking office, extending Atamaint’s tenure by force.

Meanwhile, as The Grayzone has reported, Noboa’s public prosecutor, Diana Salazar, has selectively targeted political opponents while shielding Noboa’s associates — including banks tied to Lasso and Noboa — from money laundering probes.

In 2022, the U.S. signed a bilateral treaty with Ecuador allowing it to install unlimited military bases with full legal immunity for personnel. In the days before the 2025 election, anonymous intelligence officials from the Trump administration stated that they preferred Noboa over González because he had guaranteed them permanent military basing rights. Their declaration helps explain why Washington has so quick to recognize Noboa’s victory.

González’s recount demand challenges a powerful Miami-based elite which hovers far above local institutions, imposing its will on millions of Ecuadorians without their consent. Consider this: as a child, Álvaro Noboa — the current president’s father— studied alongside Winthrop Rockefeller and King Farouk II of Egypt at a private school in Switzerland. That’s the level of wealth and influence behind Daniel Noboa. Another example: Leonardo Campana, the president’s cousin and Leonel Messi’s teammate at the football club Inter Miami, is reportedly wealthier than Messi (or Ronaldo).

Image
Young Alvaro Noboa frolicking at a Swiss academy with Winthrop Rockefeller and King Farouk II

This is the context in which Daniel Noboa operates. He is not a man not beholden to interests. He and his family are the interests.

If Noboa is able to pull off the heist of the presidential election, he will cement total control over what’s left of the state, leaving Ecuador at the intersection of cartel infiltration, corporate exploitation, and US geopolitical dominance. Noboa is a US citizen. Like every American citizen, he has sworn to defend the US above all other nations. His second term will enable him to make good on that oath.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2025/04/ ... r-ecuador/

******

Colombian President Petro Refuses to Recognize Ecuador’s Election Results

Image
Military personnel place barbed wire at the National Electoral Council building, April 2025. @David_qva

April 16, 2025 Hour: 7:51 am

The Noboa administration must release the records from each polling station for verification, he said.
On Tuesday, Colombian President Gustavo Petro stated that he does not recognize the results of the Ecuadorian elections in which President Daniel Noboa was reelected for the 2025–2029 term.

“In seven provinces, a State of Exception was declared. The military directed the electoral process, oversaw the polling stations during the elections, and conducted the vote count. There are no free elections under a State of Exception. I cannot recognize the elections in Ecuador,” Petro said.

The Colombian president emphasized that the Noboa administration “must release the records from each polling station for verification.” He also noted that the Organization of American States (OAS) “has pointed out irregularities in Ecuador’s elections.”

In fact, on Tuesday, the OAS Electoral Observation Mission expressed concern over signs of public resources and state apparatus being used for alleged campaigning purposes during the election.

According to data from Ecuador’s National Electoral Council (CNE), Noboa secured reelection in the runoff with 55.6% of the vote, while Citizen Revolution candidate Luisa Gonzalez received 44.4%—results that she has refused to acknowledge, claiming they were fraudulent.


Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro insisted that Ecuador’s situation reflects a campaign of “psychological warfare” and “electoral scams” carried out by what he described as a fascist right-wing movement.https://t.co/jTgJo0Jxvy

— teleSUR English (@telesurenglish) April 15, 2025
In a message posted hours earlier, Petro questioned the election results, which have already been recognized by his own Foreign Minister Laura Sarabia. “Colombian observers were sent to monitor the elections in Ecuador. The reports I have received are troubling,” he said.

According to the Colombian president, “The elections were consistently under direct and armed military surveillance, with masked personnel. Every polling station had a strong presence of uniformed, armed military forces.”

“I believe the government must release the records from each polling station for verification,” Petro said, one day after Colombian Foreign Minister Sarabia also extended her congratulations to Noboa on X.

“We congratulate the new president of the Republic of Ecuador, Daniel Noboa. The brotherly people of Ecuador can always count on Colombia to work together for a free, sovereign, and peaceful Latin America,” said Sarabia yesterday, who is currently visiting Japan.

Colombia and Ecuador share a dynamic 586-kilometer border, and their relationship has historically been marked by good neighborliness—a policy Petro reiterated today by stating: “I want the best possible diplomatic relations with our neighbors from the former Great Colombia.”



https://www.telesurenglish.net/colombia ... n-results/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Fri Apr 18, 2025 2:05 pm

Argentina: Cristina Fernández Criticizes Milei’s Economic Policy
April 17, 2025

Image
Argentinians hold a banner that reads "The debt is with the people, not with the IMF," a recurrent slogan in protests in Argentina, referring to the country's external debt and the IMF's neoliberal austerity. File photo.

Former president of Argentina Cristina Fernández de Kirchner criticized the economic policy of the current Milei administration this Wednesday amid rising inflation and social deterioration.

In a post on social media, Fernández wrote: “Come down to earth, brother. Things here are really bad after the devaluation and your deal with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). As always, inflation has skyrocketed, price hikes are not stopping, and people are worse off by the day.”

Ay Milei!.. Disculpame que te escupa el asado en la previa de Semana Santa…

¿Pero ME QUERÉS DECIR QUE FESTEJABAS VOS Y EL TOTO CAPUTO sacándose fotos y saltando como chicos en cumpleaños?

PORQUE SI ES POR EL PRÉSTAMO DEL FONDO, junto al del Banco Mundial y el BID, te quiero…

— Cristina Kirchner (@CFKArgentina) April 16, 2025



The ex-president recalled that past administrations, such as Fernando de la Rúa’s, also received multimillion-dollar loans from the IMF, World Bank, and Inter American Development Bank (IDB) yet failed to avert economic crises.

“They gave it the flashy marketing name ‘The Shield,'” wrote Fernández. “How creative these ‘gorilla’ governments are, always inventing names to disguise their scams and hide the failures of their economic policies.”

While Milei and Economy Minister Luis Caputo celebrated the lifting of exchange controls—a condition set by the IMF loans—key sectors such as food, construction, and the automobile industry saw steep price increases.

One of the main electoral promises of Milei during the presidential race was to oppose any form of devaluation of the Argentinian peso. The recent agreement with the IMF formally buried Milei’s presidential promise.

In Argentina, the Central Bank’s international reserves recorded a fictitious 50% increase on Tuesday, reaching US $36.8 billion, after receiving the first loan from the IMF as part of a debt package binding the country until 2029.

Javier Milei Deepens Argentina’s IMF Debt Trap With ‘Emergency’ Loan


The IMF agreement includes two additional disbursements this year, of US S2 billion and US $1 billion, contingent on meeting fiscal targets.

The remaining US $5 billion will be distributed in seven semiannual payments until mid−2029. Additionally, the World Bank and IDB will contribute US $22 billion over the next three years.

https://orinocotribune.com/argentina-cr ... ic-policy/

Colombia Offers Asylum to Ecuador’s Opposition Leaders Following Noboa’s Blacklist Leak
April 17, 2025

Image
Colombian President Gustavo Petro wearing the presidential band during his inauguration speech. Bogota, August 7, 2022. Photo: Reuters/Luisa Gonzalez.

Just hours after a leaked list—comprising 100 Ecuadorians who are de facto barred from leaving the country, including members of the leftist Citizen Revolution movement, critics of the Noboa government, and even journalists—became public, the president of Colombia, Gustavo Petro, announced that his government “will grant asylum to anyone who arrives on Colombian soil.”

On Wednesday, after acknowledging the existence of the blacklist of opposition leaders in Ecuador who are being persecuted, the head of state condemned the detention of electoral observes.



Prior to this decision, the Colombian president refused to recognize the results of Ecuador’s National Electoral Council. “The Army directed the electoral process, the polling stations, and the vote count. There are no free elections under a state of siege,” Petro stated, while explaining that Colombia has electoral observers monitoring the process.

On Wednesday morning, former Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa noted the existence of a migration alert against at least 100 members or supporters of the opposition Citizen Revolution (RC) movement, part of the political persecution ordered by Daniel Noboa’s government.

As a result, the running mate of RC’s presidential candidate, Diego Borja, reported being arbitrarily detained the previous day alongside his family as they attempted to travel to Colombia for the Holy Week holidays.

Similarly, Verónica Sarauz, widow of assassinated presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio, was subjected to political persecution while trying to enter the country.

From Ecuador and around the world, numerous public figures, political leaders, and organizations have refused to accept the results of the presidential runoff—a process marred by multiple irregularities, including the state of exception, unsigned tally sheets, and political persecution.

https://orinocotribune.com/colombia-off ... list-leak/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Sat Apr 19, 2025 2:19 pm

Latin America Three Months into the Trumpocalypse*
Posted by Internationalist 360° on April 18, 2025
Roger D. Harris and John Perry

Image

Nobody is complaining anymore about Latin America and the Caribbean being neglected by the hegemon to the north. The Trump administration is contending with it on multiple fronts: prioritizing “massive deportations,” halting the “flood of drugs,” combatting “threats to US security,” and stopping other countries from “ripping us off” in trade. The over 200-year-old Monroe Doctrine is alive and on steroids.

But has Washington taken a sharp right turn, qualitatively departing from past practices, or simply intensified an already manifest imperial trajectory? And, from a south-of-the-border perspective, to what extent are the perceived problems “made in the USA”?

Externalization of problems

The view from Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) is that the Yankees have a problem; they project their issues onto their southern neighbors. An extreme example is Barack Obama’s baseless declaration in 2015 of a “national emergency” – subsequently reaffirmed by each successive president – because of the “unusual and extraordinary threat” posed by Venezuela.

From Washington’s imperial perspective, problems are seen as coming from the south with the US as the victim when, as in the case of Venezuela’s national security, reality is inverted.

Another case in point: migration is seen as a supply-side conundrum; “they” are “invading us.” In practice, deliberate past US policy (Trump has largely ended these practices) encouraged migration from Venezuela, Nicaragua, and especially Cuba to weaken their governments.

More to the point, as has been admitted by some of the perpetrators, the main driver for migrants to leave their homes and face great risks in transit are not pull factors, such as a purported love of “our democracy,” but push factors. These range from capitalist exploitation of Central America’s Northern Triangle to the impoverishment caused by US unilateral coercive measures in Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua.

As for drugs, trenchantly pointed out by Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum to her US counterpart, the US itself harbors cartels, is the largest narcotic consumer market, exports the majority of armaments used by drug barons and hosts money laundering banks.

Rather than “ripping off” Uncle Sam in trade, the LAC region runs lopsided deficits in service industries, a trade benefit conveniently ignored when Trump’s tariffs were calculated. US firms also benefit from LAC as a low-cost source of inputs and assembly for their supply chains. The imperialist narrative conveniently omits crediting its access to strategic resources at favorable terms and the dominance of US firms and dollar-based finance. Various trade agreements, which Trump treats as giveaways, in practice favor US corporations. Unequal exchange is established as a key factor in underdevelopment of the LAC region, despite Trump’s assertion of the opposite.

Finally, gang violence is another US export: literally so in the case of the notorious Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 gangs which originated in Los Angeles and whose members were deported by US authorities to El Salvador.

Migration becomes “invasion”

Biden’s ambivalence on migration, tightening aspects of border controls but encouraging more than half a million Latinos to enter the US via “humanitarian parole,” gave Trump an opening. He sold his working class base the notion that migrants were not just taking US jobs but were “criminals.” His populist argument appears to side with US workers, but doesn’t impact the corporate elites who support him.

In fact, deportations have not increased, but are now much higher profile and overtly political. So Venezuelans are arbitrarily characterized as gang members and sent to prison in El Salvador. Deportations to other countries have involved waving the big stick: supposed “allies,” Costa Rica and Panama, have even been obliged to accept asylum seekers from elsewhere, rejected and abandoned by Washington.

The “war on drugs” risks becoming a literal war

Trump’s anti-drug policy has maintained a decades-long focus on supply-side enforcement with a renewed emphasis on deploying military assets to attack cartels and interdict drug shipments.

What has distinguished his approach is not so much the policy itself, but the blunt and often unilateral manner in which it is being implemented. Support is overtly conditioned on political alignment with Washington’s objectives.

So troops are deployed on the southern border and Mexico’s cartels are threatened with drone attacks, with no promise to consult Mexican authorities. Alleged members of Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua gang are treated as terrorists, and wartime legislation is deployed against them as supposed agents of a narco-terrorist state.

Hemispheric security

The focus of current US policy in the region is countering Chinese influence, particularly Beijing’s investments in infrastructure, telecommunications, and energy. “The expanding role of the Chinese Communist Party in the Western Hemisphere,” Trump’s Secretary of State Marco Rubio complains, “threatens US interests.”

