Palestine

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Re: Palestine

Post by blindpig » Sun Oct 12, 2025 6:43 pm

Trump and Blair's Gaza plan: a project for occupation, not peace
Hala Jaber

10 Oct 2025 , 11:11 am .

Image
Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, on July 7, in London (Photo: Getty Images)

Conceptual illustration: Gaza's future redesigned under foreign control, echoes of the colonial partition of a century ago.

One hundred years ago, Western powers established borders in West Asia with rulers and mandates, and they divided up the land while marginalizing the people who lived there. In 1993, Yasser Arafat stood on the White House lawn, shook hands with Yitzhak Rabin, and the world applauded as the leaders spoke in grandiloquent language, promising a Palestinian state.

Thirty years later, Arafat is dead, Rabin was assassinated, and there is no Palestinian state, while its people face dispossession, a blockade, and a catastrophic war. But once again, Washington presents a new "peace plan." Donald Trump hailed its launch as "one of the greatest days in civilization" and even boasted of bringing "eternal peace to the Middle East." The rhetoric is theatrical; the reality is coercive.

Trump and Netanyahu at the White House unveiling the Gaza "peace plan." Trump called it "one of the greatest days of civilization."

And the irony is profound. The same England that issued the Balfour Declaration, which led to 75 years of Palestinian dispossession, is now sending one of its sons, Tony Blair, to "save" Gaza. From the country that helped create the problem comes the man tasked with recolonizing it.

Trump 's " general plan " : promises for headlines
The White House produced a 20-point "Comprehensive Plan to End the Conflict in Gaza." Its key elements are stark and dramatic:

An immediate ceasefire if accepted by both parties; Israel withdraws to the agreed lines and suspends bombing.

A hostage/prisoner exchange: Within 72 hours, all hostages—living and deceased—will be returned; Israel will release 250 prisoners serving life sentences and approximately 1,700 Gazans detained since October 7, 2023. For each Israeli body returned, Israel will hand over the remains of 15 Gazans.

Hamas fighters who disarm and commit to "peaceful coexistence" will be granted amnesty; those who decide to leave Gaza will be offered safe passage and exile.

Immediate humanitarian assistance flows: restoration of power, water, hospitals, bakeries; debris removal; and logistics for reconstruction, distributed through the United Nations and the Red Crescent.

Governance: Gaza will be temporarily administered by a Palestinian technocratic committee overseen by an international "peace board"—announced as being chaired by Donald Trump, with Tony Blair included. The committee will oversee reconstruction and redevelopment until the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) "completes reforms" and is deemed fit to resume control.

Economy: Gaza reimagined as a Special Economic Zone (SEZ), with preferential tariffs, investment incentives, and an international panel of experts to rebuild the Strip as a "miracle city" in a donor-led effort.

Security: Gaza will be demilitarized under international supervision. Israel will retain an undefined security perimeter and control over certain crossings, including the Philadelphia Corridor along the Egyptian border.

On the surface, the plan promises rapid relief and a mechanism for hostage release. But the mechanics and context reveal something else: a blueprint for an administered Gaza that lacks Palestinian consent, safeguards, or a credible path to sovereignty.

"Incomplete" without Hamas and presented under threat
The plan is empty without Hamas's acquiescence. But the political choreography is descriptive: the document appears to have been circulated among Israel, donor states, and regional capitals, then publicly revealed by the White House, complete with a threatening ultimatum.

During the press conference, Trump stated in simple terms:

"If Hamas doesn't accept, Israel has my full support to finish the job of destroying the Hamas threat. Bibi, you'll have our full support to do whatever you need to do."

That statement isn't mere rhetoric; it's explicit US support for an open end to Israeli military action. And, crucially, only after Trump's public unveiling, after the plan had been presented as accepted by Israel and the Arab states, did the Qatari and Egyptian mediators deliver the text to Hamas. The movement's delegation said it would "responsibly study the proposal," but the sequence is unmistakable: Hamas was given the agreement after it had become a public fait accompli and under the shadow of a televised ultimatum.

This is coercion disguised as diplomacy. The plan's viability depends on Palestinian acceptance; the reality was that the agreement was presented to the Palestinians only after a public deadline and the implicit threat of annihilation.

Amnesty, exile, and the bureaucratic path to dispossession
Two of the most morally difficult elements are the amnesty and exile clauses. The plan offers amnesty to Hamas fighters if they renounce violence and, alternatively, safe passage out of Gaza. Asking militants to accept exile is asking people to abandon their homeland. It is a policy framed as mercy but functionally resembling another iteration of ethnic cleansing: removing the backbone of Palestinian armed resistance, incentivizing departure, and rewarding those who remain with foreign-managed reconstruction.

Meanwhile, the logic of "voluntary departure," already present in Blair's draft plan, risks bureaucratizing displacement. Departures could be disguised with paperwork and records, but certificates do not replace homes, nor can administrative safeguards be substituted for the right of return.

The West Bank is absent; the State is a vague promise
Note what the plan doesn't do. It is closely tied to Gaza. It makes no serious mention of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the settlements, or the fundamental questions surrounding the occupation. White House language vaguely hints at a future "credible path" to Palestinian self-determination if Gaza's redevelopment moves forward and the PA completes its reforms, but there is no timeline, no binding mechanisms, and no mention of the pre-1967 borders. Statehood is left aspirational and conditional, contingent on foreign approval rather than Palestinian self-determination.

No timelines, no guarantees, and the inevitable humiliation
Perhaps the most damning aspect is what the plan deliberately leaves undefined. There is no timeline for the transition in Gaza. There is no scale for what "reconstruction" means, no guarantee that Israel will not continue its killings and attacks under the guise of security.

The Palestinian Authority is not just being displaced, but humiliated. Both Netanyahu and Trump spoke of a future handover to the PA only if it "meets the conditions" set by others. These conditions were not explained, but the logic is clear: the Palestinians can only govern themselves if Israel and the United States certify that they are fit.

The proposal reads like an ultimatum from a father to his son: behave yourself and perhaps we'll grant you privileges. But these aren't privileges; they're the foundations of life: security, home, citizenship, the future of a people. Demanding submission from people whose land has been destroyed and then declaring that you'll "allow" them self-government only under inspection is a profound moral inversion. Bombing victims are being told to be patient, obedient, and grateful, or else they'll see.

An action plan for permanent occupation
Viewed as a whole, the plan reads like a roadmap for a light permanent occupancy arrangement:

Gaza's governance outsourced to technocrats under an external junta.

Israel retains a permanent security perimeter—the Philadelphia Corridor and other compression zones—and veto power over any rearmament.

Reconstruction is donor-driven and investor-led, a decision that embeds foreign economic control.

The PA is promised eventual handover, but only after reforms that may never be credibly verified, leaving Gaza in an indefinite transitional limbo.

That limbo is the strategic objective: to relieve Israel of day-to-day governance while maintaining its security goals intact, and to relieve Arab and Gulf capitals of the domestic burden of the Palestinian issue so they can proceed with normalization on their own terms.

What is absent
Note what is not there:

There is no Palestinian State.

There is no two-state solution.

There is no mention of the 1967 borders.

No role for East Jerusalem or the West Bank.

There is no guarantee that Israel will stop its killings or attacks once the hostages are released.

Instead, Netanyahu even demanded that the Palestinians stop "media incitement" and end "lawfare" at the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice. In other words: zero criticism, zero accountability under international law.

The big picture
The Trump-Blair plan solves Israel's problem, not Palestine's. Israel doesn't want to rule Gaza directly, but it doesn't want Hamas or the Palestinian Authority to rule it either. This plan installs an externally directed authority to administer Gaza while Israel maintains the military and political advantage.

It is a foreign administration masked as a transition.

Europe relegated
The recent European recognition of Palestine by Spain, Ireland, Norway, Slovenia, and others was hailed as a breakthrough. But the Trump plan renders all those gestures null and void. It wipes sovereignty off the table entirely. Trump himself mocked the act of recognition as ridiculous, underscoring how little weight Washington and Tel Aviv attach to it. The timing is no accident; this launch also sends a message to Europe: its statements mean nothing in the face of the US-Israeli conflict.

The Gulf's reward : normalization by omission
This political product has beneficiaries beyond Washington and Jerusalem. By outsourcing Gaza to a transitional authority, the Gulf states and other Arab capitals are relieved of the political and popular pressure of the Palestinian issue. Normalization with Israel was paused by the war; the Blair-Trump construct clears the way for Arab states to complete that process while the fate of Gaza is being managed by foreigners. In short, the plan is one of regional convenience, a way to resolve the "Palestinian headache" and resume economic and diplomatic ties with Israel.

When leaders of countries like Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the UAE, Egypt, and others sign a statement endorsing the framework, they implicitly hand Gaza over to Israel and its international administrators on a platter. This is neither altruism nor a strategy for Palestinian well-being; it's a geopolitical sacrifice. Another silent victory for Israel.

International actors, Erdogan and the strange chorus of consensus
The public rollout of the plan features a chorus of support: Western donors, Arab capitals, and even unexpected voices praising the initiative. A joint statement by the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Qatar, and Egypt explicitly welcomed Trump's proposal, expressing "confidence in his ability to find a path to peace," and vowed to work with Washington to finalize and implement it. The statement reaffirmed their willingness to support "a comprehensive agreement that ends the war, prevents the displacement of Palestinians, rebuilds Gaza, and paves the way for a just peace."

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan also joined in, praising Trump's "efforts and leadership" aimed at "stopping the bloodshed in Gaza and achieving a ceasefire," and pledging Turkey's contribution to a "just, lasting, and mutually acceptable peace."

But this public display of consensus barely addresses a moral truth: the negotiation over Gaza's future proceeded largely without the participation of the Palestinians whose lives will be shaped. Presenting a plan to Hamas and other factions only after it has been internationally agreed upon isn't diplomacy; it's coercion disguised as consensus.

Palestinian voices reject custody
Palestinian leaders and activists have been categorical. Husam Badran, a member of Hamas's political bureau, framed the proposal as a denial of Palestinian agency:

"The Palestinian people have the right to self-determination, as recognized in international law. We are not minors in need of guardianship. Decisions about Gaza or the West Bank are internal Palestinian matters that should be resolved by national consensus, not imposed by foreign powers. Any plan linked to Blair is a bad omen."

This rejection matters. You can't build lasting peace by ignoring the people whose lives are being governed by the arrangement. International actors can produce all the road maps and hold all the press conferences; legitimacy won't come automatically.

Rejection of the other factions in Gaza
It's not only Hamas that views the proposal as illegitimate. The Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), the second-largest armed faction in Gaza and a key ally in the current war, issued a categorical rejection. PIJ described the Trump plan as "a political cover for the continuation of the war of extermination against our people," designed to liquidate the Palestinian cause under the guise of reconstruction and security.

The statement was blunt: no Palestinian faction, they said, has the right to renounce resistance in writing or surrender its national rights. This rejection underscores a central reality: even if Hamas is coerced into considering the plan, its implementation is virtually impossible when the other major forces in Gaza label it illegitimate. Indeed, Trump's roadmap rests not only on Palestinian acquiescence but on the silencing of every form of armed resistance organization.

Lawfare, media control and the erasure of responsibility
At the press conference, Netanyahu conveyed another objective: reducing criticism and legal liability. He spoke of "stopping media incitement" and "ending lawfare against Israel at the ICC and the ICJ." These are not minor footnotes. They are an attempt to criminalize dissent and shield actions from international scrutiny. In practice, they amount to demands for absolute impunity: Palestinians must accept a managed future while losing the ability to correct, or even criticize.

Trump limited his appreciation of Netanyahu with a line intended as flattery: "This will be the crowning achievement." The rhetorical flourish obscures the price: Palestinian sovereignty, accountability, and dignity.

Conclusion: A Century of Repackaged Control
This framework is more of a rebranding of control than a peace plan. It borrows from the language of "transition," "stabilization," and "reform" while reintroducing the colonial logic of foreign mandate. The historical echo is damning: the same capitals that promised a Palestinian state three decades ago now present a deal that replaces sovereignty with fiduciary control, rights with registration, and justice through investment.

The irony is stark. The Balfour Declaration, dictated by London a century ago, led Palestine down the path of dispossession. Today, another Briton, Tony Blair, returns under the banner of the savior with the task of "managing" Gaza. Colonialism hasn't gone away; it's been repackaged. From the country that created the catastrophe comes a man proposing to preside over its continuation.

If the people of Gaza are to survive and rebuild with agency and dignity, any agreement must be based on genuine Palestinian consensus, meaningful timelines toward sovereignty, and guarantees that legal and political responsibilities will remain intact. Anything less is not a peace agreement; it is a managed occupation, a colonial consortium disguised in the language of technocracy and humanitarianism.

And at its core is humiliation: Palestinians reduced to children before the eyes of their occupiers, told to "behave" before being allowed the most basic right of all: to decide their own future.

Hala Jaber is a prominent Anglo-Lebanese journalist who has covered and specialized in reporting on conflicts in West Asia, has received numerous awards, is the author of several books, and has contributed to various media outlets for over two decades.

Originally published in English on September 30th on its Substack page, the translation for Misión Verdad was done by Diego Sequera.

https://misionverdad.com/traducciones/e ... -no-la-paz

Google Translator

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Trump’s “Peace Deal” Mirage: Distraction As Escalation in Zionist War on Gaza & Region Continues
Posted by Internationalist 360° on October 10, 2025
Vanessa Beeley and Fiorella Isabel



A critical analysis of how theatrical diplomacy, manipulated narratives, and global complicity are paving the way for a wider regional conflict, while the genocide in Gaza continues unabated.

The Cyclical Distraction In Alternative Media

Vanessa and I dive into another episode of Critical Perspectives laying out the many failures and trends distracting current mainstream alternative media and the entire social media landscape, which is saturated with distracting narratives and the management of these for purposes that mostly benefit a global elite.

The multitude of theories on how Charlie Kirk died whether Israel, U.S. intel or establishment narrative has provided endless tweets, podcasts, and money streams for many influencers and media figures seeking content or taking cues from the endless social media posts discussing this. Clearly this has been the perfect distraction and noise to deliberately divert public attention from the very vital and real war we are all facing, as well as the ongoing, brutal genocide in Gaza which has entered its second shameful year.

This cycle of distraction prevents people from seeing the reality on the ground and the ominous signs of impending escalation, such as Netanyahu’s warnings about Iran and coming escalations in Iraq. The focus on these theatrical displays, including a supposed rift between Trump and Netanyahu (yet again), serves to obscure the fundamental and unwavering complicity of the United States and other world powers in the Zionist project, aiming to paint Trump as a victim and Washington as simply captured rather than entirely in-cahoots with the Final Solution.

The Trump “Peace Plan” as a Psychological Operation

We deconstruct the much-hyped Trump administration “peace plan,” as deeply skeptical, viewing it not as a genuine effort for peace but as a sophisticated form of psychological warfare and public relations. Its primary purposes are seen as pacifying growing global disdain for Israel, creating false hope to make activists take their “foot off the accelerator,” and providing plausible deniability for the U.S., again by portraying it as a victim of Israel rather than a complicit partner—indicating this is reformable via electoralism or a hero to save America.

The plan’s demand for Hamas to disarm is viewed as an insidious trap, designed to weaken the Palestinian resistance ahead of a more devastating attack, drawing parallels to Trump’s past tactics of luring adversaries like General Soleimani into false negotiations. Hamas and the Resistance appear to be well-aware of this attempt and much of the media have reported incorrect information painting Hamas and resistance factions as weak or speaking for them instead of looking at more regional and reliable sources.

We touch on Russia and China’s pragmatic approach more so driven by their own economic and strategic interests., rather than the ideological desires of defeating western hegemony placed on them by many analysts and activists, looking for the two powerful states to save the world from the evil Western axis. Evidence cited includes Putin’s praise for Trump’s peace plan, Russia’s and China’s continued trade and diplomatic relations with Israel, their recognition of the Saudi-backed puppet government in Yemen over the Ansarullah-led Resistance, and Russia’s red-carpet treatment of Takfiri leaders in Syria. The conclusion is that no powerful state is acting on a moral imperative to stop the genocide, shattering the illusion that external “saviors” will intervene.

The Looming Threat of a Wider, More Lethal War

Alarming indicators suggest the current “peace talk” charade is a prelude to a significant escalation. Netanyahu’s confident and hubristic demeanor in interviews, combined with his specific warnings about Iranian threats to U.S. cities, can be interpreted as a potential setup for a false flag operation. Furthermore, the reality is the very terrifying prospect that Israel, backed by its historical development of chemical and biological weapons, may be preparing to escalate beyond conventional warfare. The sudden withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq and Syria can be seen as a worrying sign that the battlefield is being cleared for a potentially more devastating, multi-front conflict that could involve the use of banned weapons; as Washington has notoriously only cleared one conflict to put it in another theater.

Ultimately, we are advocating for a sober, realistic understanding of global politics, urging listeners to abandon the “hopium” of looking for heroic states or politicians to solve the crisis, a tendency they attribute to a Western mindset of seeking saviors. The Palestinian and regional resistance forces themselves hold a pragmatic view of powers like Russia and China, engaging with them out of necessity and diplomacy but not relying on them, understanding their role and accepting it. The ultimate message is one of self-reliance: liberation will not come from any government but from the sustained, on-the-ground resistance of the Palestinian people, their supporters who understand the true nature of the conflict, free from the distortions of theatrical diplomacy and narrative management, and the people as a whole collective.

The Trump “peace” trap, Syria’s sham elections and Netanyahu’s war against the region

Vanessa Beeley



My three reports for UK Column News on Wednesday 8th October. I dig deep into the sordid reality of the Trump (Nobel) Peace trap and unpack the so called “democratic” elections in Syria, brought to you by Tony Blair and the Zionist bloc. Finally I look at the recent sycophantic conversation between Ben Shapiro and Netanyahu – the potential for false flags and the expansion of a regional war by the Zionist entity.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2025/10/ ... continues/

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Trump’s plan, Blair’s hand

Lorenzo Maria Pacini

October 12, 2025

The plan once again highlighted the usual hypocrisy and colonial mentality of Washington, London, and, more generally, the West.

Those who don’t die will meet again

There is an old saying that goes, “Those who don’t die will meet again,” which somehow fits politicians perfectly, because sooner or later, they all reappear on the political scene.

In fact, shortly after the announcement of the formal recognition of Palestine as a state, the United Kingdom sent former Prime Minister Tony Blair with the task of hindering the Palestinian self-determination process, in accordance with the so-called “Peace Agreement” of then-US President Donald Trump. A truly masterful move.

This decision once again highlighted the usual hypocrisy and colonial mentality of Washington, London, and, more generally, the West.

Who remembers Tony Blair?

It is worth giving a brief summary, because his presence is by no means a random choice.

The Middle East knows Blair well, especially for his infamous conduct during the 2003 Iraq War, alongside then-US President George W. Bush, leader of the so-called “war on terror.” On the strength of false accusations about weapons of mass destruction, Blair dragged Britain into a conflict that caused hundreds of thousands of Iraqi casualties, earning himself a well-deserved reputation as a war criminal. Nothing new, you might say, since the United Kingdom has been an imperialist entity for a long time.

This confirms that Blair is the last person who should appear in an organization called the “Peace Council.”

While Bush retired to a quiet life painting dogs and portraits of Vladimir Putin, Blair continued to make himself indispensable in the Middle East—and to reap considerable profits from it. After resigning as prime minister in 2007, he was appointed special envoy of the international “Quartet” – composed of the United States, the European Union, Russia, and the United Nations – officially committed to resolving the Israeli-Palestinian issue. A coincidence? No, not at all: the choice of an emissary with close ties to Israel made any progress towards genuine peace impossible, which shows us how much it was in the interests of the Western powers to maintain a certain tension in the region. At the same time, Blair’s diplomatic activities were intertwined with a network of extremely lucrative business deals in the region: consulting for Arab governments and private assignments, such as the one he took on in 2008 as senior advisor to the American investment bank JP Morgan, which paid him over $1 million a year.