Yet while the US approaches geopolitics as a “zero-sum game” in which its military dominance is a priority, China professes to follow the principles of “equality and mutual benefit,” offering carrots rather than waving a stick.

China’s economic penetration has been spectacular, making it the region’s second largest trading partner and the first in South America itself. However, Trump has succeeded in forcing Panama to leave China’s Belt and Road Initiative, while Brazil and Mexico, the region’s two largest economies have yet to join, presumably due to US pressure. In Peru, users of a major port developed by China may be threatened by special tariffs.

The US International Development Finance Corporation’s budget is slated to double. According to Foreign Policy, it should be strengthened still further to combat China’s influence. However, China has an enormous head start, and the US will struggle to catch up, especially as its other development agency, USAID, has had its budget decimated.

Militarily, Trump has increased the visibility and scope of US security operations in the region. Joint exercises, port calls, and programs like the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative continue to be ramped up. While Latin American leaders at April’s CELAC summit called for the region to be a “zone of peace,” Trump threatens war:

Panama has been strong-armed into accepting a greater US military presence, in what has been dubbed a camouflaged invasion.
Ecuador’s President Noboa is accepting US military help as well as the private mercenaries of Blackwater’s Erik Prince, in his own “war” against gang violence.
Marco Rubio has warned Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro that “we have a big navy, and it can get almost anywhere,” threatening to deploy forces in neighboring Guyana.
NATO’s presence in the region has been growing with Colombia already a “partner” and Argentina working to become one. The latter’s collaboration is vital to the West’s military role in the South Atlantic. Its president Milei has become tellingly ambivalent about his country’s claim to the British-occupied Malvinas islands, which are key to strategic dominance.

War by other means – tariffs and sanctions

Washington’s enormous machinery of unilateral coercive measures (aka “sanctions”), now total 15,373 (of which over 5,000 were imposed in Trump’s first term). The US blockade of Cuba has been tightened, and it is even attempting to throttle Cuba’s extraordinarily effective and popular medical missions abroad. Rubio issued an ominous warning: “The moment of truth is arriving, Cuba is literally collapsing.”

Sanctions against Venezuela have also been strengthened, despite Trump initially hinting at a more collaborative approach. Nicaragua has so far evaded new sanctions, but is threatened both with exclusion from the regional trade agreement (CAFTA) which benefits its exports, and with the loss of its remaining multilateral source of development finance.

The region escaped relatively lightly from Trump’s “Liberation Day” declarations, with a new, minimum 10 percent tariff. Mexico still faces heavy tariff barriers and higher “reciprocal” tariffs on some other LAC countries – Guyana, Venezuela and Nicaragua – have been postponed until July.

Prospects for LAC unity or sowing seeds in the sea

Fragmentation of regional unity has been a long-standing US policy objective. Trump, in particular, openly disdains multilateralism, which is really another term for opposition to US imperialism.

Left-leaning electoral victories in Mexico (2018), Chile and Honduras (2021), and Colombia and Brazil (2022) have bolstered regional unity. This so-called Pink Tide added to the successes and leadership of Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela and their respective socialist revolutions.

But upcoming elections in Chile and Honduras (November), and Colombia and Brazil (both 2026) could significantly reverse those gains. Continuation of leftist rule in Bolivia after this coming August’s election looks dim, given bitter splits in its ranks. In a reportedly fraudulent election in Ecuador, the leftist challenge to the incumbent Noboa appears to have failed. However, current rightist hegemony in Peru’s 2026 election could be challenged.

Foreign Affairs predicts: “Widespread frustration over organized crime throughout the hemisphere, as well as social changes such as the spread of evangelical Christianity, mean that right-wing leaders may be favored to win upcoming elections.”

The future for progressive unity is therefore uncertain and has constrained LAC’s response to the Trumpocalypse. The Organization of American States will not question US imperialism. The alternative regional mechanism, CELAC, was set up without Washington’s participation, in part to rectify the OAS’s deficiencies. A broad, anti-imperialist statement drafted by Honduran President Xiomara Castro for its recent summit was heavily watered down by Argentina and Paraguay, who then rejected even the weakened version (Nicaragua also rejected it, for the opposite reasons). CELAC ended up decrying sanctions and calling for LAC to be a zone of peace, but failed to explicitly support Cuba or Venezuela against US aggression.

The multilateral body with a potentially strong but as yet unclear regional influence is the BRICS, of which Brazil is a founding member and now has associates Cuba and Bolivia. Other LAC countries are keen to join. But (in another show of regional disunity, this time on the left) Venezuela’s and Nicaragua’s recent applications were blocked by Brazil.

From Biden to Trump – a bridge or a break?

Independent of the theatre surrounding Trump’s performance style – inflammatory language, threats, and public ultimatums – his underlying policies are mostly aligned with the bipartisan consensus that has long guided US policy for the region. These include support for market-oriented reforms, militarized security assistance, antagonism to leftist governments, and containment of Chinese influence.

When the actual consequences are examined, what might be called the “Biden bridge” underlies, at least in part, Trump’s distinctively confrontational practices. For instance, in March 2020, Trump placed a $15M bounty on the head of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. Biden reciprocated, upping the ante to $25M in January 2025. Or, compare the number of deportees in Trump’s term to-date in 2025 to a comparable period in 2024, when Biden booted out even more migrants.

Under Trump’s first administration, Biden’s interim tenure, and now Trump’s return, deportation machinery remained largely intact, enforcement funding stayed robust, and private detention centers prospered. In effect, Biden normalized the enforcement-heavy model, just without Trump’s nativist overtones.

In short, Washington’s regional policy has become increasingly shaped by institutional inertia and bipartisan enforcement consensus, rather than sharply divergent ideological commitments.

That is not to say the policy has been static. In fact, the trajectory has been precipitously to the right. Warning that the “anti-leftist component of Trumpism can’t be overstated.” Latin America analyst Steve Ellner predicts, “when threats and populism lose their momentum, the anti-communist hawks may get their way.”

So, there is a “Biden-bridge” in the sense of the continuation of a trajectory of increasingly aggressive imperialism from one president to the next. But there is also a “bridge too far” aspect, of which dumping migrants in El Salvador’s pay-by-the-head prison is (so far) the most extreme example.

If there is an upside to Trump’s return to the Oval Office, it is that he unapologetically exposes the core imperialist drive for naked domination, making explicit the coercive foundations of US hegemony in the region. While Trump pays scant regard to international commitments, disregarding trade treaties, his predecessors – Biden, Obama, Clinton, and Bush – all promoted the “rules-based order” to reflect US priorities, conveniently replacing international law.

Trump’s policies have been a stark amplification of enduring US priorities. They have revealed the structural limits of regional autonomy under Yankee hegemony, especially as Trump’s new territorial ambitions stretch from Greenland to Panama. The strongarm underpinnings of policies, previously cloaked in the hypocritical language of partnership, now take the form of mafia-style threats.

Roger D. Harris is with the Task Force on the Americas, the US Peace Council, and the Venezuela Solidarity Network. Nicaragua based John Perry is with the Nicaragua Solidarity Coalition and writes for MR Online, the London Review of Books, FAIR, and Covert Action, among others..

* Yes, most spell-checks recognize the neologism “Trumpocalypse” as a valid English-language word.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2025/04/ ... pocalypse/

******

CECOT: Bukele’s mega prison where “the only way out is in a coffin”

The alliance between Trump’s expanding deportation campaign and Salvadoran President Bukele’s carceral authoritarianism has major implications for human rights and the future of democracy.

April 18, 2025 by Devin B. Martinez

Image
CECOT prison in El Salvador. Photo: Nayib Bukele/X

In February 2023, the Salvadoran government released drone footage of thousands of shirtless men with shaved heads, shackled and crouched in tight formation, being herded into a newly built prison called the Center for the Confinement of Terrorism – CECOT.

The high-tech mega prison was constructed at breakneck speed under the rule of President Nayib Bukele, as he declared victory in the so-called “war on gangs” in the country.

As the largest prison in the world, CECOT can hold up to 40,000 people. However, plans to double the mega prison’s capacity (80,000) are already underway, with the US expected to “send enough to fill it,” as reported by the Wall Street Journal.

From state of emergency to state of exception
The year before CECOT’s inauguration, President Bukele declared a “state of emergency,” suspending constitutional rights like due process, legal defense, and freedom of assembly, and allowing measures like mass arrests, and indefinite pretrial detention.

“CECOT is nothing more than an extermination prison for the poor,” says Marisel Ramírez, a member of the Popular Resistance and Rebellion Bloc, a coalition of Salvadoran trade unions, civil society groups, and political organizations. “The regime invests in mega-prisons instead of health, education, or structural reforms.”

Today, El Salvador’s detention rate has outpaced that of the United States – the former world leader in incarceration by far. 1 in every 57 Salvadorans is now incarcerated, triple the rate of the US.

In March 2025, various human rights organizations in El Salvador, such as Human Rights Institute of the Central American University (IDHUCA); Foundation for the Study and Application of the Law (FESPAD); Passionist Social Service, among others, produced a report compiling documented cases of mistreatment, torture, and the inhumane conditions of detainees over the three years of the “state of exception.” Their findings include:

85,000+ people have been detained by the state during this period
6,889 cases of human rights violations have been filed by human rights organizations
52% of detainees are 19–30 year-old men
265–375 deaths in state custody have been verified by different data agencies
Their report demands the repeal of the “state of exception,” reparations for the families and victims of human rights violations, and independent investigations of all human rights abuses.

Welcome to CECOT
Many of CECOT’s prisoners are denied due process. Visitation is prohibited. Communication with family, friends, and even lawyers is prohibited. Inmates are also completely stripped of privacy. Cells are packed with up to 80 people for 23.5 hours a day. They share metal bunks and an open toilet, under constant surveillance by prison guards. There is no form of education or recreation offered at the facility. Letters and reading material are prohibited. And there are no reports of any inmates being released. CBS News reported El Salvador’s justice minister saying, “the only way out is in a coffin.”

In fact, Google Earth images and videos have recently circulated social media showing a CECOT courtyard that appears to be stained with blood.

CECOT has become a symbol of a global trend towards militarization, mass incarceration, and political repression under the pretense of “domestic security.” As Trump’s offshore detention of migrants in CECOT shines an international spotlight on Bukele’s policies, urgent questions are arising:

How far will the US go in utilizing Bukele’s repressive infrastructure for its own agenda?
How did a self-described “dictator” rise to power in El Salvador?
How are communities in El Salvador responding?

Image
The US – Bukele alliance

While CECOT was built for domestic repression and incarceration, it is now a site of international collaboration between extreme-right-wing governments. Bukele’s prison has been openly endorsed – and now directly funded – by the US government.

On March 15, in an unprecedented move, the Trump administration deported roughly 250 Venezuelan migrants to CECOT prison in El Salvador, ignoring a federal judge’s order to halt the deportations. Invoking the Alien Enemies Act (AEA) of 1798 against Venezuelan nationals accused of being part of the gang Tren de Aragua, Trump attempted to pave a “legal” pathway for his policy of mass deportations. Yet a report from CBS News claims that the majority of those deported have no criminal record in the US, and human rights and advocacy groups have rejected any legal basis for Trump’s use of the AEA.

One of the deportees, a Maryland resident and union worker named Kilmar Abrego Garcia, has become a central figure in the broader legal and political crisis surrounding Trump and Bukele’s authoritarian alliance.

The case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia
Kilmar was born in El Salvador and holds protected status in the US, where he has lived for over 14 years. The Trump administration admitted he was deported in error and the Supreme Court has ordered the US government to facilitate his return. Nevertheless, Trump has defied the order, and Bukele refuses to release Abrego. Recently, Trump has accused Abrego of being part of the Salvadoran gang, MS-13, without evidence or due process.

Since the day CECOT was inaugurated, the government has used social media to promote positive ideas about the prison and Bukele’s iron-grip approach. Far-right politicians and YouTube influencers are regularly welcomed to tour CECOT, posing in front of groups of detainees for their online audiences. However, Maryland Senator Chris Van Hollen was denied entry to the facility on April 16, when he traveled to El Salvador to advocate for Kilmar’s release.

In the late hours of April 17, the senator was finally able to meet with Abrego off-site from the prison.

In a press conference held on April 18 in Dulles International Airport, the Senator told reporters that the Maryland father is not being held at CECOT but is still being illegally detained in a different Salvadoran prison. “The reason they relented is pretty clear — they were feeling the pressure,” said the senator.

Kilmar’s wife credited the growing movement for justice for the small win in a statement released by the advocacy group CASA:

“Now I know that my husband is alive…Thank you to everyone, including Senator Van Hollen, my CASA family, all our Union’s, faith leaders and community for continuing this fight for my family to be reunited.”

Image
Senator Van Hollen meets with Kilmar Abrego Garcia on April 17. Photo: Chris Van Hollen/X

The USD 15 million deal behind CECOT
The detention of migrants in El Salvador’s prison system has faced heavy criticism. Many are asking, why is the Salvadoran government continuing to hold migrants at CECOT without any evidence that they have committed a crime?

During his visit to El Salvador, Maryland Senator raised this very question to Vice President Félix Ulloa in regard to Abrego Garcia, who said that the Trump administration is paying El Salvador to keep migrants like Garcia at CECOT.

The Trump administration has reportedly agreed to pay El Salvador USD 6 million to house hundreds of migrants deported from the US for up to a year. In Van Hollen’s press conference on April 18, he told reporters that the deal between Trump and Bukele may be for as much as USD 15 million.

“Homegrowns are next”
Migrants are not the only ones being targeted for deportation to CECOT. During Bukele’s White House visit on April 14, Trump was recorded saying he wants to send US citizens to CECOT too. The “homegrown criminals” are next. “You’ve got to build about five more places,” he said. To which Bukele responded, “we’ve got space.”

Legal experts and human rights organizations have asserted that the offshore detention of US citizens is illegal, but Trump confirmed later that “We are looking into it, and we want to do it.”

Image
Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele and US President Donald Trump at the White House on April 14. Photo: White House/X

The US – Bukele alliance represents a convergence in the growing international authoritarian trend. But this alliance didn’t emerge overnight. It is the result of a deliberate political project that Bukele has been advancing for years. But to understand how the country got to this point, we have to look back at how Bukele transformed El Salvador into, as he calls it, a dictatorship.

The world’s “coolest dictator”
For years, El Salvador faced one of the highest homicide rates in the world, driven by the extortion practices of gangs, like MS-13. The gang started in Los Angeles, California, initially to defend Salvadoran immigrants from other established gangs in the area, but became more structured and violent over time. After mass deportations in the 1990s, MS-13 expanded throughout Central America, gaining a high level of territorial control in El Salvador. Communities were often caught in the crossfire, with widespread insecurity and little trust in state institutions to protect them. Bukele rose to power promising an end to the violence, using harsh anti-gang rhetoric and militarization to appeal to the widespread fear and frustration, ultimately winning popular support.

However, according to organizers with the Popular Resistance and Rebellion Bloc, Bukele’s security policy is based on a pact with the gangs – not a war on them. They explain that while the president claims there are 80,000 gang members and terrorists in prison, the National Civil Police only reports the seizure of 4,000 weapons, 20,000 cell phones, and USD 4 million. There have been no arrests of top gang leaders, nor have those who have committed crimes in the US been extradited to that country.

Suppression of the left
Movement leaders describe Bukele’s rise as one of clear authoritarianism – cloaked in anti-gang rhetoric, backed by the US, and enforced through mass repression. He enjoys popular support “because people perceive improved security, and he has imposed the idea that traditional parties were corrupt and waged a war that led to tragedies.”

Activists assert that eliminating the left in the country as a viable political option has been a deliberate goal of Bukele’s “business clan.” They say Bukele has specifically targeted the FMLN, a former guerilla group that led the armed struggle against US-backed dictatorship in the 1980s, and later helped secure key democratic reforms through the Peace Accords.

“The FMLN is a victim of a smear campaign by the regime…whose influence in the state and society has significantly diminished. After governing for 10 years, the FMLN has no presence in the Legislative Assembly and no longer governs any mayoralties,” reads a statement by the Bloc.

To better understand how Bukele consolidated power and suppressed his opposition, activists point to key moments in recent history. Here is a brief timeline of Bukele’s regime:

2019 – Bukele elected president

Breaking with the two dominant parties (ARENA and FMLN), he formed the party Nuevas Ideas, and presented himself as a young, social media savvy reformist.
2020 – Bukele storms Legislative Assembly with military

Flanked by heavily armed soldiers and police, Bukele enters the Legislative Assembly to pressure lawmakers to approve a USD 109 million loan, in order to militarize his police and soldiers to allegedly combat gangs.
International human rights groups condemn the action, while activists draw connections to El Salvador’s history of military dictatorships.
2021 – Removes Constitutional Court judges, adopts Bitcoin

Replacing judges in the Constitutional Court with loyalists, and removing the Attorney General, Bukele gains unchecked control over all three branches of government.
El Salvador becomes the only country in the world to adopt Bitcoin as a legal tender, despite mass protests.
Bukele’s new court rules that presidential reelection is now legal, ignoring a constitutional ban. Bukele announces his intent to run for reelection in 2024.
The US government applies some pressure on Bukele to maintain legal appearances.
Critics argue that a major part of Bukele’s propaganda is the idea that he’s “changing the country,” using symbolic gestures, minor public projects, and some changes to the state like reducing the number of provincial and municipal governments.
2022 – “State of emergency” declared

Following a spike in homicides, Bukele declares a “state of emergency,” suspending constitutional rights, and launching a so-called “war on gangs.”
Mass arrests without warrants begin. Many are detained without evidence or due process. Activists call the state of emergency a “mechanism of social containment.” They report popular leaders being targeted, generating fear and limiting popular protests.

Image
Bukele at CECOT. Photo:CECOT/X

2023 – CECOT prison unveiled

The 40,000 person-capacity mega prison is inaugurated with a propaganda blitz displaying prisoners in dehumanizing ways.
Bitcoin investment loses over 50% of its value, costing El Salvador hundreds of millions.
Irregularities around public procurement connected to the Bukele family arise. The public procurement law is practically repealed, limiting public access to details about government spending and contracts.
Political opposition in government has been practically eliminated. 55/60 representatives are from Bukele’s party, NI. 43/44 mayoralities are controlled by NI and its allies. The majority of the population rejects the FMLN and even the traditional, non-governing right parties.
2024 – Bukele wins reelection

Despite a constitutional ban on reelection, Bukele runs for president and wins. He is backed by his courts and military, amid a climate of fear and mass imprisonment justified by “domestic security” rhetoric.
The US government supports his illegal reelection.
Investigations reveal that the Bukele family has significantly increased their land holdings during Nayib Bukele’s presidency (USD 9.2 million in value), placing them among the top 2% of large coffee producers in El Salvador.
Bukele reverses a landmark ban on metal mining, sparking a nationwide protest movement.
Today, Bukele’s “state of exception” continues indefinitely. Reports of torture, disappearances, and political arrests grow. Meanwhile, the Salvadoran President is promoting himself worldwide as a model far-right leader and enjoying a lucrative alliance with the US government.

As the repression intensifies, so too does grassroots resistance. People’s movements for the freedom of political prisoners, and against the “state of exception” continue to build, the most important of these being the Popular Resistance and Rebellion Bloc.

Salvadoran resistance

Image
Dozens of organizations march on May 1, 2024. Photo: Bloque de Resistencia y Rebeldía Popular

The Popular Resistance and Rebellion Bloc is an organization of 35 social organizations from various sectors of society: students, women, peasants, unions, professionals, and more.

Marisel Ramírez, an organizer with the Bloc, told Peoples Dispatch: “These organizations came together in January 2021 to denounce the major setbacks we have suffered since the Bukele business clan took office, and to demand an end to the government’s repressive policies.”

Explaining the Bloc’s strategies and tactics, Marisel said that “the organizations that belong to the bloc act according to their own demands, highlighting the serious human rights violations committed under the state of emergency.”

In her words, the resistance doesn’t take just one form – it plays out across a range of interconnected fronts. Here are just a few examples:

1. Movement of Victims of the State of Emergency (MOVIR)

Families of the detainees mobilize their communities and protest the arbitrary arrests, demanding justice and freedom for their loved ones.
2. Salvadoran Student Force

Students are consistently fighting back against the arrests of university students under the state of exception.
3. Feminist Resistance

Women are organizing and mobilizing around the economic, emotional, and familial impacts of the arbitrary arrests of innocent people, as well as the abuse of power by the military and police.
These forces, Marisel said, “demand ‘sexual favors’ in exchange for ‘benefits’ – not taking people away, expediting judicial processes, and access to personal hygiene products.”
4. The Confederation of Salvadoran Agrarian Reform Federations (CONFRAS)

Mobilizes peasants and farm workers and denounces the shortage of agricultural labor caused by the high migration triggered by the state of exception.
Despite Bukele’s iron-grip approach and mass incarceration campaign, resistance in El Salvador is growing – led by families of the detained and disappeared, student organizers, feminist collectives, and peasant unions who refuse to be silenced. Their struggle aims to demonstrate that CECOT is not just a prison – it is a weapon of political power aimed at the poor and fueled by international complicity.

What’s becoming increasingly clear is that the US is seeking to expand its deportation machine and outsource incarceration and repression to third countries like El Salvador. As these transnational policies develop, urgent questions remain: To what extent will Trump bulldoze legal obstacles in order to utilize this repressive model? Will US citizens begin facing deportation and detention in CECOT? And, how will the people in the US respond to this deepening authoritarian alliance?

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2025/04/18/ ... -a-coffin/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Sun Apr 20, 2025 5:24 pm

The Art of Distraction: How Noboa Masterfully Maneuvers Amidst Electoral Fraud

Image

It's worth examining the Noboa's approach, analyzing the implications of electoral fraud, and offering insights into the sociopolitical dynamics at play.

April 19, 2025 Hour: 2:24 pm

In recent weeks, Ecuador has found itself tangled in a web of allegations surrounding electoral fraud, with observers from both international bodies and neighboring nations, such as Colombia and Mexico, raising their voices.

At the heart of this storm is President Daniel Noboa’s administration, which has adopted a controversial strategy to divert public attention from these serious claims.

It’s worth examining the government’s approach, analyzing the implications of electoral fraud, and offering insights into the sociopolitical dynamics at play.

A Shocking Allegation: The Specter of Magnicidio
On a seemingly routine Saturday, the Noboa administration issued a statement laden with drama and accusation.

Titled “La venganza de los malos perdedores”, in Spanish or “The Revenge of the Bad Losers”, in English, the announcement claimed there was a nefarious plot involving “Mexican hitmen” targeting President Noboa.

Such sensational claims, especially when intertwined with the backdrop of electoral fraud allegations, raise eyebrows.

Critics, including communication expert Dax Toscano Segovia, suggest this narrative serves more as a distraction than as a valid concern for national security.

In an interview with teleSUR, Toscano underscores that past administrations have similarly employed theatrical narratives to shift focus away from their political failings.

By framing the opposition as conspirators linked to organized crime, the Noboa government seeks to undermine legitimate grievances regarding the electoral process while elevating its own narrative.

This tactic of deflection is not new; it has deep historical roots in Ecuadorian politics, where the ruling class frequently vilifies dissenters to maintain power.

Distracting the Public: The Art of Political Theater
The use of spectacle in politics is not exclusive to Ecuador; it occurs globally, where governments manufacture crises or controversies to distract from pressing issues.

Toscano Segovia points out that the current administration’s focus on alleged threats to Noboa creates a smokescreen over the real concerns about electoral integrity.

With increasing evidence pointing to discrepancies in the electoral process, this narrative shift raises questions about the credibility of both the government and the electoral system itself.

Public opinion in Ecuador appears increasingly polarized, exacerbated by years of political instability and economic dissatisfaction.

The dichotomy of pro-Noboa supporters versus the opposition, anchored by former President Rafael Correa, often results in hostility that overshadows substantive policy discussions.

In this climate of division, the Noboa administration’s theatrical tactics may succeed temporarily in quieting critics, but they also risk alienating segments of the population concerned about genuine democratic processes.

Historical Context: A Legacy of Stigmatization
Toscano draws parallels between the current situation and previous administrations marked by similar stigmatization tactics.

Leaders like Moreno and Lasso have historically labeled opponents with derogatory terms, undermining their legitimacy while rallying supporters around a shared narrative of persecution.

This consistent strategy has contributed to an atmosphere of distrust, where accusations fly without substantial evidence, further complicating the political landscape.

Moreover, the narrative of anti-correísmo—a sentiment that has been weaponized against former President Rafael Correa—continues to shape public perceptions.

As Toscano Segovia notes, this sentiment has reached absurd levels, where even unrelated events are blamed on Correa’s legacy.

The effect of years of media manipulation and targeted attacks has left many Ecuadorians consumed with animosity, often forgetting to scrutinize the government’s actions and failures critically.