No philanthropy, no spirit of humanitarian aid. When Blair attended meetings in the Middle East, no one knew which Tony Blair they were dealing with: the Quartet envoy, the founder of the Tony Blair Faith Foundation, or the head of the consulting firm Tony Blair Associates.

On the other hand, the beauty of conflicts of interest is that they always pay off well.

For example, in 2009, he obtained radio frequencies from Israel to create a mobile phone network in the West Bank, in exchange for a commitment from the Palestinian leadership not to bring accusations of Israeli war crimes to the UN for Operation Cast Lead in Gaza in December 2008, during which approximately 1,400 Palestinians were killed in 22 days. Blair had private economic interests linked to that agreement: both Wataniya and JP Morgan had a lot to gain from the opening of the telecommunications market in the West Bank.

It is therefore easy to imagine that Blair will also have a certain interest in Trump’s plan for Palestine, perhaps with his Tony Blair Institute for Global Change, committed to “changing the world,” perhaps by helping Israel and the United States build the infamous 5-star resort that businessman Donald Trump has long dreamed of, as if capitalism and the tyranny of foreign investors could suffice for the Palestinians in place of freedom and security.

It therefore seems that the West’s “brilliant idea” (sic!) is once again to entrust the fate of Gaza to international war criminals. Not bad, right?

Today, Blair appears not simply as an “advisor,” but as an official charged with protecting the joint interests of Israel and the West in Gaza and managing the post-war transition phase.

Tony Blair’s experience in Iraq is a clear sign of his unreliability on the Palestinian question.

During the US invasion in 2003, thousands of civilians were killed and entire cities were destroyed. Blair, who convinced President Bush to wage that war, admitted years later that there were no weapons of mass destruction and that the military campaign had been based on falsified intelligence reports.

Despite these admissions, no international court has ever tried him for the serious violations of international law he committed.

Today, paradoxically, the same person is being proposed as a key figure in the “reconstruction” of Gaza, based on a supposed peace plan that in fact only protects Israeli interests.

Who stands to gain the most?

Blair has openly expressed his support for a plan that aims to transform Gaza into a kind of “Riviera” and a regional commercial center, modeled on the interests of Washington and Tel Aviv. And this is a first clear sign of how much the agreement could benefit Westerners. America, in the midst of a terrible economic crisis, stands to gain, as does the British crown, in the midst of a political and ethnic crisis. Israel obviously stands to gain, as it will only have to worry about changing its prime minister, perhaps passing the baton to someone less compromised. But the game remains the same, and no one really cares about the will of the Palestinians.

The American plan aims to open Gaza to Western investors. We already know how these “peace projects” dedicated to free capital end up. And capital does not care about the opinions and rights of the Palestinians.

Trump deliberately ignored Israeli attacks on Hamas negotiators in Doha, while denying Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas a visa to attend the United Nations ceremony. This move was directed not so much against Abbas’s leadership, which is already unrepresentative of Gaza, as against the entire Palestinian people. Ask in Palestine what they think of Abbas and the answer you hear will be explanatory enough. And ask yourself what Abbas has done in the two years since that famous October 7, 2023.

Trump effectively deprived the Palestinians of the right to decide their own destiny, and immediately afterwards announced a so-called peace plan that completely excluded them. The dispatch of Tony Blair appears to be a further sign of this ruthless hypocrisy.

His responsibility for the massacres in Iraq and his self-definition as an “evangelical Jew” reinforce the idea that his actual role is to minimize Palestinian autonomy and ensure the implementation of US and Israeli policy.

Blair could be the one to bring peace to the eastern part of the country, or rather to the anti-Russian forces operating within it.

Blair’s Institute had already received substantial funding in previous years from Moshe Kantor, a multi-billionaire industrial entrepreneur and the largest shareholder in the fertilizer company Acron.

Blair’s previous relationship with the oligarch had also earned him a prestigious position on the European Council for Tolerance and Reconciliation (ECTR), founded by Kantor, who appointed the former Labour leader as its president in 2015. The ECTR was one of the main financial backers of the Tony Blair Institute, but the collaboration ended in April after Kantor was added to the UK sanctions list along with seven other oligarchs.

Originally from Moscow, Kantor now has British citizenship. In recent years, he has organized several meetings with the Russian president in his capacity as president of the European Jewish Congress. The Russian tycoon has long built strong relationships with politicians and prominent figures in the British establishment, including members of the royal family.

Tony’s wife, Charlie Blair, has not been idle either. In 2024, she represented Ukrainian billionaire Mikhail Fridman in court in a lawsuit against the state’s decision to freeze his assets following the SMO in 2022. The 60-year-old—pictured with Blair in 2003 during the signing of an agreement with BP—accuses Luxembourg of participating in a kind of “arbitrary witch hunt” against wealthy Russian businessmen with investments in the EU, masking it as the application of economic sanctions. Fridman also claims that this conduct violated an agreement between Luxembourg and the former Soviet Union aimed at protecting investors from the risk of expropriation or nationalization of their assets. But that is not the point.

Lady Blair, a lawyer since 1976, and her law firm Omnia Strategy are among the lawyers appointed to represent Fridman, who fled Israel after October 7, 2023, and took refuge in Moscow, where he continues to do business with London. It is curious that Fridman condemned the Special Operation in Ukraine and declared that he would transfer $10 million to Ukrainian refugees through a personal charity fund. His investment company, LetterOne, announced in March 2022 that it would donate $150 million to the “victims of the war in Ukraine,” but these generous gestures did not save the billionaire from EU and UK sanctions. Meanwhile, he continues to do business with… good old Tony (and who knows how many others in the network of fake supporters of Russia, who are actually Western agents). What is certain is that Blair brings the Zionist bloc together, in the West as in the East.

Trump’s plan will bring large investments to Gaza, which will benefit all Western players (Trump himself, let’s not forget, is a....

Blair’s governorship would allow the UK to maintain its dominance, as well as Israel to reprogram its activity of total conquest and realization of the Greater Israel project.

All this seasoned with international “blessings.”

Meanwhile, the Arab states—pushed to accept the idea that “an unjust peace is better than war”—are moving within the limits imposed by this strategy to end the tragedy in Gaza.

Over a century ago, in 1917, British Minister Arthur Balfour signed the Declaration promising “a national home for the Jewish people,” laying the foundation for the birth of Israel. Today, the United States and Israel seem to be proposing a new “Balfour moment.”

https://strategic-culture.su/news/2025/ ... airs-hand/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Palestine

Post by blindpig » Mon Oct 13, 2025 1:58 pm

Hamas hands over all living Israeli captives, Palestinian prisoner release begins

Nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners are being released by Israel in line with the ceasefire agreement

News Desk

OCT 13, 2025

Image
(Photo credit: AA)

All living Israeli captives were released by Hamas on 13 October and have returned to Israel as part of the ceasefire agreement’s exchange formula.

The 20 living captives were handed over to the Red Cross before being returned to Israel by the Israeli military.

The Israeli army confirmed the final 13 captives were handed over, after initially receiving seven. The captives have been taken to hospitals for checkups and to meet their family members.

The coming hours will also see the resistance release the bodies of deceased Israeli captives.

Meanwhile, Israel is releasing a total of 1,966 Palestinian prisoners. Buses carrying prisoners have already begun departing from Israel’s Ofer prison in the occupied West Bank, with some having arrived in Ramallah – one of the drop-off points.

Buses have also left Negev Prison toward the Gaza Strip.

⚡️NEW: Reuters confirms all 1,966 Palestinian captives and forcibly disappeared from Gaza set for release have boarded buses at Israeli prisons.

Al Jazeera:
➤ The Red Cross has entered Ofer Prison to evacuate one prisoner in need of urgent medical care.
➤ 12 West Bank… pic.twitter.com/1bOJyHweKq

— Drop Site (@DropSiteNews) October 13, 2025
The 1,966 include 250 prisoners serving life sentences. Over 150 of the 250 will be exiled. Another 88 will be released to the occupied West Bank, while eight will be released to Gaza.

VIDEO | Buses carrying freed Palestinian prisoners have arrived in Ramallah. pic.twitter.com/8Kj9YQYsWW

— The Cradle (@TheCradleMedia) October 13, 2025
Palestinians and journalists waiting outside Ofer prison were targeted with tear gas by Israeli forces.

Israeli forces also circulated a flyer warning that any celebration or show of support for the released prisoners would result in arrests.

Israel has banned Palestinians from celebrating the release of Palestinian prisoners [hostages] & banned their families from giving interviews

Contrast that with the celebrations around the release of Israeli hostages & the many interviews being broadcast around the world. pic.twitter.com/oUPNeJoDXK

— Saul Staniforth (@SaulStaniforth) October 13, 2025
The lawyer for the Wadi Hilweh Information Center in Jerusalem, Siraj Abu Arafa, said the families of the prisoners were summoned by Tel Aviv and threatened.

The conditions of release include “no gatherings or assemblies, no celebrations, and that each released prisoner would be escorted to his home by an intelligence vehicle.” Meanwhile, Israelis are celebrating in joy over the return of their captives.

“We know that since 7 October [2023], while torture and violence will have been systematically practiced inside Israeli prisons, these prisoners have been subjected to a brutal campaign. They have been brutally beaten, tortured, and violated. We’ve witnessed and heard stories of sexual violence,” Basil Farraj, a professor at Birzeit University in the occupied West Bank, told Al Jazeera.

He added that the release of prisoners will “not end the struggle” of those who remain imprisoned.

The first photo of liberated Palestinian prisoners upon their arrival in Ramallah. pic.twitter.com/5KZlEUYyEE

— The Cradle (@TheCradleMedia) October 13, 2025

VIDEO | Live coverage shows Palestinian prisoners arriving in Ramallah to a warm welcome and widespread celebrations. Several prisoners are reported to be in poor health condition. pic.twitter.com/X494fGOnHg

— The Cradle (@TheCradleMedia) October 13, 2025


https://thecradle.co/articles/hamas-han ... ase-begins

(Call me a cold-blooded bastard but I never gave a flying fuck about the Zionist hostages. And neither did Bibi.)

Israel refuses to include abducted Palestinian physicians in prisoner release list

Israeli troops have kidnaped hundreds of doctors, nurses, and first responders from Gaza since the start of the genocide

News Desk

OCT 11, 2025

Image
(Photo credit: Sky News)

Israel will not include two prominent Palestinian doctors, Hussam Abu Safia and Marwan al-Hams, as part of the ceasefire and prisoner exchange deal, a Hamas official revealed on 11 October.

"The occupation refused to release Dr. Hussam Abu Safia," a Hamas official told CNN on Friday.

As part of the ceasefire, Israel is set to release 250 Palestinian prisoners serving life sentences and 1,700 Palestinians detained in Gaza since the start of the genocide two years ago.

In turn, Hamas will release the remaining 46 Israeli captives, including 20 who remain alive.

Abu Safia was abducted by Israeli troops in December 2024 and taken to the Sde Teiman detention center, where Palestinians have been killed, tortured, and sexually assaulted.

He was detained with dozens of others during an Israeli raid on Kamal Adwan Hospital, one of many throughout the war.


According to the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor, people were executed during the raid, including medical staff and displaced civilians who had been sheltering in the hospital.

Israel claimed without evidence that Abu Safia was a member of Hamas and said it was “investigating him.”

In February 2025, his family announced that he was facing "severe torture and mistreatment" at the hands of Israeli jailers, noting that he was being given only one "poor quality" meal per day.

At the time, they said his legal case was collapsing due to Israel's failure to present credible evidence. They expressed hope that he would eventually be released as part of a prisoner exchange agreement.

Abu Safia's lawyer, Ghaida Qassem, said in July that the hospital director had lost around 40 kilograms since his abduction and detention by Israel, dropping from around 100 kilograms to 60 kilograms.

Israeli authorities have prevented Abu Safia from accessing much-needed medication and treatment, particularly for his condition of irregular heartbeats.

"He remains dressed in winter clothing under extreme conditions of starvation, torture, and complete isolation," Qassem's statement went on to say.

The Hamas official also told CNN that Marwan al-Hams, the director of Abu Youssef al-Najjar hospital in Rafah and an official overseeing field hospitals in Gaza, will also not be released.


Hams was abducted in July by an undercover Israeli force as they raided a cafe near the ICRC field hospital on Al-Rasheed Coastal Street in Al-Mawasi, western Rafah.

During the raid, they shot and injured Hams while killing freelance photojournalists Tamer Rebhi Rafiq al-Zaanin and Ibrahim Atef Atiyah Abu Asheibah.

At the time of the raid, Hams was participating in the filming of a documentary produced by Zaanin.

The men abducted the injured Hams and drove away in a white vehicle.

According to Hams' son, he is being held in Ashkelon Prison. His daughter, Tasneem, is also being held in the same prison.

Tasneem is a nurse and was abducted by an Israeli special unit while on her way to work in the Al-Mawasi area of Khan Yunis.

Sources speaking with Quds Press indicated that Palestinian collaborator with Israel, Yasser Abu Shabab, played a role in the abduction of Dr. Hams.

Abu Shabab's "Popular Forces" were armed and funded by the Shin Bet, Israel's internal intelligence agency, to loot aid convoys entering Gaza as part of Israel's starvation siege.

Middle East Eye (MEE) reports that, according to data from the Palestinian Healthcare Workers Watch, at least 28 doctors from Gaza have been abducted and are being held in Israeli custody.

Eight of them are senior consultants in surgery, orthopedics, intensive care, cardiology, and pediatrics.

Meanwhile, the World Health Organization (WHO) reported earlier this month that due to Israeli airstrikes and shelling, only 14 of Gaza's 36 hospitals remain able to deliver some essential health services.

The WHO estimates that Israeli violence has caused nearly 42,000 people in Gaza to suffer life-altering injuries, including blows to the limbs, spinal cord, and brain.

According to UN data, Israel has killed 1,722 health workers during the genocide, an average of two per day.

https://thecradle.co/articles/israel-re ... lease-list

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Why Does Media Continue to Undercount the Gaza Death Toll?
Posted by Internationalist 360° on October 12, 2025
Ralph Nader

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It makes a difference in driving the greater intensity of political, diplomatic, and civic pressures to have a count of 600,000 rather than 67,000 or 200,000 children rather than 20,000 children murdered.

Ben Hubbard, the long-time Middle East correspondent for the New York Times, is known for his high standards. So too is Karen DeYoung, the long-time reporter and foreign affairs editor for the Washington Post.

Yet they, and their editors, share a common, recurring failure by misleading their readers about the serious undercount of Palestinian deaths during the Israeli regime’s genocidal destruction of Gaza.

How so? By repeating in article after article the Hamas claim of 67,000 deaths since October 2023. The real death toll estimate is probably around 600,000. Unlike Israeli and American cultures, which do not underestimate their fatalities in conflicts, Hamas sees the awful death toll as a reflection of their not protecting their people and a measure of Israeli military might against Hamas’ limited small arms and weapons. Both Hubbard and DeYoung, of course, know better. They know the daily bombardment of tiny Gaza, the geographical size of Philadelphia, with 2.3 million humans, is without precedent in Israel’s targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure. The blockade of “food, water, medicine, fuel, and electricity,” along with the concentrated destruction of healthcare facilities, have been condemned by human rights groups in Israel and International humanitarian organizations.

Reporters and editors are quite aware of more accurate casualty estimates appearing in The Lancet, the prestigious British medical journal, and estimates provided by other academic and prominent international relief organizations like Doctors Without Borders, Save the Children, the United Nations World Food Programme, and others experienced in assessing the human toll of military devastations.

Journalists know the estimate last April by Professor Emeritus Paul Rogers of the University of Bradford in the UK, an expert in the power of aerial bombs and missiles, who wrote that the TNT equivalent of six Hiroshima atomic bombs has been delivered to these totally defenseless Palestinians, almost all of whom are without housing or air raid shelters.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s American-made missiles and bombs continue to produce deadly bloodshed. The waves of death from starvation, untreated, weaponry-caused infectious diseases, the cutoff of medicines treating cancer, respiratory ailments, and diabetes are still mounting.

What readers do not know is how much of the use of Hamas’ undercount is mandated by news editors, and why. Because intense Netanyahu propaganda has declared the estimates of Hamas, based on real names (excluding many thousands under the rubble and the collateral damage to civilians that in such conflicts exceed direct fatalities from the bombing by 3 to 13-fold), are an exaggeration, the mainstream media is wary of being accused of even worse fabrications than those of Hamas.

Speaking to many reporters and editors about this huge undercount phenomenon, not prevalent in other violent arenas of war, they all agree that the real count is much higher, but they do not have a number to use that is deemed credible. But they do have casualty experts who can be interviewed, such as the chair of the Global Health Department at Edinburgh University or a foremost missile technology specialist, MIT Professor Emeritus Theodore Postol, who said on our radio-podcast recently, “I would say that 200, 300, or 400,000 people [Palestinian] are dead easily.”

The least the journalists could do is say, “The real count may be much higher.” The other alternative is to do their own investigation, piecing together the empirical and clinical evidence (See, Gaza Healthcare Letter to President Trump, October 1, 2025) and citing prominent Israelis who have said that the Israel Defense Forces has always targeted Palestinian civilians from 1948 on. (See my column March 28, 2025—The Vast Gaza Death Undercount—Undermines Civic, Diplomatic, and Political Pressures.)

The other alternative is to do a “news analysis,” which allows for evaluations, short of editorializing. For instance, a “news analysis” could point out that conveying the impression that the Hamas figures are the true count means that 97 out of 100 Palestinians in Gaza are still living. This is not remotely credible. Yet that is essentially what Ben Hubbard’s October 7 Times article stated, “with more than 67,000 killed, or one in every 34 Gazans, according to local health officials.” It is more like 1 in every 4 Gazans killed.

Nor is it true that the “local health officials” are confirming this, because on further inquiry, they admit their definition of the fatality toll excludes those under the rubble and those who die from the massive collateral casualty toll. This reality is well-known to scores of American physicians back from Gaza who say that a majority of those killed are children and women and that the survivors are almost all injured, sick, or dying.

There are esteemed reporters like Gideon Levy of the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, who claim that the Hamas figures are horrible enough that they meet the test of genocide, implying that a higher count would not make any more of a moral or political difference.

I disagree. “Horror” does not have finite limits. It makes a difference in driving the greater intensity of political, diplomatic, and civic pressures to have a count of 600,000 rather than 67,000 or 200,000 children rather than 20,000 children murdered. Do we need to refer to other genocides in the 20th century to show how much a difference it would have made if the official count were one-tenth of the real count?

The editors of the Post, especially, and of the Times are not keeping up with the reporting of DeYoung and Hubbard et al., about the scenes of death, dying, and horrendous agony in Gaza. The editorial management of reporters and the editorials fail to hold Netanyahu and his terroristic mass-slaughtering cabinet accountable. They allow the publication of realistic reports, features, and sometimes even give voice to Palestinians, as the Times did with several pages and pictures recently. But the long-time omnipresent shadow of AIPAC et al. darkens the editorial and opinion pages more than do the illuminations of their own reporters.



https://libya360.wordpress.com/2025/10/ ... eath-toll/

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Iran Will Not Participate In The Summit On Gaza In Egypt

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Iran’s head of the Foreign Ministry Abbas Araghchi. Photo: X

October 12, 2025 Hour: 4:25 pm

Iran confirmed this Sunday that it had rejected the invitation to attend the Sharm el-Sheikh Peace Summit, which will be held on Monday in Egypt with the participation of some twenty world leaders, and will be aimed at ending the war in the Gaza Strip.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi reported at the cabinet meeting that he had rejected the invitation extended by Egypt to the country’s president, Masud Pezeshkian, according to the IRNA agency.

Araqchi noted that, subsequently, the Egyptian authorities offered him to participate in the meeting; however, he did not give details about his response.

Hours earlier, the Tasnim agency had reported that Iran had ruled out its participation in the international summit, citing an anonymous source close to the Iranian government, a day after the US media Axios reported that the US State Department invited the Iranian president to the meeting.