Looking Ahead: Prospects for Resistance and Change
As the Noboa administration continues to grapple with ongoing electoral fraud allegations, the implications for Ecuador’s political future are profound.

Toscano warns of an impending era marked by heightened repression against dissent as the government seeks to quell potential uprisings born from unpopular policies and economic reforms.

The fear is that, instead of addressing legitimate grievances, the administration will intensify its focus on maintaining control through authoritarian measures.

However, moments of crisis often serve as catalysts for mobilization.

The current dissatisfaction among various sectors—including indigenous groups and leftist factions—creates opportunities for organized resistance against the established order.

If these groups can unite under a cohesive agenda that addresses the electorate’s needs rather than personal ambitions, there is potential for significant political change.

In conclusion, the actions of the Noboa government represent a concerning return to political theater in Ecuador, one that seeks to distract from substantive issues through sensational narratives.

While this approach may provide temporary relief from immediate challenges, the long-term consequences could fortify public skepticism and ignite further unrest.

As Ecuadorians navigate these turbulent political waters, only time will reveal whether the call for accountability and transparency can overcome the theatrics of power.

Manuel F. Diaz

https://www.telesurenglish.net/noboa-a- ... ion-fraud/

Mexico Denies Noboa’s Accusation of a Assassination Plot Against Him

Image
The Mexican FM Juan Ramón de la Fuente. Photo: X/ @SRE_mx

April 19, 2025 Hour: 6:41 pm

On Saturday, the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SRE) “flatly” denied on Saturday the link with “alleged criminal acts” in Ecuador against the president, Daniel Noboa, and his cabinet following the electoral fraud committed by him.

The Mexican Foreign Ministry issued a statement in response to reports in Ecuadorian media citing a message from the Armed Forces of that country dated April 17, which warns of the alleged “transfer of hitmen from Mexico and other countries to Ecuador, with the purpose of carrying out terrorist attacks against the President of the Republic, his ministerial Cabinet, and work team.”

“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs strongly rejects the repeated and unscrupulous creation of narratives in official communications and/or leaks of official documents, which allude to Mexico as a source of alleged criminal acts or internal situations in that country,” the Mexican agency stated.

Furthermore, the SRE recalled that Mexico broke off relations with Ecuador after the violent assault on the Mexican embassy in Quito on April 5, 2024, “in grave and flagrant violation of international law.”

“Regardless of this, our country is guided and will always be guided by the principle of non-intervention,” the Mexican Foreign Ministry concluded.

Hours earlier, the Government of Ecuador assured that the State is on “maximum alert” after an intelligence report from the Joint Command of the Armed Forces warned of the alleged planning of “terrorist attacks” against the president and members of his Cabinet.

The break in relations between Mexico and Ecuador was triggered by the assault of the Mexican Embassy in Quito by Ecuadorian authorities to arrest Jorge Glas, former vice president of Rafael Correa.

This act of violence occurred in a context of bilateral tension, exacerbated by the expulsion of the Mexican ambassador following statements by President López Obrador on the assassination of candidate Fernando Villavicencio and its impact on the Ecuadorian elections.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/mexico-d ... ainst-him/

Magnicide Complaint Is a New Show To Disperse Attention: Ecuador’s Professor Dax Toscano

Image
Ecuador’s President Daniel Noboa, his wife Lavinia Valbonesi (L), and Ecuador’s Vice President-elect María José Pinto wave from the Government Palace this Tuesday, during the traditional Changing of the Presidential Guard ceremony in Quito. Photo: EFE/José Jácome

April 19, 2025 Hour: 1:58 pm

In the face of the electoral fraud in Ecuador, the so called elected president Daniel Noboa, issued on Saturday a statement entitled “The revenge of bad losers”, in which it warned about an alleged plan of “magnicide” against attributed to “Mexican hitmen” and “defeated political sectors.”

Dax Toscano Segovia, Master in Social Communication and professor at the National University of Quito says that the Ecuadorian government is resorting to a “spectacle” to evade the debate on accusations of electoral manipulation.

“The last rulers, like Moreno, Lasso, and now Noboa, have used spectacle as a mechanism to generate followers and disqualify the main opponent: former President Rafael Correa and the Citizen Revolution,” he stated.

For Toscano, the accusations are part of “a new show in the face of the denunciation of fraud or a fraudulent process in the last elections held in Ecuador and that the OAS itself is pointing out the inconsistencies of that process.” Faced with these accusations, then they have to “divert attention with a new spectacle, a new show, the assassination against the president.”

And he adds: “if this president who has the support of the United States, who has the mercenaries of Eric Brines, Blackwater, here, is the subject of an assassination, it is a really unbelievable thing.”

According to Toscano, the language of the Ministry of Government’s statement this Saturday, in which it assures that it will respond “with all force” to the alleged threat, is a warning that there will be brutal repression against the opposition forces to prevent any uprisings or mobilizations.

The government of Daniel Noboa in Ecuador, decreed a state of emergency in the capital and seven provinces during the electoral process and leaked a black list of opposition candidates with prohibition to leave the country.

Toscano claims that these repressive measures are due to the fact that the economic policies implemented by the government will harm the popular sectors, thus trying to curb opposition under questionable justifications.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/magnicid ... x-toscano/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Wed Apr 23, 2025 2:15 pm

The Gabriel Boric Lesson: The Chilean Obama, Traitor of la Patria Grande
By Danny Shaw - April 22, 2025 0

Image
Gabriel Boric and Barack Obama—two like-minded guys. [Source: eldinamo.cl]

[Certain names and details have been changed to protect the on-the-ground organizers who met with the author.]

Black America has the term “Uncle Tom” for sellouts. In South America, a “vendepatria” is someone who is willing to sell their homeland to the highest bidder. Simón Bolívar, José Marti and Jan-Jak Dessalin conceived of a united, integrated Americas, or “la patria grande,” “the big fatherland;” and fought against enemies from within and without who sought to break that unity.

What can one say in 2025 of a South American president who attacks Caracas more than Washington, D.C., and Havana more than Tel Aviv? What social class and foreign forces does such a president serve when he hides behind “progressive” and “leftist” rhetoric and frequently beckons his credentials as a former “student leader”?

Gabriel Boric Font, Chilean president since 2022, is no friend of the working-class causes he has claimed to champion. With one year left in his presidential term, he has proven to be a loyal, “leftist” mouthpiece for the Chilean military and economic brass and their foreign backers.

Similar to the Democrats, Boric claims to represent an alternative. Similar to the Democrats, he presents the far right, and not the capitalist system, as the problem. After a social upheaval in 2019 that left dozens of Chileans dead and maimed, similar to the Democrats, Boric represents a safe, acceptable escape valve for the Chilean establishment and foreign capital.

The Boric lesson is that imperialism is quite willing to pivot toward a “new leftist” where it is convenient, especially given that by definition they prioritize identity politics over class politics. This offers cover for a neo-liberalism that continues to favor the ten richest families in Chile who are unsurprisingly the most connected to international finance.

Boric: The Backstabber and Betrayer
A look at the Chilean president’s relationship to the state reveals even more about his class loyalties.

The Boric administration boasts of 60 new “anti-terrorist” laws. Grassroots movements, such as Radio Plaza de la Dignidad, consider the new legislation an attack on their rights to organize and mobilize:

“The ‘improvement’ of the previous repressive law now allows the arbitrary criminalization of popular fighters, imposing a much more aggressive and arbitrary category of ‘terrorist.’ Not even the Pinochet dictatorship dared to do so much. Such laws include the trigger-happy law, the critical infrastructure law and the anti-occupation/anti-poor law. With the excuse being the fight against crime, the legal-repressive framework has been strengthened, unleashing a brutal threat against the entire Popular Movement in Struggle.”

Boric has put teeth behind this legislation, training 1,300 new carabineros (militarized police). Amnesty International has critiqued the absolute impunity for the police force after the massive clampdown on the 2019 rebellion.

Chile’s patagonia continues to function as a refuge for Zionist war criminals with areas that cater to them in modern-day Hebrew, the official language of the occupiers of historic Palestine.

The 39-year-old, 37th president of Chile brazenly claims that the leaders of Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela are not leftists. No different than Milei, Noboa, Trump and other reactionaries in the hemisphere, he pushes unfounded claims blaming Venezuela’s leadership for insecurity, crime and traffic of arms and drugs in the region. Why would a “leftist” promote a right-wing view of the countries most in the crosshairs of imperialism? However, Boric did not hesitate to recognize “the victory” of “president” Daniel Naboa and the Ecuadorian narco-state last weekend, on April 14.

Here in the United States, we know such leftists well. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Bernie Sanders and their ilk have long functioned as the sheepdogs of the Democratic Party to lasso in the more radical elements.

Image
The Borics of U.S. politics with Obama and others. [Source: nytimes.com]

In the summer of 2024, Boric and Minister of Defense Maya Fernández Allende and Chief of the Chilean Military Joint Staff Vice Admiral Pablo Niemann hosted the U.S. Southern Command cooperation joint meetings. General Laura Richardson warned of “authoritarian, communist governments attempting to seize all they can here in the Western Hemisphere.” The neoliberal military and economic partners touted themselves as “Team Democracy” for the region.

Image
U.S. Air Force General C.Q. Brown, Jr., former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and U.S. Army General Laura Richardson, commander of the U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), and U.S. Ambassador to Chile Bernadette Meehan, meet with Chilean Minister of Defense Maya Fernández Allende in Santiago on August 28, 2024, to discuss “bilateral security cooperation.” [Source: southcom.mil]

To his credit, Boric has condemned the Zionist genocide but has attempted to find a half-way point between the Palestinians and the genocidal Zionist entity. He has also not hesitated to give full support to the U.S.-NATO proxy war on Russia and Ukraine. German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier just wrapped up a visit to Chile, condemning the legacy of the Pinochet dictatorship, as the West cheers on and funds their seven decades old, so far impregnable military base in the Middle East, known as “Israel.”

While China continues to be Chile’s top trading partner. The Boric administration has turned its back on and undermined Bolivarian and BRICS initiatives to build a more multipolar world. While Chile remains strongly in the Western imperialist sphere, the second-longest country in the world depends on strong trading partnerships with Brazil, South Africa and Russia.

The global astronomical community is condemning U.S. energy behemoth AES Corporation for polluting some of the clearest skies in the world above Chile’s northern desert region.

Venezuelan Ambassador Sergio Rodríguez Gelfenstein discusses Boric’s opportunism and quotes President Allende in his final words: “Other men will overcome this gray and bitter moment in which betrayal tries to prevail.”

Chile Ablaze
Wallmapu is the Mapuche name for their historical homeland which stretches across the Andes between modern-day Chile and Argentina. Currently, there are 22 forest fires burning through Wallmapu, where two million Mapuches live on the Chilean side of the Andes. Licarayen of the local Temuco Mapuche leadership explained that Spanish colonizers used similar tactics to push her ancestors off their lands and set up their cash crops, like wheat.

A group of her colleagues showed the author the prehistoric Araucania trees that were around during the epoch of the dinosaurs and are now at risk of extinction. Boric’s Minister of the Interior, Carolina Tohá, accused the ancient, local communities of being behind the blazes. The Coordinator of Wallmapu Territories rejected the customary vilification from state power, “blaming the crisis on capitalist logging interests” and characterizing as “ridiculous the political classes’ claims.”

Chile is South America’s California. Hundreds of thousands of acres of forests are burning as Chile faces some of the worst droughts in its history due to climate change. Licarayen explained that the spiritual toll the fires are taking on the community is leading to more despair, alcoholism and suicides. She compared the dire social indices and resistance of the Mapuche to the historical struggles of native communities in the U.S. and across the hemisphere.

Boric is all bark and no bite. Currently there is a struggle to prevent a statue of Piñera from being built. Boric visited Antarctica to discourage the further exploitation of Chile’s neighbor to the south. Yet, as Wallmapu burns, it is clear how powerless the president himself is to stop the ongoing repression of the historic Mapuche community.

There are over one hundred political prisoners denied their constitutional rights because they have stood up in defense of their land and way of life.

Image
Boric is all bark and no bite when it comes to meeting his promises of redressing the deep grievances of Chile’s Mapuche people. [Source: las2orillas.co]

Pinochet’s Constitution: Boric’s Great Failure
There is a basic leftist consensus on why Boric and the left failed to overturn the Constitution in 2023.

Working-class districts wanted economic and social rights, but were arguably turned off by the greater emphasis in the Constitutional Convention on feminism, environmentalism, or plurinationalism. These same woke politics with no economic teeth are one of the key reasons why the Democrats have lost twice to the MAGA movement.