Iran stated this Thursday that it supports any initiative that ends the genocide in Gaza and involves the total withdrawal of Israeli forces and the entry of humanitarian aid into the Strip after the peace agreement between Israel and Hamas.

“The Islamic Republic of Iran has always supported any action and initiative that guarantees the cessation of the genocidal war, the withdrawal of the occupying forces, the entry of humanitarian aid, the release of Palestinian prisoners, and the protection of the fundamental rights of the Palestinians,” the Iranian Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

Iranian diplomacy called on the international community to prevent Israel from “breaking its promises.”

It also stressed the responsibility of governments and competent international organizations “to judge those who ordered and carried out war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity in Gaza.”

The Sharm el-Sheikh Peace Summit, which will be held tomorrow in this Egyptian resort city, will be chaired by the heads of state of the US and Egypt, Donald Trump and Abdelfatah al Sisi, and will be attended by leaders from more than 20 countries.

“The summit aims to end the war in the Gaza Strip, strengthen efforts to achieve peace and stability in the Middle East, and open a new chapter in regional security and stability,” the Egyptian Presidency said.

The meeting was announced after Israel and the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas reached a ceasefire agreement in Gaza on Wednesday, which constitutes the first phase of Trump’s peace plan for the Palestinian coastal enclave.

The plan includes a truce, which came into effect on Friday, as well as the release of all Israeli hostages held by Hamas in exchange for the release, by Israel, of hundreds of Palestinians and the entry of more humanitarian aid into Gaza.

https://www.telesurenglish.net/iran-wil ... -in-egypt/

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Israeli Officials Are Openly Saying They Plan To Resume Attacks On Gaza

Israel’s top officials are openly declaring that they intend to terminate the Gaza ceasefire after they get their hostages back.

Caitlin Johnstone
October 13, 2025

Israel’s top officials are openly declaring that they intend to terminate the Gaza ceasefire after they get their hostages back.

Defense Minister Israel Katz has posted a tweet in Hebrew which machine translates as follows:

[/i]“Israel’s great challenge after the phase of returning the hostages will be the destruction of all of Hamas’s terror tunnels in Gaza, directly by the IDF and through the international mechanism to be established under the leadership and supervision of the United States. This is the primary significance of implementing the agreed-upon principle of demilitarizing Gaza and neutralizing Hamas of its weapons. I have instructed the IDF to prepare for carrying out the mission.”

Hamas has not agreed to any demilitarization or destruction of its tunnels. There is no way to demilitarize Gaza and neutralize Hamas of its weapons against their will without continued warfare, something Israel has demonstrated it cannot do without killing shocking numbers of civilians.


Katz’s comments echo the public statements of Prime Minister Netanyahu, who said in a televised speech on Friday that “Hamas will be disarmed and Gaza will be demilitarized,” and that if Hamas doesn’t disarm voluntarily then “it will be achieved the hard way.”

In another statement Netanyahu said, “We have achieved tremendous victories but the campaign is not over; part of our enemies are trying to recover.”

Israeli outlet YNet reports that Israel is planning to resume its blockade and prevent reconstruction if all the bodies of the deceased captives are not returned, when Israel already knows that Hamas probably won’t be able to locate all the bodies of deceased Israeli captives due to the intensity of the Israeli bombing campaign over the last two years.

“If Hamas does not cooperate with the return process, and Israel suspects that it is deliberately hiding the bodies in order to preserve them as a bargaining chip, it is expected to impose a series of sanctions on it — including preventing the reconstruction of the Strip, the entry of caravans, the opening of bakeries and the entry of civilian equipment,” Ynet reports.

In a recent article titled “Israel assesses Hamas may not be able to return all remaining dead hostages,” CNN reports that “Sources say the Israeli government is aware that Hamas may not know the location of, or is unable to retrieve, the remains of some of the 28 remaining deceased hostages.”

As noted by Shaiel Ben-Ephraim, these two pieces of information would seem to indicate that Israel is planning to use the unreturned bodies as a pretext to break the ceasefire.


It is perhaps somewhat noteworthy that Israel’s open preparations to resume the onslaught in Gaza directly contradict the statements of the president of the United States.

Asked by the press about Netanyahu’s refusal to say that the “war” in Gaza is over, Trump forcefully stated, “The war is over. The war is over, okay? You understand that?”

Trump suggested (without stating outright) that he has received “verbal guarantees” from Israel that the violence will not resume.

So here we have Israeli officials openly and explicitly saying that the attacks on Gaza have not ended, and the US president saying that they have. It’s not often you see these two governments directly contradicting each other with mutually exclusive positions in ways that will necessarily be proven or disproven by the events which follow.

So I guess we’re about to find out who has ultimately been in charge of the Gaza genocide this whole time.

https://caitlinjohnstone.com.au/2025/10 ... s-on-gaza/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Gaza Palestinian Journalist Saleh Al-Jafarawi Killed by Collaborators
October 13, 2025

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Palestinian journalist Saleh al-Jafarawi in an undated image in Gaza, occupied Palestine. Photo: Social Media.

Journalist Saleh al-Jafarawi was killed in southern Gaza while reporting, as media groups condemn ongoing Israeli attacks on Palestinian press workers.

Renowned Palestinian journalist Saleh al-Jafarawi was martyred on Sunday after being killed by Israeli collaborators in Gaza while preparing a news report.

According to local sources, al-Jafarawi was shot while working on Street 8, south of Gaza City, as he documented the situation in the area following recent developments on the ground. Witnesses said he had been preparing a report when armed members of a clan collaborating with the Israeli occupation opened fire, killing him instantly.

For the past two years, al-Jafarawi has been a prominent voice in the coverage of the Israeli war on Gaza, documenting atrocities and exposing war crimes to international audiences. His reporting became widely recognized for highlighting the human suffering, destruction, and resilience of the Palestinian people.

Al-Jafarawi voices gratitude for solidarity
When the recent ceasefire in Gaza was confirmed, al-Jafarawi shared a heartfelt message from northern Gaza, expressing gratitude to all who stood by the Palestinian cause, from protesters and boycotters to artists, athletes, and activists who amplified Gaza’s voice around the world.

He also extended thanks to the activists behind the Gaza Sumud Flotilla and the Freedom Flotilla, both of which sought to break the siege and deliver aid to the Strip.

Yet his final words carried a powerful plea to the world: “Yes, the war has ended, but don’t turn your attention away from Gaza. Stay with Gaza always, because Gaza needs your voice, especially in the coming stage.”

He concluded his message by reaffirming the steadfastness of the Palestinian people: “We are the people of this land, and we have the right to live on it.”

Largest graveyard for journalists in modern history
Anthony Bellanger, a French-Belgian journalist, trade unionist, and historian, delivered a searing reflection in The Guardian, channeling the outrage of media workers worldwide as they watch colleagues in Gaza being killed with what he describes as Israeli impunity.

For Bellanger, history will remember the witnesses. In Gaza, that means remembering Anas al-Sharif, a young reporter killed on August 10, 2025, and the 222 other Palestinian journalists slain over the past two years, according to data from the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ). Those who sought to silence these voices, he writes, will carry condemnation forever.

For two years, Gaza has been the most dangerous place on earth to practice journalism. “Israel” has barred foreign reporters from entering, leaving Palestinian journalists, most of them members of the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, affiliated with the IFJ, as the sole chroniclers of the war. They work without protection, often with their families equally exposed, and too often under direct Israeli fire.

The scale of the loss is unprecedented. Since its founding in 1926, the IFJ has not recorded such mass killings of journalists, not during World War II, nor in Vietnam, Korea, Syria, Afghanistan, or Iraq. Gaza, Bellanger argues, is now the largest graveyard for journalists in modern history.

Dehumanize and Destroy: How Western Media Helped Target Gaza’s Journalists


Intentional killings
He insists these killings are not random. They represent a deliberate strategy: eliminate the witnesses, seal Gaza off from international eyes, and control the narrative. With Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu openly vowing to “recolonize” Gaza, information warfare is seen as inseparable from military conquest. Colonization, Bellanger writes, also means erasing the ruins, the victims, and those who dare to tell their stories.

Displacement has only deepened the crisis. Hundreds of thousands have fled southward, but the south offers no sanctuary, only overcrowding, bombardment, and entrapment between the sea and the siege. Journalists share this suffocating reality, working inside an enclave where each day of survival is more uncertain than the last.

Meanwhile, the international community’s response has been little more than symbolic. Recognition of Palestinian statehood at the UN, while historically significant, comes too late to save the living or deliver justice to the killed. The UN remains paralyzed, major powers complicit through silence and arms sales, and Palestinian reporters continue their mission alone, often to the point of death.

https://orinocotribune.com/gaza-palesti ... aborators/

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Israeli troops commit mass arson in Gaza City after ceasefire: Report

Soldiers bragged on social media as they set fire to residential buildings and food stores

News Desk

OCT 13, 2025

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(Photo credit: Drop Site News report / social media)

Israeli occupation forces carried out a deliberate campaign of arson across Gaza City immediately after the ceasefire was declared, a DropSite News report published on 13 October revealed.

According to the investigation, soldiers from the Golani, Givati, Nahal, Kfir, and newly created ultra-Orthodox Hashmonaim brigades set fire to homes, shops, and infrastructure on 9–10 October as they retreated from the city.


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Photo posted on social media with the caption: “On Friday, just before departure. Burning food so that it won’t reach the Gazans, may their names be erased.” (Taken from DropSite)

Many documented their acts online, sharing photos of flames consuming entire blocks with captions such as “Leaving a mark,” “A small souvenir,” and “Good riddance.”

One Kfir Brigade member posted an image on social media beside a fire, writing, “On Friday, just before departure. Burning food so that it won’t reach the Gazans, may their names be erased.” Another described the scorched buildings as “[one] last memory.”

Among the facilities destroyed was the Sheikh Ajlin sewage treatment plant, the last functioning site capable of processing Gaza City’s wastewater.

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Arson in Sheikh Radwan. (Source: Social media, taken from DropSite)

Its director, Monther Shoblaq of the Coastal Municipalities Water Utility, warned that the loss would drive the city’s sanitation “to point zero.”