Light liberal left identity politics over class politics combined with a vicious right-wing media campaign to defeat the constitutional plebiscite. There was intense red-baiting and fear-mongering of Chile becoming “Chilezuela,” complete with the right-wing media promoting sensationalist images of Venezuelans forced to eat stray dogs to survive. The true power brokers resorted to Trump and Musk-esque rhetoric exclaiming “Abortion will be allowed at whatever stage of pregnancy”; “All border controls will be lifted”; and “The law will protect criminals over victims.”

The barrage of propaganda harkened back to the 1970s’ anti-communism of the CIA-backed Pinochet regime which convinced many Chileans that the return of socialism in Chile would mean the end of all freedoms, including the right to be Christian.

The failure to pass an updated constitution transcending the 1980 Pinochet-era one is arguably the greatest setback of the “New Left.” The right wing continues to win the war of narratives. Mega and Chilevisión convinced more than 60% of voters that the new constitution would mean Mapuche supremacy over Chile’s majority European-descendent population.

Javiera Manzi, a leader of La Coordinadora Feminista 8M, denounced the Pinochet continuity, highlighting the 2011 student mobilization, Apruebo Dignidad movement and “radical tenderness” as the way forward. Valparaiso-born journalist Pablo Vivanco summed up the collective disappointment: “Boric has not delivered on his main promises. There has been no new constitution. There is no pension, education or tax reform. He told us: ‘Chile was the cradle of neoliberalism and it will be its tomb,’ but that is not the case.”

Resistencia: Another Way Forward for Chile
In contrast to Boric, political prisoner and Communist Party leader Daniel Jadue represents another vision for Chile and la patria grande. Jadue is the former mayor of Recoleta, the northern area of Santiago and home to the largest Palestinian community outside the Middle East. A spokesperson for the mass rebellion, he was the potential next president of Chile. In this interview with #AVosPatria (To You Homeland) and Radio con Aguante (Radio with a Punch), he, explains why the bourgeoisie got behind the feckless Boric.

Image
Daniel Jadue [Source: orinocotribune.com]

Currently, there is a lawfare campaign against the former mayor of Recoleta. Jadue is a political prisoner because he carried out socialism on a local level, implementing programs such as the Popular Pharmacy, the Popular Optician, Open Schools, Salud en tu Barrio, Popular Real Estate, the Open University of Recoleta, the Popular bookstore “Recoletras” (a word play on the historic Palestinian neighborhood of Santiago), the “Energía Popular,” the popular dentist, the Common Pots, the Communal Public Security Plan with a focus on Human Security, among many others.

The ruling class recognizes that Jadue and the Chilean Communist Party are the real threat, whereas they are willing to work with Boric beyond the liberal-conservative divide over secondary issues. Political analyst Leonel Poblete Codutti predicts that his “alliance and agreements with the class enemy will clear the way for the extreme right to win the elections next year, similar to what happened to the Democrats in the U.S.”

Despite the attacks, the popular leader asserts there can be no change “without a people, without mobilization, without a transformative spirit that is felt.” Boric is a key part of the campaign against the true left, the inheritors of Miguel Enriquez, the Revolutionary Leftist Movement (MIR) and Victor Jara.

Inequality with a “Progressive” Mask
Labor leader Luis Mesina is the founder of the “No + AFP” (No More AFP) movement to defend pensions. He explained: “In the end, [Boric has] been subjugated to the power of financial markets.” He explains how such privatization schemes of social security and other benefits for the people have been siphoned off to foreign capital to the tune of $90 billion, characterizing Chile as “the most neoliberal country in the world.”

Image
Luis Mesina [Source: radiojgm.uchile.cl]

Hugo Fazio, Chilean economist and former vice president of the Central Bank under Salvador Allende, denounced the new pension laws as a further bamboozling of workers. Fazio argues that the pact reflects further collaboration between anti-worker sectors and the left of pacotillas (cheap sellouts) and farándula (show business). The cold reality for many retirees is that they have to continue to look for other jobs because they cannot survive. Jadue explained: “We are gifting them [foreign investors] five to seven billion more dollars every year in capital markets. That is who is most celebrating this law.”

Private mining interests that control 70% of the surplus, or profits, recently announced their largest investments in Chile’s copper and lithium resources in the past decade because their taxes have been so low. The president had promised progressive taxes on the country’s elite but has again cowered before his history’s strong demands. Iris Fontbona, of the Luksic mining dynasty, is worth $26 billion. Julio Ponce Lerou, president of the Chemical and Mining Society of Chile (SQM) and son-in-law of former dictator Augusto Pinochet, is another billionaire.

Image
Julio Ponce Lerou, Pinochet’s son-in-law, and a billionaire. Boric promised to raise taxes on him and his class but has failed to deliver. [Source: theclinic.cl]

As absurd as it sounds, social spending under the “left-wing” Boric is lower even than under Chile’s last president, the reactionary billionaire Sebastian Piñera.

Boric: The Impotent Tip of the Iceberg
While there were big expectations in 2022, and Boric’s victory was heralded as a historic win, Boric is not Allende. His moderate positions were never a real threat. He is a deterrent to regional solidarity, echoing imperial policy on the Bolivarian-bloc countries. While it is easy to wail about Boric’s lack of class instincts and anti-imperialist fight, he is merely an Obama, the most convenient puppet for the moment.

The Chilean power structure with its media and banking arms is the same one that overthrew the socialist government of Salvador Allende in 1973.

Image
Salvador Allende [Source: imdb.com]

Now-deceased media baron Agustín Edwards Eastman and his heirs received covert payments from the Nixon government to plot the coup against President Allende. The National Security Archive recently published declassified documents showing Edwards’ secret meetings with Henry Kissinger, Attorney General John Mitchell and CIA Director Richard Helms in Washington, D.C. To this day, the Edwards heirs are the owners of Chile’s largest newspapers El Mercurio and La Segunda, Radio Corazón and an endless array of other mouthpieces for the rich.

Image
Gabriel Boric delivering a speech as a student leader in 2012. [Source: time.com]

The right wing recognizes that Boric represents a break from Bolivarian politics and true class struggle. Libertad y Desarrollo (LYD), a conservative think tank charts Boric’s meteoric rise through politics precisely because he condemned the historic left focused on class struggle. His pivot toward the “new left” and identity politics ensured that he was not a threat to the entrenched political and economic establishment.

The Chilean elite’s “Boric strategy” is reminiscent of the “Obama phenomenon.” Both faux “progressives” were touted as representing “change” and were elevated to the summits of bourgeois power almost overnight. Both are phonies. High finance uses such lapdogs at times as mouthpieces, or at other times as distractions, and at all times as faux “resistance.”

For Chile, it was the 2019 social explosion (el estallido social). For the United States, it was the deep-held anger against the unpopular, Bush-era wars on Iraqi and Afghani sovereignty. The aging Piñera and Bush were seen as the personification of “the old way.”

A significant wing of capitalist power succeeded in presenting the youthful Boric and Obama as proof that the system can be changed from within.

The memories of the militant social rebellion in Chile and U.S. anti-war, left-liberal protest movement in the U.S. 2001-2008 were buried in what has long been the institutional graveyard of social movements—capitalist elections.

https://covertactionmagazine.com/2025/0 ... ia-grande/

******

New faces, old rivalries: Bolivia’s upcoming presidential elections

After a political dispute between former president Evo Morales and current president Luis Arce and a series of economic challenges, the country is preparing to decide its political future. The right-wing is also divided after failing to reach a minimum agreement.

April 22, 2025 by Pablo Meriguet

Image
Evo Morales March, 2025. Photo: Evo Morales/X

On April 19, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) of Bolivia registered 11 parties and five electoral alliances that will participate in the presidential elections on August 17, 2025. This does not guarantee 16 candidates, but that these parties and alliances will participate in the electoral campaign. Further alliances and partnerships are expected to form around political figures aiming for the presidential chair at the Palacio Quemado. The final list of presidential candidates will be announced on May 19.

A divided left
For several months, the Movement Towards Socialism – Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (MAS-IPSP), the hegemonic political party that has won elections in Bolivia since 2006, suffered an important internal fracture after tensions arose over the control of the political party and economic policy between the former president and trade unionist Evo Morales (2006-2019) and the current president, Luis Arce.

Luis Arce (MAS)
It is speculated that Arce, who managed to keep MAS under his control after a court ruling, will be a candidate for the presidential elections, although the country’s economic situation (which is experiencing a lack of fuel and dollars) has undermined his popularity. Arce faced an attempted coup in 2024, but managed to neutralize it thanks to a massive popular mobilization and the backing of the international community.

Evo Morales (EP)
Evo Morales has expressed his desire to run again for elections under a new political party called Evo Pueblo, although the Constitutional Court announced that it is not possible for anyone who has already governed for two continuous or discontinuous terms to run for the presidency. In a message on X, Morales said “We transmit to our militancy: tranquility and certainty. We have guaranteed a place to participate in the presidential elections of August 17. For security reasons and to avoid persecution, sabotage, and pressure from the government, we will not announce the party with whom we will go to the elections.”

It is presumed that his political movement will participate in future presidential elections. Morales resigned from the Presidency after a coup d’état in 2019 and had to go into exile to Mexico and then to Argentina. He currently lives in Bolivia and has been one of the most fervent opponents of Arce, who was his former party colleague and secretary of economy.

Andrónico Rodrigues (MAS)
Another former ally of Morales has begun to appear as a possible presidential candidate: 36-year-old Andrónico Rodríguez, president of the Senate and vice-president of Bolivia’s coca growers’ federations, of which Morales is president. However, Rodríguez did not attend a meeting in which the coca growers sought to define a single candidate for the presidency of the Republic. Instead, the young senator traveled to Spain and met with leaders of Spanish social democracy and the Podemos party. Rodriguez has proven to be a more moderate figure than Morales, although if he intends to become president, he will have to count on the support of the hard vote of the Bolivian left, so his strategy has been to keep a “friendly” distance from Morales.

The right is also divided
After an attempt to launch a joint candidacy in December 2024, the right has also split. Faced with a divided left, this is one of the best opportunities that the right has had in almost 20 years of MAS governments, and they had attempted to work on a grand alliance of the right. However, at the end of the unity project, the Bolivian right wing once again demonstrated its deep contradictions and historical tensions.

For now, three blocks of parties that will participate in the elections are known (although everything could change in the next months).

Samuel Doria (UN)
The candidate that has attracted the most attention is Samuel Doria with the National Unity Front. He is a multimillionaire businessman and former secretary of planning and coordination (1991-1993) in the government of Jaime Paz Zamora. Doria calls himself a social democrat, and therefore many see him as a candidate who could appeal to certain center-left voters who have historically voted for MAS. Doria has been a presidential candidate on three occasions (2005, 2009, and 2014) and was the vice-presidential candidate of Jeanine Añez in 2020, who had usurped the presidency of Bolivia after the coup of Evo Morales in 2019. In the end, the Añez and Doria ticket was dropped to support frontrunner Carlos Mesa.

Jorge Quiroga (Frente Libre)
On the other hand, the “Libre” bloc has expressed its intention to nominate former president Jorge Quiroga (2001-2002). Quiroga is an engineer and has been linked to sectors of Bolivian conservatism. He has promised that, if he wins the elections, he will “privatize everything.” He was also an official in the Paz Zamora administration as undersecretary of Public Investment and International Cooperation and secretary of Finance. He was Hugo Banzer’s vice-president in 1997, being the youngest vice-president in the history of Bolivia. Banzer and Quiroga had a public dispute that led to the split of the political party that brought them to the presidency, Democratic Nationalist Action. Quiroga demonstrated his predilection for neoliberalism and the use of public force to repress government opponents. After this, he was a presidential candidate in 2005, 2019, and 2020, losing on all three occasions against MAS. Quiroga played a key role in the coup d’état against Evo Morales in 2019.

Manfred Reyes (Bloque Súmate)
In another direction, the “Súmate” bloc has proposed businessman and former military man Manfred Reyes, the current mayor of Cochabamba, as its candidate. Reyes has been one of the main opponents of the creation of a joint candidacy of the Bolivian right. He has promised that if he wins the presidency, he will eliminate state subsidies on gasoline, although controlling its price so that it does not skyrocket excessively. In his long political history, his administration as mayor of Cochabamba (1993-2000) and presidential candidate in 2002 and 2009 stands out. In 2020, he took refuge in the United States after an accusation against him. He returned to Bolivia during the Añez coup government.

Overall, the right appears to be betting on old political figures who seem to have some confidence in an increasingly disenchanted electorate. This not only reveals the political crisis of the Bolivian right, which seems unable to launch new politicians into the electoral arena, but also an inability to reach minimum agreements. These divisions could become major challenges for a neoliberal government in the Andean country, which has one of the most active social movements (Indigenous and peasant) in the entire region. Movements that have been further strengthened after nearly 20 years of MAS governments.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2025/04/22/ ... elections/

*******

Military Bases and ‘Aid Packages’: Noboa Accelerates Ecuador’s Ties with Washington
April 22, 2025

Image
Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa. Photo: Dolores Ochoa/AP.

Just hours after the elections, Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa spoke with Marco Rubio and made a “personal” trip to the United States, stating that he would like to establish a US military base in his country. According to experts consulted by Sputnik, the US could use Ecuador in its “geostrategic” plans for the Pacific Ocean.

Although the election results of April 13 are still being questioned by the opposition party Citizen Revolution, Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa left the country to travel to the United States, his most frequent destination since arriving at the Carondelet Palace in November 2023.

According to the Ecuadorian media outlet Primicias, the decree formalizing the trip indicates that the president will be in Florida between April 17 and 22 to “attend to personal matters.” His only companion, according to the document, will be his “head of security.”

The trip comes hours after Noboa held a telephone conversation with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. The US office reported that the conversation addressed the “shared commitment to protecting the citizens of both countries by opposing narcoterrorists, transnational criminal organizations, illegal immigration, drugs, and malign foreign influence in our hemisphere,” as well as “regional challenges such as those in Haiti and Venezuela.”

“Immediately after the election results, and at a time when he is still facing questions from various governments about the legitimacy of the electoral process, what the president is doing is seeking the geopolitical support of his northern ally, the United States,” political analyst Decio Machado told Sputnik.

For Machado, Noboa’s trip aims not only to gain “support in a context in which some countries like Mexico, Colombia, and Honduras are questioning the result,” but also to “put himself at the service of US President Donald Trump,” as part of Noboa’s strategy to consolidate himself as “a privileged partner of the US.”

Also speaking with Sputnik, sociologist and international political analyst Irene León recalled that relations with the US have been “a priority” of Noboa’s foreign policy during the year and a half of his term, which began in 2023, and appear as a pillar of the electoral proposal put to a vote on April 13. According to the expert, this relationship has “militarization and ties with the US corporate sector as its main pillars.”

León believed that, in a second term, Noboa would focus on “expanding Ecuador’s role in US military plans,” not only through the establishment of US military bases on Ecuadorian soil but also by providing the South American country as a staging ground for “the Pentagon’s plans for the South Pacific.”

“With the military agreements signed since late 2022, the US now has the power to land in Ecuador with impunity by air, land, sea, and cyberspace. Noboa places great emphasis not only on ensuring that this continues, but also on expanding that capacity with the creation of military bases,” the academic explained.

Indeed, just hours after the elections, Noboa gave an interview to CNN in which he stated that Washington was awaiting the results of the April 13 elections to begin advancing support for Ecuador in matters of defense, with “intelligence systems, radars, border protection, and monitoring of drug trafficking, illegal fishing, and irregular groups near the border dedicated to illegal mining.”

For the president, his election victory will allow the talks to turn into “real aid packages,” and he admitted that he would “love” to have US troops in the country, including a “joint” military base. The president’s comments fuel rumors about the Ecuadorian government’s intention to reestablish a US military base in the city of Manta, located on the Pacific coast and which previously served as a US base between 1999 and 2009.

Machado, for his part, recalled that the Noboa administration has also speculated about the possibility of allowing US operations from the Galapagos Islands, which could be of “geopolitical interest” to Washington. However, he insisted that the level of progress of these maneuvers will depend more on US interests than on Noboa’s proposals.

“The US may be interested in this within its disputed territory policy toward Latin America. In that context, Ecuador appears to be a government that prioritizes relations with the US over Chinese investments,” the analyst explained.

León also considered that “it is unlikely” that the Trump administration will not take advantage of the agreements made with Ecuador by the Joe Biden administration (2021–2025) to secure its presence in Ecuadorian territory, given that there remains “maximum interest in the reoccupation of Latin America and the Caribbean and the recomposition of a hemispheric project to have control of its resources.”

Is constitutional reform closer?
León recalled that, to successfully establish US bases, Noboa must reform the 2008 Constitution, which expressly prohibits the establishment of foreign military bases in the country. For this reason, there is speculation that reelection will give Noboa the impetus to fulfill his promise of a Constituent Assembly to remove this restriction.

“Noboa has fervently called for the presence of US military personnel and has argued that the Ecuadorian Constitution is a hindrance to the development of his security proposals,” the analyst noted.



In fact, the day after the elections, Noboa’s minister of government (chief of staff), José de la Gasca, confirmed that drafting a new constitution would be one of the first priorities of the re-elected government.

Machado lamented that, although the idea that a US base in the country could be effective against domestic organized crime “has little basis,” the Ecuadorian population does not seem to view the measure with such unfavorable eyes.

“The overwhelming popular sentiment is that we must do whatever it takes to fight crime, and this base is being marketed as a strategic tool in that endeavor,” he emphasized, venturing that there likely won’t be any major popular mobilizations against the government if it decides to open foreign bases in the country.

https://orinocotribune.com/sat-night-on ... ashington/

******

Cynicism and propaganda in Bukele's proposal to President Maduro
April 22, 2025 , 10:20 am .

Image
Trump and Bukele met as the U.S. Supreme Court ordered a temporary halt to deportation flights to El Salvador (Photo: Agencies / File)

Recently, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele proposed a supposed, yet delusional, "humanitarian exchange" to President Nicolás Maduro, an event that sparked significant controversy.

In a clear act of political communication and a push for public opinion, Bukele alluded to the more than 250 Venezuelans who were illegally sent by the United States to the Central American country in March and who remain imprisoned in the Terrorism Confinement Center (Cecot).

Through his official account on the social network X, he claimed his willingness to hand them over to Venezuela in exchange for the release of the same number of alleged "political prisoners," referring to people who are deprived of liberty in the country for various crimes.

The president, at the time, indicated that he had under his control Venezuelans "members of the Tren de Aragua gang," who had allegedly "killed, raped, and committed crimes" on US soil. Let's remember that the Trump administration pays El Salvador to keep these so-called deportees in its notorious maximum-security prison, in clear violation of international law and current extradition treaties.

Since taking office in January, Donald Trump's hardline anti-immigration policies have run into several legal obstacles.

The latest of these occurred last Saturday, when the U.S. Supreme Court ordered the White House to temporarily suspend the deportation of Venezuelan citizens under the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, pending further rulings by lower courts.

The US government has described the challenges to the law's use for mass deportations as "baseless litigation ," an unusual response from the US judiciary. Trump is likely to incur contempt of the Supreme Court by forcibly returning people of Venezuelan origin to the Central American country.

Beyond this considerable institutional clash in the United States, Bukele's new statements redirect the problem and turn it into a bilateral issue with Venezuela, fueling the controversy and exposing significant inconsistencies.

Inconsistencies, fallacies and diversion of attention
The Salvadoran president's statement could be considered a boast.

He is clearly not open to any kind of "humanitarian exchange" with President Nicolás Maduro, as his actions demonstrate that he is not interested in the personal situation of any fellow countryman.

But his speech reveals the fact that, in addition to acting as jailer, he assumes the role of judge and executioner by attempting to decide the fate of those held hostage at Cecot on his own, as if they were bargaining chips, and at the expense of the person who hired his services as an outsourcer for the US prison system.

The main legal problem with the imprisonment of Venezuelans in El Salvador is the jurisdictional issue. There is no basis in international law to justify the extradition and detention of these individuals, considering they have not been prosecuted. Technically, this is a mass kidnapping .

Bukele attempts to equate the situation of foreign citizens kidnapped in his country with that of Venezuelans convicted of crimes and deprived of their liberty in Venezuela, who have been brought before the national courts and jurisdiction. The inconsistency is notable.

For its part, the U.S. Supreme Court has pointed out the inconsistencies of the so-called deportations to the Central American country.

The Court initially ruled on April 8 that Trump could use the Alien Enemies Act to deport suspected gang members and that those transferred should be given the opportunity to challenge their removal. But this should be determined by the courts, not immigration authorities.

A large portion of the more than 250 kidnapped Venezuelans were detained while seeking legal status in the United States; others were not even able to enter the country because they were held at the border in immigration jails, while others were captured on the streets and expressly expelled.

According to US media outlets such as the New York Times and Bloomberg , referring to those kidnapped at the Cecot, five men were charged or convicted of felony assault or firearms violations. Three were also charged with misdemeanor offenses, including harassment and petty theft, and two others were charged with human trafficking.

Meanwhile, there was no clear and verifiable information about the remaining individuals, making it clear that these individuals were not subject to due process and have no record of any convictions in U.S. courts.

The Supreme Court has addressed the issue of deportations to El Salvador from the perspective that these are migrants, not members of criminal gangs, as Bukele coined them, assuming the role that corresponds to the American courts.

There can be no talk of "deportations" of Venezuelans to El Salvador, since that is not their country of origin. Nor can there be talk of extradition, since these individuals did not commit crimes in that country.

While it's true that the United States routinely deports citizens to a third country—usually to Mexico—these individuals are released. From that perspective, the imprisonment of Venezuelans at the Cecot is completely unjustified, and it has only a vague legal basis, as the detainees are declared "enemies" under the controversial 1798 Act.

Once again, inconsistencies arise regarding the administration of justice. Is the application of the Alien Enemies Act the responsibility of the United States or El Salvador?

Meanwhile, Venezuelan Attorney General Tarek William Saab denounced the legal conditions of the kidnapped victims, who have not been brought before any court in either the United States or Venezuela, and their legal representation has been obstructed.

The head of the Public Prosecutor's Office urged the Salvadoran justice system to respond to the habeas corpus requests filed by lawyers on behalf of the Venezuelans, for whom Saab requested "unconditional release."

Saab also accused Bukele of committing the crimes of "forced disappearance" and "human trafficking."

CONTROVERSIES AND A SHOT THAT BACKFLOWED
In this sense, the serious problem of jurisdiction arises again.

The Central American country's judicial authorities are fully empowered to deliberate on the situation of the kidnapped individuals.

However, when that country's executive branch—which controls the judicial system—serves as a sentinel for a foreign government, the issue is "resolved" according to U.S. guidelines, where detainees lack adequate legal protection.

Criticism of Bukele regarding human rights violations has come from multiple directions.

Democratic Senator Chris Van Hollen recently clashed with Salvadoran authorities after being denied entry to the country to learn the whereabouts of Kilmar Abrego García, a citizen of the Central American nation legally residing in the United States, who was expelled and imprisoned at the Cecot (Cecot) due to an "administrative error."

Van Hollen was later allowed to enter El Salvador and met with Abrego, making him the "only person" who has met with him since his detention. The detainee has not received personalized legal assistance.

A Maryland court ordered Abrego's return to U.S. soil, but he remains detained by Bukele.

Now, Representatives Robert Garcia of California, Maxwell Alejandro Frost of Florida, Yassamin Ansari of Arizona, and Maxine E. Dexter of Oregon landed in Bukele's stronghold on Sunday to meet with Abrego, and have turned it into a focal point for Trump's abusive immigration policy, of which Bukele is a part.

Several U.S. intelligence agencies recently concluded that the Tren de Aragua gang—now defunct in Venezuela—lacked a clear line of command and that its remaining cadres were not subordinate to President Maduro or other authorities, thereby undermining the foundations for the application of the Alien Enemies Act.

The shockwaves and the unleashing of criticism and legal obstacles against the Trump administration are gaining more significance, so it's likely to take on new proportions, including legal repercussions that could fall on Bukele.

These facts also explain why the Central American leader has sought to divert attention and focus it on the Venezuelan government through a false offer laden with cynicism and propaganda.

https://misionverdad.com/venezuela/cini ... nte-maduro

Google Translator
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Mon Apr 28, 2025 2:08 pm

Argentina: Short Term IMF Machinations To Keep Milei In Power
To Facilitate The Late 2026/2027 Rug Pull
Roger Boyd
Apr 28, 2025

In November 2023, Milei won the Argentinian presidential election while defining himself an an “anarcho-capitalist” ready to tear things down to rebuild a successful country. He is in fact a simple tool of the Argentinian oligarchs and their foreign friends.