He questioned the logic behind the act, saying, “I mean, they signed a ceasefire. Why set it on fire?”

The plant, funded by Germany’s KfW Development Bank at a cost of $19 million, had been slated for post-war reconstruction.

Shoblaq cautioned that its destruction will force raw sewage directly into the sea, creating an environmental disaster that “could take years to reverse.”

DropSite found that the burnings fit a long-standing Israeli practice of razing civilian infrastructure before withdrawal.

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Israeli soldiers burn a home in Gaza City on the night of 9 October. (Source: Social media, taken from DropSite)

In the Sheikh Radwan area, troops torched multi-story homes and graffitied walls with phrases such as “Enjoy, sluts” and “We shall return here.”

Israeli Environment Minister Gila Gamliel boasted recently that “75 percent of the entire strip” had already been annihilated, while far-right cabinet member Itamar Ben Gvir mocked that “the only thing left in Gaza for The Electricity Company to disconnect now is the wastewater treatment plant.”

UN agencies have condemned such actions as part of a “widespread and systematic attack directed against the civilian population.”

As Trump hailed the ceasefire as “a Strong, Durable, and Everlasting Peace,” an Israeli colonel summed up the reality left behind, saying, “We are leaving behind us only dust. There’s nothing here.”

https://thecradle.co/articles/israeli-t ... ire-report

No rule without resistance: Gaza’s post-war future and the collapse of foreign illusions

As western powers push technocracy over sovereignty, Palestinian resistance movements warn that there can be no reconstruction without liberation.

Mohammad al-Ayoubi

OCT 13, 2025

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Photo Credit: The Cradle

In the aftermath of the devastating war on Gaza, the most pressing question is no longer about a ceasefire or reconstruction, but about who will govern the enclave.

This is a struggle over meaning, legitimacy, and sovereignty. Will the future of Gaza be shaped by its people, or by the same foreign powers that helped destroy it under the banner of “salvation”?

Every time the gates of ‘reconstruction’ and ‘aid’ are opened, the windows of sovereignty are slammed shut. What unfolds is a recurring colonial spectacle: a Palestinian political order remade under foreign supervision, where ‘political realism’ is promoted as a substitute for justice, and ‘technocracy’ is marketed as a sterile alternative to resistance.

The day after

Senior Hamas official Ayham Shananaa tells The Cradle that the war’s outcome cannot be measured by the standards of traditional inter-state conflict, but must be understood as “an existential struggle between a people seeking liberation and an occupation backed by the west.”

He says the very survival of Hamas in the political arena after the two-year war constitutes a strategic victory as Israel failed to achieve its stated objectives, even with unprecedented international backing.

This view is echoed by Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) official Haitham Abu al-Ghazlan, who affirms that “the resistance is now more entrenched than ever,” and insists that the true measure of victory lies not in material destruction, but in the failure of the Zionist project to displace the population and break Palestinian will.

Shananaa adds that the resistance “has imposed itself as a key actor that cannot be bypassed in any discussion about Gaza’s future,” arguing that its steadfastness transformed it from a purely military actor into a national project with a vision and strategy.

Most significantly, he adds, “this war marked a shift in global consciousness,” citing unprecedented solidarity with Palestinians, massive protests, and symbolic recognitions of the State of Palestine, all pointing to a deep shift in western public opinion about the occupation.

Reconstruction as leverage: The new face of occupation

International proposals for Gaza’s administration – whether in the form of a technocratic government or a transitional authority – are being sold as humanitarian necessities. In truth, they are little more than cosmetic rebrands of the old control mechanisms.

In this context, Abu al-Ghazlan stresses that any such proposal “must be the result of an inclusive Palestinian national dialogue, not foreign agreements or international tutelage.” He affirms that “reconstruction is a human right, not a political bargaining chip,” and rejects any attempt to link it to disarmament or restrictions on the resistance.

The politics of governance: Can resistance yield to technocracy?

One of the central debates now confronting Palestinian factions is whether resistance authority can morph into technocratic governance – whether the separation of security and political decision-making is possible or even desirable.

Shananaa is unequivocal: “The resistance’s arms are a red line as long as the occupation exists.” While Hamas does not oppose a civil administration to manage daily life in Gaza, he insists that the movement will not compromise on the core of its security apparatus.

Abu al-Ghazlan, speaking from the PIJ perspective (which, unlike Hamas, has no political agenda), affirms the same red line: “All peace processes that stripped the resistance of its weapons ended in more aggression and settlement expansion.”

What emerges is a shared formula: A civil government is possible, but sovereignty – particularly security sovereignty – remains non-negotiable.

The idea of a “temporary civil administration” may appear moderate, but in reality, it is governance without power – a managerial shell devoid of political agency.

This model seeks to govern Gaza, not liberate it; manage, not emancipate it. What Washington and Tel Aviv are trying to construct is a hollow Palestinian model that presents the illusion of “self-rule” under the ceiling of occupation.

Shananaa and Abu al-Ghazlan both emphasize that any future arrangements “must be based on protecting the rights of the people, not on foreign pressure.”

The term “national consensus” may sound appealing in rhetoric, but it often functions as a mask for political illusion. True consensus requires real sovereignty and independent Palestinian will, while externally imposed consensus is merely renewed tutelage in disguise.

The survival equation: Hamas, legitimacy, and the resistance street

While the Palestinian Authority (PA) chases lost legitimacy through donor channels, Hamas draws its authority from survival amid the rubble. The people of Gaza – though exhausted – see in Hamas not perfection, but defiance, a refusal to capitulate in the face of annihilation.

On the question of a national unity government spanning Gaza and the occupied West Bank, Shananaa says this proposal is not new. Hamas has long called for real national partnership, he says, referencing repeated reconciliation attempts with Fatah in Cairo, Algiers, Moscow, and notably Beijing.

However, none were implemented because of PA President Mahmoud Abbas’s refusal to share power or accept a balanced framework, he explains:

“Hamas does not object to the Palestinian Authority playing a supervisory or financial role in reconstruction arrangements, as long as this is done within clear agreements that preserve the resistance’s arms and prevent any foreign interference in security decisions.”

Abu al-Ghazlan adds that trust between the PA and the resistance “cannot be built with words, but with positions. When the people feel that the political decision protects the resistance and does not constrain it, then we can say we have begun the path to rebuilding national trust.”

Gaza’s future appears confined to three possible scenarios, shaped by the power balances established by the war and the scope of international and regional interventions in shaping the so-called “day after.”

Scenario 1: Resistance-led governance – Hamas fills the vacuum

This is the most likely outcome, with a probability of around 60 percent. It rests on the principle of “imposed reality,” where Hamas reasserts its grip on Gaza in the vacuum left by the Israeli military’s withdrawal from the Yellow Line areas.

From the first day of the ceasefire, Hamas’s National Security Forces redeployed in streets, intersections, and liberated zones, visibly re-establishing a security architecture that had partially collapsed during the war.

Shananaa makes this clear when he confirms that “about 70 percent of the strip is under the control of Hamas-formed Palestinian security forces,” reflecting a field reality that cannot easily be overturned.

This scenario implies that the strip will remain under Hamas’s political and security administration for at least one to two years, until internal and external understandings mature enough to form a national unity technocratic government acceptable to both Palestinian and international actors.

This phase would amount to “transitional rule by force” – a hybrid of resistance authority and provisional civil administration, pending a wider political statement.

Scenario 2: Pre-2005 redux – security coordination and foreign oversight

Favored by the US and some regional powers, this scenario (estimated at 25 percent likelihood) envisions a return to pre-2005 arrangements: tripartite coordination between the Israeli occupation, the PA, and a US-led supervisory body – possibly with Egyptian and Qatari backing.

In this framework, “internationally acceptable” Palestinian forces would oversee Gaza’s administration, border security, disarmament efforts, and aid distribution under a central international committee.

But this vision collapses under two contradictions:

First, Hamas has no intention of surrendering its political or military position after surviving the war and forcing a ceasefire.

Second, years of security collaboration with the occupation have left the PA with zero public trust.

In short, this remains a western fantasy, not a viable roadmap.

Scenario 3: Engineered chaos – a controlled descent into conflict

The least probable scenario (15 percent), but the most dangerous, foresees a relapse into armed clashes among Palestinian factions – or between resistance groups and Israeli-backed militias, or the occupation army – if the ceasefire collapses or political negotiations falter.

This is Tel Aviv’s preferred outcome, as it ensures ongoing attrition of the resistance and keeps Gaza in turmoil, preventing the formation of any stable or unified political order.

Nonetheless, despite its risk, this scenario is unlikely in the near term, as regional actors – especially Egypt and Qatar – are working intensively to prevent a new explosion that could dismantle what remains of the political process.

Tel Aviv’s political implosion: Netanyahu’s fall and the crisis of Zionism

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wanted to etch his name into history as the man who crushed Hamas. Instead, he may be remembered as the architect of his own downfall – a view echoed even within Israeli political circles, from Yair Lapid to Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir.

The ceasefire agreement was, in effect, an admission of Zionist failure. The war’s goals – eliminating Hamas and freeing captives by force – evaporated in the face of resistance.

Even if Netanyahu goes, the Israeli security and political establishment will still seek control over Gaza, but without the unified narrative that once justified killing in the name of survival.

Shananaa says the ceasefire agreement deepened Israel’s internal crisis and weakened the cohesion of the far-right coalition, describing Netanyahu’s government as “a fascist, extremist one that has lost legitimacy even inside Israeli society.”

“More than 1.5 million Israelis protested against the war, and the opposition grows by the day. American support is what keeps Netanyahu politically alive, but his fall is only a matter of time.”

The war’s aims shifted from “eliminating Hamas” to “surviving failure.” It was a descent from strategic vision to tactical reaction; from a state making history to a state struggling to survive its own present.

In the end, the question ‘Who rules Gaza after the war?’ is an existential one rather than an administrative one. Who holds real legitimacy? Who defines the future? Who decides when the war ends?

Shananaa answers clearly. “There is no authority above the resistance, and no reconstruction without sovereignty.”