He immediately slashed 30% of public spending and devalued the currency by 54%, providing excellent profits to the oligarchs who had stashed monies abroad and gutting the parts of the state that did not serve their interests. The latter move massively exacerbated inflation at home through the cutting of price subsidies, while at the very same time state social spending on the lower and middle classes was slashed. After he devalued the currency he committed to a devaluation of only 2% a month, while continuing with currency controls to limit capital outflows. As inflation was surging by much more than the 2% monthly devaluations, the benefits of the one-off 54% devaluation was undone by early 2025. With the foreign exchange reserves effectively negative, Milei relied on a swap line with China and an influx of funds due to the combination of high interest rates and tax forgiveness. Neither of which were long term fixes. I cover this period in detail here.

The undoing of the devaluation, through the mixture of high domestic inflation and very limited ongoing currency devaluations, is evident in the trade statistics for March 2025. These show a trade surplus of only US$323 million, vs. a much bigger surplus of US$2.16 billion in March of 2024. The country has basically come full circle, as imports surged 39% y-o-y and exports fell 2.5% y-o-y. This is after domestic consumption was crushed with the massive reductions in public spending. As I noted in my previous piece, domestic inflation has most probably been under-reported and therefore Argentina may in fact be less competitive than before Milei came to power; and also GDP growth over-stated. The recent move to a monthly devaluation of only 1% per month, with still relatively high inflation (3.7% per month in March, the highest since August 2024), will only lead to an ongoing rise in the Argentinian currency in real terms and a further loss in competitiveness.

We do not have numbers for the Argentinian Q1 current account, but already in Q4 2024 it had shrunk to only US$1 billion (compared to US$2.67 billion in Q4 2023) and was most probably negative in Q1 2025. A negative current account deficit requires an outflow of foreign currency, which can only be met with an inflow of currency given the lack of foreign exchange reserves. The FX reserves have been dropping fast in recent months, with net reserves (i.e. after debt payments and flows), at negative US$7 billion. With the high interest rate+tax forgiveness inflows limited, the only way to get more foreign currency was through more loans. And that is exactly what Milei did, arranging a new loan of US$20 billion with the IMF. At the same time Milei extended the swap line with the communist Chinese state that he had previously said he would never deal with. US$12 billion of the IMF loan was drawn down immediately, and together with another US$3 billion drawdown later in the year, US$5 billion from the swap extension, US$6 billion from multinational lenders and US$2 billion from global banks, Argentina could have a currency reserve buffer of US$28 billion (it could be as high as US$42 billion with new commitments from the World Bank and InterAmerican Development Bank[IADB]). This is all of course just more foreign debt loaded onto the Argentinian people on top of the US$44 billion already owed to the IMF.

As a condition of the new IMF loan, Argentina will continue with its public sector austerity to squeeze out a government surplus when including debt repayments. More cuts in services, higher taxes and fees for the lower and middle classes. The IMF and its Western oligarch bosses want to keep Milei in power past the October 2025 mid-term elections, so that he has enough time to fully deregulate the Argentinian economy and sell off as much as possible at knock down prices to Argentinian and foreign oligarchs, before the inevitable crash happens. The new IMF loan is as utterly cynical as the US$57 billion loan during the Macri government that was used to fund large-scale capital flight. Milei will most probably go down as a single-term president who is utterly hated at the end by the Argentinian people, but he will have done his assigned role just as Macri did, and will be rewarded by the oligarchs. Just as Menem did the same in the 1990s, prior to the Argentinian economic crash at the beginning of this century.

If Argentina kept its currency controls in place, while also allowing for a controlled devaluation to maintain competitiveness, the US$28-US$44 billion FX buffer may allow it time to restructure its economy over a number of years, as capital flight would not be possible. But then Milei showed that he was simply playing the same game as the previous oligarch-tool president Macri, with a huge reduction in the size of the state thrown in, as he started the removal of currency controls. Most limits on corporations will remain in place, but they will be able to repatriate their 2025 profits (but not the profits from previous years, about US$9 billion). All limits on the withdrawal of US dollars from bank accounts were removed, but individuals were limited to converting up to US$100 worth of pesos per month.

The initial range for the exchange rate is between 1,000 and 1,400 to the dollar, and it settled at 1,138 a few days after the currency was floated; a drop of about 6% which provide a short-term boost to international competitiveness but will also feed into domestic inflation (the peso has since fallen to 1,175 to the dollar). With inflation rising to 3.7% per month in March, that currency drop will be quickly negated. If the Argentinian Peso veers outside the range, then the foreign exchange buffer will be used to intervene to keep it within the range to limit the effect on domestic inflation. The 1,000 to 1,400 range will be expanded by 1% each month. With an only limited freeing of exchange controls, this may be manageable for the balance of the year and into next year. The Argentinian and Western oligarchs hope that the freeing of the exchange rate together with all the “happy, happy” official economic forecasts will get Milei through the mid-terms. The US Treasury Secretary, Bessent, did his bit by visiting Argentina and publicly celebrating its “success”.



Once Milei is safely beyond those elections, the austerity hammer will once again be yielded, capital flight will ramp up as Milei removes more and more of the remaining exchange controls, and state asset sales will flourish as a a way to extend the funding of capital flight. Milei is pushing hard to speed up the sale of state assets, with 59 state firms targeted for privatization. These include the state airline, the state water company, a satellite telecommunications company, the country’s largest and 13th largest banks, a company that loads and unloads aircraft, a fossil fuel exploration and distribution company, and an arms manufacturer. All to provide cheap assets to the oligarchs and to suck in foreign exchange to delay the inevitable crisis for as long as possible. Provincial governors are also travelling abroad in an attempt to get foreign investment in the Vaca Muerta shale formation, with its vast shale oil and gas reserves.

The Argentinian Peso and the level of currency reserves will be the predictor of the timing of the next great Argentinian financial crisis; probably sometime in late 2026 or 2027. Once the new FX buffer has been burned through to protect the exchange rate, together with any foreign-exchange proceeds from asset sales, we will see a repeat of the beginning of this century economic crisis; a rapid currency devaluation and inflationary crash. We may once again see a social rebellion against the government, as in 2002. The recovery from that economic disaster relied upon a large-scale debt default and the commodities boom driven by China’s extraordinary growth in the first decade of the century. It may be many times harder to recover from the next economic disaster that will befall the nation within two to three years.



Argentina will not be helped by the Trump 10% tariffs, nor by the 25% tariffs on steel exports. The move of China away from imports of US soybeans and corn, both of which are major Argentinian export sectors, may help Argentina; but global prices for these two commodities have been falling for the past few years.

The fly in the ointment for the foreign oligarchs may be a China that Argentina is becoming more and more dependent upon, through both its currency swap line and as both an export market and a provider of critical imports. The domestic oligarchs may once again make out like bandits from the purchase of state assets on the cheap and pre-big depreciation capital flight, but their new foreign bosses may be as much Chinese as American.



https://rogerboyd.substack.com/p/argent ... chinations

******

Panamanians gear up for indefinite strike on April 28

Thousands of Panamanians took to the streets on April 24 to protest pension reform, US interference, and the intended reopening of the country’s largest copper mine, they will continue their struggle in an indefinite strike beginning April 28

April 27, 2025 by Pablo Meriguet

Image
Members of SUNTRACS mobilizing on April 24. Photo: SUNTRACS

On April 24, thousands of Panamanians took to the streets to protest the recent approval of the pension reform in Panama promoted by the neoliberal government of José Raúl Mulino. Law 462 has been the source of a lot of controversy in the Central American country because, according to several unions, it will reduce retirement pensions compared to the previous system. The mobilization was called by the Association of Professors of Panama (ASOPROF) and the Single National Union of Industry and Construction and Similar Workers (SUNTRACS), who have announced that they will embark on an indefinite national strike on April 28.

“The organized people demand the repeal of Law 462 of the Social Security Fund, which imposes an increase in pension contributions, increases the retirement age, and decreases the collection of pensions, in addition to granting the financial system, largely private, billions of dollars, to benefit the financial sector close to the government of President José Raúl Mulino,” says Rolando Ortiz, sub-coordinator of the National Front for the Defense of Economic and Social Rights of Panama (Frenadeso).

SUNTRACS General Secretary, Saúl Méndez stated: “[Panama], together with Suntracs and the teachers, [will go to the] indefinite national strike of the construction industry…Get ready to support the teachers and the indefinite national strike. The strike is of the Panamanian people, the whole country must mobilize. We must go out in the neighborhoods, in the communities, buildings, houses, and the countryside; we all must go out to the streets to confront the dictator.”

Consejo Nacional del SUNTRACS.
Se reunieron todas las estructuras de nuestra organización para debatir y tomar decisiones claves. ¡La unidad y organización son nuestra mayor fuerza!
1/4 🧵 pic.twitter.com/GjZNajMTe6

— Suntracs Panama ⚒ (@SuntracsPanama) April 25, 2025


In defense of Panamanian sovereignty
In addition, teachers and workers announced that the mobilizations are intended to denounce the security cooperation agreements between the Panamanian Security Secretariat and the US Department of Defense, which were reached after the pressure exerted by the Trump administration regarding the Panama Canal. According to Ortiz, the agreement contemplates the surrender of Panamanian territory for the establishment of US military bases.

In this regard, the leader of the teachers’ union ASOPROF, Diógenes Sánchez, said: “The government has been infamously guaranteeing the US military presence…with the signing of an agreement that allows US military intervention and presence in our country, an affront to the dignity and memory of all Panamanians who sacrificed their lives so that Panama would have a single territory and a single flag.”

For protection of the environment
Similarly, the protesters opposed the possible reopening of the open-pit copper mining project on the Caribbean coast by the Mulino government. In 2023, Panama’s Supreme Court declared the 20-year concession of copper exploitation to a private Canadian company called First Quantum Minerals unconstitutional and the mine was closed.

The suspension came after mass protests in late 2023, in which thousands of Panamanians participated, disrupting plans for one of the world’s largest copper mining projects. The concession was widely criticized in Panama, with people citing both the negative environmental consequences the open-pit mine would have, as well as the exorbitant profits the Canadian mining company would extract.

However, following the closure of the project, First Quantum Minerals filed two lawsuits in international courts in which it claims to have invested close to USD 10 billion, making this project the largest private foreign investment in the country’s history, second only to the Panama Canal. The suits were suspended last month, but movements have warned that the battle is not over.

In this regard, SUNTRACS published in X: “This April 24, thousands of us marched throughout the country with a clear message: No to mining, no to the high cost of living, no to starvation pensions and defense of sovereignty.”

Ortiz also informed that one of the demands of the demonstrators was also respect for the water sources for the use of the peasants: “[We mobilized] also against the possible damming of the Indio River, a river that wants to be dammed to supply more water to the Panama Canal, attacking thousands of peasants who have lived for dozens of years on the banks of the river and now this measure is imposed on them without attention to their just demands.”

For now, a tense calm is expected until Monday, April 28, when the strike of teachers and construction workers will begin. Once again, the unions and the national government will measure forces in a struggle between the defense of sovereignty and public institutions versus the private and foreign interests that are hovering over the Central American country.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2025/04/27/ ... -april-28/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Sat May 10, 2025 1:58 pm

Repression of Panama’s national strike drives workers from more sectors into the streets

More workers join the strike against social security reform and security concessions, uniting against repression and in defense of national sovereignty.

May 09, 2025 by Pablo Meriguet

Image
Panama's nurses join the strike and take the streets against Law 462. Photo: Claridad Panama/X

After 11 days of strike, Panamanian workers from across sectors are not giving up their struggle against the economic plans of the government of President José Raúl Mulino, its security agreements with the US government, and its plans to reopen a huge copper mine that closed in 2023. Not only have workers continued to mobilize, but they have been joined in their struggle by more sectors of society.

Workers claim that Law 462, passed on March 18, 2025, opens the door for the privatization of Social Security, increases the retirement age, and halves the amount of money for future pensions, among other things. Panamanian society has also firmly manifested its rejection of the project to hand over their territory for the establishment of several US military bases and the plan to grant free transit to US warships through the Panama Canal.

The strike is being led by the Single Union of Workers of the Construction and Similar Industries (SUNTRACS), the Association of Professors of Panama (ASOPROF), and by the Union of Workers of the Banana Industry (SITRAIBANA). And, as the days have gone by, more unions of teachers, doctors, nurses, dentists, peasants, Indigenous organizations, student movements, parents’ associations, neighborhood groups, etc. have joined the strike.

As a result, not only productive but also educational activities have come to a halt, and several hospitals have even declared a strike in response to Law 462 and Mulino’s security policy.