Legitimacy is not awarded by donors or imposed through frameworks. It is forged under fire, seized from the rubble. And the “day after” will not begin with signatures, but with the dismantling of the occupation.

https://thecradle.co/articles/no-rule-w ... -illusions

Israel violates ceasefire with deadly attacks on Palestinians in Gaza

Nine Palestinians were killed less than 24 hours after the US and Arab states signed the ceasefire deal in Sharm el-Sheikh

News Desk

OCT 14, 2025

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(Photo credit: Reuters)

The Israeli army killed several Palestinians in Gaza on 14 October despite the new ceasefire agreement which has taken effect across the strip.

In total, nine Palestinians were killed by Israeli ceasefire violations, Palestinian media reports said. Three bodies arrived at Nasser Hospital in Khan Yunis, while another six arrived at Gaza City’s Baptist hospital.


An Israeli quadcopter targeted civilians in Gaza City’s Shujaiya neighborhood while they were inspecting their homes.

Israeli artillery also shelled areas in Jabalia and Al-Tarans, accompanied by gunfire. There was also gunfire reported in the Al-Tahlia area of Khan Yunis in south Gaza.

Additionally, a group of young men near Al-Fukhari, east of Khan Yunis, was targeted by Israeli forces, resulting in one death.

The Israeli army announced that it killed five Palestinians on Tuesday. It said the they had crossed the Yellow Line, where Israeli forces withdrew to as part of an initial pullout stipulated in the ceasefire deal’s map.

The army said it acted to “remove the threat,” claiming the Palestinians refused to disperse.

“The IDF calls on Gaza residents to follow its instructions and not to approach the troops deployed in the area,” the army statement added.

A DropSite News report published on 13 October found that Israeli forces carried out a deliberate campaign of arson across Gaza City immediately after the ceasefire was declared.

According to the investigation, soldiers from the Golani, Givati, Nahal, Kfir, and newly created ultra-Orthodox Hashmonaim brigades set fire to homes, shops, and infrastructure on 9–10 October as they pulled out from the city.

As part of the first withdrawal, the Israeli army has left Gaza’s population centers.

The map does not envision a full Israeli withdrawal, with the final stage being a pullout towards the Gaza border, where a buffer zone would be established until the strip is “terror-free.”

Tuesday’s attacks in Gaza came shortly after the release of the bodies of four deceased Israeli captives by Hamas.

A day earlier, Tel Aviv received all 20 living captives and released nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners.

The deal was signed during an Egyptian-US-hosted summit in Sharm el-Sheikh on Monday.

https://thecradle.co/articles/israel-vi ... ns-in-gaza

******

Waiting on images of abject submission that don’t appear

Alastair Crooke

October 13, 2025

Continued U.S. ‘dominance’ requires striking out in multiple directions, because the unidirectional war on Russia unexpectedly has failed.

Trump: “This problem with Vietnam … We stopped fighting to win. We would have won easy. We would have won Afghanistan easy. Would have won every war easy. But we got politically correct: ‘Ah, let’s take it easy!’. It’s that we’re not politically correct anymore. Just so you understand: We win. Now we win”. All these would have been easy – along with Afghanistan.

What was the meaning to Trump’s reference to Vietnam? ‘What he was saying is that ‘we’ would have won Vietnam easily, if we hadn’t been woke and DEI’. Some veterans might amplify, ‘You know: we had enough firepower: We could have killed everyone’.

“No matter where you go”, Trump adds, “no matter what you even think about, there’s nothing like the fighting force that we have [including] Rome … No one should ever want to start a fight with the USA”.

The point is that in today’s Trump circles, not only is there no fear of war, but there is this unsubstantiated delusion of American military power. Hegseth said: “We are the most powerful military on the history of the planet, bar none. Nobody else can even come close to it”. To which Trump adds, “Our market [too], is the greatest in the world – no one can live without it”.

The Anglo-U.S. ‘Empire’ is backing itself into the corner of ‘terminal decline’, as French philosopher Emmanual Todd puts it. Trump is attempting, on the one hand, to coerce into being a new ‘Bretton Woods’ in order to re-create dollar hegemony through threat, bluster and tariffs – or war, if needs be.

Todd believes that as the Anglo-U.S. Empire falls apart, the U.S. is lashing out at the world in fury – and is devouring itself through the attempt to re-colonise its own colonies (i.e. Europe) for quick financial shakedowns.

Trump’s vision of U.S. unstoppable military force amounts to a doctrine of domination and submission. One that runs counter to all the former narrative-talk of western values. What is clear is that this policy shift is ‘joined at the hip’ with Jewish and Evangelical eschatological creeds. It shares with Jewish nationalists the conviction that they too, in alliance with Trump, verge on quasi universal domination:

“We crushed Iran’s nuclear and ballistic projects – they are still there, but we took them back with the help of President Trump”, Netanyahu boasts. “We had a precise alliance, within the framework of which we shared the burden [with the U.S.] and achieved the neutralization of Iran”. According to Netanyahu, “Israel emerged from this event as the dominant power in the Middle East, but we still have something to do – what started in Gaza will be ended in Gaza”.

“We need to ‘deradicalise’ Gaza – as was done in Germany after World War II or in Japan”. Netanyahu insisted to Euronews. Submission however, is proving elusive.

Continued U.S. ‘dominance’, however, requires striking out in multiple directions, because the unidirectional war on Russia – which was supposed to provide the world with an object lesson in the ‘craft’ of Anglo-Zionist domination unexpectedly has failed. And now time is running out on America’s deficit and debt crisis.

This – whilst articulated as the Trumpian desire for domination – is also throwing out nihilistic impulses for war and at the same time fracturing western structures. Bitter tensions are arising across the globe. The big picture is that Russia has seen the writing on the wall: The Alaska summit has born no fruit; Trump is not serious about wanting to recast relations with Moscow.

The expectation in Moscow is now leaning toward the expectation of U.S. escalation in Ukraine; a more devastating strike on Iran; or some punitive, performative action in Venezuela – or both. The Trump team seem to be talking themselves up into a state psychic excitement.

The Jewish Oligarchs and the right-wing of the Cabinet in Israel, in this emerging picture, existentially need America to remain as a feared military hegemon (just as Trump promises). Without the American ‘unstoppable’ military cudgel and absent the centrality of dollar use in trade, Jewish Supremacy becomes nothing more than an eschatological chimaera.

A crisis of de-dollarisation, or a bond market blow up – juxtaposed with the rise of China and Russia and BRICS – becomes an existential threat to the supremacist ‘fantasy’.

In July 2025, Trump told his cabinet, “BRICS was set up to hurt us; BRICS was set up to degenerate our dollar and take our dollar … off as the standard”.

So what comes next? Plainly the U.S. and Israeli initial goal is to ‘sear’ Hamas’ psyche with defeat; and if there is no visible expression of utter submission, the overarching aim likely will be to drive out all Palestinians from Gaza and to install Jewish settlers in their place.

Israeli Minister Smotrich – a few years ago – argued that complete displacement of the Palestinian and Arab non-submissive population would only be finally achieved during ‘a major crisis or big war’ – such as occurred in 1948, when 800,000 Palestinians were expelled from their homes. But today, despite the two years’ of massacres, Palestinians have not fled, nor submitted.

So Israel, for all Netanyahu’ boasts of having crushed Hamas, has yet to defeat Palestinians in Gaza – and some in the Hebrew media are calling the Sharm el-Sheik aAccord “a defeat for Israel”.

Netanyahu and the Israeli Right’s ambitions are not circumscribed by Gaza.They extend much further – they seek to establish a State on the full ‘Land of Israel’, which is to say, Greater Israel. Their definition of this colonial project is ambiguous, but likely they want southern Lebanon up to the Litani River; probably most of southern Syria (up to Damascus); parts of the Sinai; and maybe parts of the East Bank, which now belong to Jordan.

So – despite two years of war – what Israel still wants, Professor Mearsheimer opines, is a Palestinian-free Greater Israel.

“Furthermore”, Professor Mearsheimer adds:

“you have to think about what they want with regard to their neighbours. They want weak neighbours. They want to break their neighbours apart. They want to do to Iran what they did in Syria. It’s very important to understand that [while] the nuclear issue is of central importance to the Israelis in Iran, they have broader goals – which is to wreck Iran, turn it into a series of small states”.

“And then the states that they don’t break apart – like Egypt and Jordan – they want them to be economically dependent on Uncle Sam, so that Uncle Sam has huge coercive leverage over them. So, they’re thinking seriously about how to deal with all their neighbours and make sure that they’re weak and don’t pose any kind of threat to Israel”.

Israel clearly seeks the collapse and neutralisation of Iran – as Netanyahu outlined:

“We crushed Iran’s nuclear and ballistic projects – they are still there, but we took them back with the help of President Trump … Iran [now] is developing intercontinental ballistic missiles with an 8,000 km range. Add another 3,000 and they can target New York City, Washington, Boston, Miami, Mar-a-Lago”.

As a possible ceasefire deal begins to take shape in Egypt, the wider regional picture is that the U.S. and Israel to seem intent on provoking a Sunni–Shia confrontation to encircle and weaken Iran. The last days’ EU–GCC joint statement on the UAE’s claims to own sovereignty over Abu Musa and the Tunb Islands reflects a growing analysis in Tehran that Western powers are once again using Gulf monarchies as instruments to stir regional instability.

In short, this is not about the islands or oil – it is about manufacturing a new front to weaken Iran.

And with all such projects for the re-ordering of the Region to acquiesce to Israel’s hegemony, the big Jewish donors want to ensure a situation whereby the U.S. supports Israel unconditionally – hence the large funding directed at the MSM and social media to ensure an across all society support for Israel in America.

The two-year anniversary of 7 October poses a question: How does the balance sheet stand? The U.S.-Israel partnership has succeeded in destroying Syria, turning it into a hell of internecine killings; Russia has lost its foothold in the region; ISIS has been revived; sectarianism is on the upsurge. Hizbullah was decapitated but not destroyed. The region is being Balkanised, fragmented and brutalised.

JCPOA Snapback for Iran has been triggered and on 18 October, the JCPOA itself expires. Trump then is left with a ‘blank sheet’ on which he can write an ultimatum demanding Iranian capitulation, or military action (if he so chooses).