Image
Students and educational workers unite with other sectors in Panama’s national strike. Photo: SUNTRACS
University students join the struggle

On May 6, thousands of students, administrative workers, and professors of the University of Panama participated in a massive mobilization in Panama City in support of the workers’ strike under the slogan “For university autonomy and national sovereignty”. They chanted “Without struggle there is no victory” or “Hey, Mulino, take a picture, so you don’t say we are just four people” in the heart of the Panamanian capital, marching through key avenues.

One student at the march told La Estrella de Panamá that they were supporting the strike because, “We are tired of [the government] calling us a den of terrorists. And we are against the Social Security law. It’s unfair to work so hard to retire with so little money.”

Panamanian university students have long been part of the struggle for national sovereignty, beginning in 1958, when a group of young people planted 75 Panamanian flags at various points in the Canal Zone, a territory then administered by the United States.

“The university is a space for debate, a space where all ideological and political currents have always coexisted. We have had repressive governments and states, and we have known how to confront them. In this moment we are living, our worst moment, where the President of the Republic calls us a den of criminals, terrorists, delinquents… Historically, there have been demonstrations at the University of Panama. All politicians, when they are in opposition, applaud. When they are in government, they repress,” said university professor Gilberto Marulanda.

Protesters denounce repression and the violation of human rights
Another front of struggle has taken place in the streets and highways of the country, where organized workers have staged significant road blockades to raise their demands. These actions have provoked the reaction of the state which has intervened and repressed demonstrations under the pretext of freeing the streets and allowing the flow of vehicles. Journalist Andrés Lobo said in this regard “When the business chambers have urged the Government to act against the strike and avoid new road blockades, President José Raúl Mulino has responded with police repression, forcibly clearing the road blockades and arresting protesters, including at least 30 members of Suntracs and 11 workers of Metro Line 3.”

This happened in San Félix, province of Chiquirí, where confrontations were registered between demonstrators and state security forces, which used tear gas and pellets against the workers. In addition to these acts of repression, Yamir Córdoba, coordinator of the United People for Life Alliance, was arrested last Monday.

The government’s repression has also been denounced by the National Coordination of Indigenous Peoples, which states that several Indigenous leaders who led the demonstrations have been detained by the forces of law and order. In addition, the National Coordinator of Indigenous Peoples has denounced human rights violations by the police. The clashes in the Ngäbe-Buglé Comarca seem to be worsening and could spread to the rest of the country.

In addition to police repression, the government is relentlessly seeking to break the strike. The Mulino administration has threatened to withhold and deduct the wages of workers who do not report to their workplace. In addition, private companies have indirectly informed the workers that if they do not return to work promptly, they will lose their jobs. The enterprise Chiquita Panama said that 6,000 workers could be dismissed if the strike continues.

SUNTRACS announces that the strike will continue

Image
Photo: SUNTRACS

In response to the repression and threats, SUNTRACS said via X: “The simultaneous repression in all provinces of teachers, students, parents, workers, and all those who exercise the legitimate right to protest, the only thing that makes the people rise more and more. The Panama Police and José Raúl Mulino are guilty of that.”

They also affirmed that they will not give up their struggle until the government reverses its neoliberal and anti-sovereignty policies. They have vowed to continue the strike until the government listen to the workers’ demands and engage in earnest dialogue, instead of stigmatizing, threatening, and repressing.

https://peoplesdispatch.org/2025/05/09/ ... e-streets/

******

Panama Between Social Protest and Geopolitical Tension
May 8, 2025

Image
Panamanians protest against a memorandum of understanding with the US, in Panama City, April 29, 2025. Photo: Matias Delacroix/AP.

By Ociel Alí López – Apr 30, 2025

Although Panama has remained free from political conflict in recent decades, it seems that the country’s relative peace is evaporating.

With its privileged geographical location that allowed the construction of the Panama Canal which, in turn, provides huge resources to its econom and provides for an extended paralegal financial structure (revealed in 2016 with the Panama Papers), the Central American country has not seen social turbulence since the US invasion of 1989.

However, for some time now, things have been changing. On April 28, an “indefinite strike” called by unions, such as the teachers’ and construction workers’ unions, put further pressure on the government, which suspended classes and dispersed some demonstrations.

The public discontent against the government, which has been ongoing for many months, reached its boiling point after the approval of Law 462 in March, which introduced reforms in the Social Security Fund (CSS) and which is being criticized by the demonstrators as a direct path to the privatization of social security amid the implementation of a framework of economic adjustments by the president of the country, José Raúl Mulino.

In the meantime, Panama has become a scene of geopolitical tension since US President Donald Trump’s announcement of his plans for the retake control of the Panama Canal.

Washington committed to the canal
On April 9, during US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s visit to Panama, the two governments signed a memorandum of understanding which, among other things, allows the US to temporarily use military bases in Panama and to carry out joint military actions.

Amid Washington’s anti-China rhetoric and the concessions granted by the Panamanian government, the Hong Kong-based company CK Hutchison Holdings Limited agreed, in February of this year, to sell some of its shares in ports on Panamanian coasts to the US vulture fund BlackRock.

However, at the end of April, amid the current context of commercial tensions, China’s regulator of the stock market opened an investigation on the purchase-sale agreement, and therefore, the sale has been paused, and Beijing has not yet ratified the commercial commitment that was supposed to be carried out on April 2.

Prior to Hegseth’s visit, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio himself, during his first tour since taking office, visited Panama first, with the clear mandate to neutralize China’s “influence” over the Canal. For his part, Mulino unilaterally terminated the economic agreement with China, through which China was making significant investments related to its strategic Belt and Road Initiative.

Following Rubio’s visit, the head of the US Southern Command, Admiral Alvin Holsey, arrived in Panama at the end of February in order to “guard the area.” These repeated visits are evidence of the US’s increased interest in the geopolitical significance of Panama and the region.

The Panamanian president has responded to the US offensive by saying that China does not meddle in his country’s internal affairs and that US ships have to pay for the use of the canal, despite the fact that both Trump and Rubio have claimed free passage for US ships on the waterway as among their achievements. Nevertheless, Mulino has very diligently acceded to several of the Trump administration’s demands.

After China paused the commercial process of the sale of the ports in Panama, international tension is rising over the canal, and in parallel, social movements are preparing for confrontation.

A week of protests
It is not only in the geopolitical plane that Panamanian waters are agitated.

Since 2022, Panamanian social movements have taken to the streets and have pushed the government back on several occasions. In 2022, a series of protests intensified and reversed the fuel price hike decreed by the government of the then president, Laurentino Cortizo. In 2023, a Supreme Court ruling overturned the government’s contract with a transnational mining company after large environmental mobilizations had paralyzed key sectors of the country for days.

The protests of April 2025 are not new, and the social movements seem to have enough power to confront the government and maintain mobilization for long periods, trying to neutralize both the economic adjustment plan and the surrender of national sovereignty to the US as foreseen in the aforementioned memorandum of understanding.

Thus, Panama has now become a nerve center of struggle, both in the geopolitical space and in the socio-political space—the latter dominated by the active and mobilized unions which acknowledge the impact of the new social policies of the Mulino government.

For its part, the government has broadened its repressive narrative and has threatened teachers and workers with dismissals and elimination of pay, which augurs further polarization. The government intends to criminalize the unions and obtain international backing for tougher actions to contain the protests in order not to return to a situation of political instability as in previous years.

However, leaders of the social movements have already called for new demonstrations in May, while they continue to demand the withdrawal of the reform of the Social Security Fund.

Tensions are rising in Panama. It is no longer a peaceful country.

https://orinocotribune.com/panama-betwe ... l-tension/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

User avatar
blindpig
Posts: 14394
Joined: Fri Jul 14, 2017 5:44 pm
Location: Turtle Island
Contact:

Re: South America

Post by blindpig » Wed May 14, 2025 2:03 pm

Luis Arce Declines Presidential Candidacy to Strengthen Unity and Defend the Plurinational State

Image
Luis Arce announces he declines his presidential re-election bid in the 2025 Bolivian presidential election.Photo:EFE.

May 13, 2025 Hour: 10:24 pm

President Luis Arce announced he declines running for presidential re-election in Bolivia to avoid dividing the popular vote and to consolidate a united front that defends the revolutionary and social project.

Luis Arce Prioritizes MAS Unity and Defense of the Popular Project

In a message broadcast from the Casa Grande del Pueblo on the evening of Tuesday, May 13, 2025, Bolivian President Luis Arce Catacora announced his decision to decline his candidacy for re-election in the general elections scheduled for August 17.

Arce explained that this decision stems from his conviction not to be a factor of division within the Movement for Socialism (MAS) and the popular camp, and from the need to consolidate a united front that defends the Plurinational State and social achievements.

Arce emphasized that the political project is more important than personal ambitions, so he is declining his candidacy to prevent the dispersion of the popular vote that could benefit the neoliberal right.

He stressed that unity among progressive forces and social organizations is essential to preserve the socio-productive economic model and the rights won by the working class and indigenous peoples.

Arce’s announcement comes just hours after Fidel Surco, Secretary of International Relations for MAS, confirmed that the party will finalize its presidential and vice-presidential ticket this Wednesday afternoon, according to BoliviaTV.

Meanwhile, Grover García, president of MAS-IPSP, indicated that the party awaits a response from Andrónico Rodríguez regarding a possible candidacy.

Other potential candidates under consideration include Minister of Government Eduardo del Castillo and representatives Jerges Mercado and Deisy Choque. This process reflects MAS’s commitment to selecting the strongest ticket to maintain unity and continue advancing the revolutionary agenda.

The president called on all leftist sectors and leaders to take responsibility in closing ranks around the candidate with the greatest chance of advancing, prioritizing the political program above any individual interest. He highlighted that only through maximum unity will it be possible to deepen the revolution and confront the fascist and imperialist threats aiming to destabilize Bolivia.


The text reads: “President Arce WILL NOT RUN in the election and asks Evo Morales not to run, urging Andrónico Rodríguez to return to the MAS fold to be the candidate of that political party.“

Full Commitment to Governance and Defense of the Plurinational State

With his decision to decline candidacy, Arce announced he will fully dedicate himself to government management, urging the Plurinational Legislative Assembly to approve pending laws, especially international loans vital for the country’s development.

He reaffirmed his commitment to defending the Plurinational State, sovereignty, and social justice, assuring that he will continue fighting from any space to guarantee the continuity of the revolutionary project.

This strategic move by Luis Arce marks a decisive moment for the Movement for Socialism and the Bolivian left, which now faces the challenge of consolidating a united front to defend popular achievements and ensure political and social stability in the upcoming elections.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/luis-arc ... nal-state/

******

Peru’s President Boluarte Sets Record as World’s Most Unpopular President
May 14, 2025

Image
Dina Boluarte being sworn in as president in 2022. Photo: Presidency of the Republic of Peru.

The controversial Peruvian president, who came to power after an institutional coup, has only a two percent approval rating.

Peru’s leader, Dina Boluarte, holds the unenviable world record of being the least popular president on planet Earth, according to data from the polling firm Ipsos.

The study establishes that Dina Boluarte, whose national approval rating dropped to two percent, has definitively become the most unpopular head of state on the planet.

On Monday, local newspaper Perú21 revealed a survey conducted by Ipsos among 1,207 people from May 8 to May 9, which also showed that she maintains a 94% disapproval rating.

“It’s a historic record. We’ve been conducting surveys for 30 years, and there’s never been a trend of so many months of disapproval at such a high level. I don’t know of a record this poor anywhere in the world,” said Guillermo Loli, director of opinion research at Ipsos.

This Tuesday, the digital media outlet La Encerrona produced a graph showing that the closest record is that of the President of Suriname, Chandrikapersad Santokhi, with only three percent, dating back to 2023. Last month, the website Visual Capitalist showed the most unpopular leader to be the Prime Minister of the Czech Republic, Petr Fiala, with eight percent.



Murder of miners dealt the final blow
Following the murder of 13 miners who had been kidnapped by criminal groups, the president’s approval rating plummeted. It was the blow needed to send social discontent to extreme levels.

“There is widespread rejection of the government’s inaction regarding what is happening in the country, such as in Pataz. The murder of Poderosa mining company workers is further fueling this backlash,” Loli added.

A week ago, the Andean country was shaken by the discovery of 13 miners in the Pataz district, La Libertad region, where they were found bound and executed. Boluarte’s response was to establish a military base and impose a curfew in the area, among other measures.

https://orinocotribune.com/perus-presid ... president/

" the murder of 13 miners who had been kidnapped by criminal groups", or company goons with government complicity...
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

Post Reply