On the other side of the account, were we to look back to the Resistance’s initial objectives of exhausting Israel militarily; creating internecine warfare within Israel; and putting into moral and practical question the principle of Zionism that confers special rights for one population group over another, then it might be said that the Resistance – at a heavy, heavy cost – has had some success.

More significantly, Israel’s bloody wars have already lost it a generation of young Americans, who are not coming back. Whatever the circumstances to the killing of Charlie Kirk, his death has let the genie of ‘Israeli First’ dominance in Republican politics escape free from the bottle.

Israel has already lost much of Europe, and in the U.S., the Trump and Israeli Firsters’ intolerant insistence on fealty to Israel and its actions has triggered intense First Amendment push-back.

That puts Israel on track to ‘loose’ America. And that could be existential for Israel, who may need to fundamentally re-assess the nature of Zionism (which was, of course, Seyed Nasrallah’s stated objective).

How would that look? Accelerating migration – leaving a patchwork of Zionist holdouts surviving amidst a stagnant economy and global isolation. Is that sustainable?

What will be the future that heralds for Israel’s grandchildren?

https://strategic-culture.su/news/2025/ ... nt-appear/

*****

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Secret Israeli military bunker located under Tel Aviv tower struck by Iran, analysis shows
Jack Poulson and Wyatt Reed·October 13, 2025

The Grayzone has geolocated the underground bunker of an important military command and control center nestled within a densely populated Tel Aviv neighborhood. Known as ‘Site 81,’ the U.S.-built facility houses a hyper-secretive intelligence base.
When Iran struck a series of targets in the heart of north Tel Aviv with ballistic missiles on June 13, Israeli authorities immediately cordoned off the area to prevent journalists from filming the damage. “The building on this compound was just hit,” Trey Yingst of Fox News reported as he arrived that evening at the site of HaKirya, Israel’s Defense Ministry headquarters, and the nearby Azrieli Center. But within seconds, Israeli police officers arrived to aggressively shunt Yingst away from where he was standing, just north of the HaKirya Bridge on the west side of Menachem Begin Road.

That day, Iranian missiles struck the north tower of the Da Vinci apartment complex roughly 550 meters southwest of Yingst’s location. The Grayzone has determined that the building sits immediately south of the “Canarit” / “Kannarit” Israeli Air Force towers and above an underground military intelligence bunker jointly administered by the US and Israeli militaries. According to an analysis of leaked emails, public documents, and Israeli news reports, the location is host to a highly secretive, electromagnetically shielded intelligence facility known as “Site 81.”

Israel aggressively censors information relating to its urban military and intelligence facilities while simultaneously accusing its adversaries of engaging in ‘human shielding’ – a practice of protecting military targets with civilian populations that is prohibited by international humanitarian law. While the existence of a U.S. Army project to expand Site 81 to a 6,000 square-meter facility was widely reported from government records circa 2013, the specific location remained unknown.

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Analysis of an image from a 2013 U.S. Army Corps of Engineers study reveals a “basement test site” for the planned construction of Site 81 is located at the current site of the Da Vinci towers.

A photo taken outside of Site 81 has now been geolocated to the grounds of the Da Vinci apartment complex, which one resident decried as a shield for the Israeli military headquarters. Leaked emails from a former Israeli military Chief of Staff further indicate that Site 81 is an important command and control node. The Jerusalem Post also reported that an Iranian missile that struck the Da Vinci towers was “just a stone’s throw from Netanyahu’s office,” which was then known as “Building 22.” The prime minister’s office began undergoing renovations just weeks after the 2025 Twelve Day War between Israel and Iran, and is rumored to have been damaged in the strike.

The Israeli military has constructed a larger underground command center in Kirya known as the “Fortress of Zion,” extending an older command center known as “The Pit.” Given its temporal, spatial, and functional proximity, it is likely that “The Pit” was connected to Site 81. Journalists from Israel Hayom and The New York Times have visited the Fortress of Zion but not revealed its precise location or that of its entrance.

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A map of relevant landmarks for the June 13, 2025 Iranian airstrikes on the Kirya district of Tel Aviv. Locations in red were confirmed damaged by the strikes.

Geolocating ‘Site 81’
Despite the end of U.S. legislation banning its publication, Google Maps continues to blur satellite imagery containing any hint of sensitive Israeli strategic information. At the section of Leonardo da Vinci St. directly in front of the Da Vinci Towers, Google took its pro-Israel censorship a step further, refusing to offer street view images of the location. The area east of Leonardo Da Vinci St. and west of Azrieli Center is also censored by the Moscow-based Yandex Maps, with both satellite imagery and metadata of the Da Vinci towers completely blocked.

A photo of Site 81 published by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers in February 2013 as part of a corrosion test of the underground structure’s concrete overlay and galvanized steel plating can be geolocated to what is now the site of the Da Vinci apartment towers, with the southern of the two 18-story Israeli Air Force Kannarit towers just meters away. According to a website for the Kannarit towers published by the Israeli construction firm Danya Cebus, the buildings were “constructed for the [Israeli] Air Force Headquarters.” The Israeli aluminum building enclosure company Alumeshet described its work on the towers in 2002 as including the construction of “a blast mitigation system ensuring maximum security.”

Haaretz has reported the existence of the Army Corps report, concluding that Site 81 was located somewhere in central Tel Aviv. A closer analysis of a photograph in the report reveals it was taken roughly 60 meters north of Eliezer Kaplan St. on the east side of Leonardo da Vinci St., in the southwestern corner of the Ha’Kirya.

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The intersection of Eliezer Kaplan and Leonardo da Vinci streets is shown in a February 2019 image from Google Maps. It is the only clear image of the site furnished by Google.

The east face of the 29-floor Daniel Frisch Tower fills much of the background of the Army Corps photo, which shows two large instrument cases set to be transported into the basement of Site 81. Located roughly 160 meters northwest from the photographer, trees from the Gerry Pencer Park partially obstruct the base of the tower, with the top of the London Ministores Tower also visible just to the right.

The features from the Army Corps photo precisely match those of a February 2019 image published to Google Maps from the southwest corner of Eliezer Kaplan and Leonardo da Vinci, which includes the same five distinctive curved pipes connected to the Kannarit tower just above the razor wire.

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A side-by-side comparison shows the distinctive five pipes attached to the southern face of the south Kannarit tower, as seen from Google Maps (left) and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers photo (right).

The Kirya complex situated among human shields
A detailed report from France 24 regarding Israeli censorship of reporting on the Iranian strikes concluded that coverage of the attack on the 42-story Da Vinci Towers had likely been purposefully delayed, stating that “it looks like censorship is at play.” The outlet noted that “Israeli newspaper Haaretz waited until June 29 to mention this strike in an article – a full two weeks after the attack took place, even though the images of it had already circulated online.”

When recounting the incident to Israeli media weeks later, one resident recalled being informed of the tower’s true purpose in a conversation with a friend, who asked: “Brother, don’t you get that they approved the construction of all those towers to protect the Kirya?”

“Today, I realize I’ve been paying 12,000 shekels [$3,650 USD] a month to protect the Kirya,” the resident explained, using the common shorthand for the Israeli military headquarters.

The geolocation of the Site 81 photo suggests that the Da Vinci Towers are also protecting the secretive underground intelligence facility. The bunker is apparently located less than 100 meters from a children’s playground, alongside a large community center which opened at the base of the towers in July 2023. By situating some of its most sensitive military installations in the heart of a civilian area, Israel has engaged in the human shielding practice it routinely accuses Palestinians of exploiting.

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A photo of a playground within the Gerry Pencer Park in the Ha’Kirya district of Tel Aviv, just west of the apparent location of Site 81, dated October 2021. Credit: Google Maps user Or Baruch.

The tenants of an eight-story commercial building nestled inside the Da Vinci complex also enjoy direct ties to military intelligence. The Israeli generative artificial intelligence company AI21 Labs, which was founded by veterans of the IDF’s signals intelligence arm, Unit 8200, earlier this year confirmed the participation of AI21 employees in developing a ChatGPT-like military AI tool targeting Palestinians. AI21 – which has also been affiliated with Stanford University – announced its lease of space on the fourth and fifth floors of the Da Vinci office building in late 2023.

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A promotional photo showing the Da Vinci complex, published by the Israel Canada Group. The Israeli Air Force’s blast-shielded Kannarit towers can be seen on the left and the distinctive Israeli military headquarters on the right.

Israeli-American capital finances the towers
Next door to the Da Vinci complex, the Kannarit towers were built by the major Israeli construction company Danya Cebus, which said the work was carried out as part of a joint venture with another firm known as Solel Boneh. The controlling stake of Soleh Boneh’s parent company, Shikun & Binui, was passed from Shari Arison, formerly Israel’s richest woman, to the Los Angeles-based real estate developer Netanal H. “Naty” Saidoff in mid-2018.

Saidoff has overseen several Israeli government-affiliated nonprofits in the Los Angeles area, including by chairing the Likud-oriented Israeli-American Council (IAC) and underwriting the legal program of StandWithUs, a pro-Israel training group. Saidoff’s fellow board member at Shikun & Binui, Sagi Balasha, was the first CEO of both the IAC and the Israeli government-funded propaganda initiative, Concert/Voices of Israel.

The headquarters of the suggestively-named cybersecurity company Perimeter 81 – now part of the publicly traded Check Point Technologies – is also located roughly 40 meters to the west of the apparent location of Site 81. Check Point is in the process of developing a new headquarters in Tel Aviv with Israel Canada Group, which, along with Acro Real Estate, purchased the rights for the Da Vinci complex in 2015 from what was previously a Ministry of Defense site for NIS 830 million (roughly $207 million). The current CEO of Check Point, Nadav Zafrir, commanded Unit 8200 circa 2009 to 2013.

Public US contracting records show that the Plano, Texas-based branch of the German engineering solutions company M+W Group – now known as Exyte – began a $7.4 million contract for Site 81 in June 2011, spanning the company’s support for the Army Corps study. The much larger ‘Phase 2’ of the Site 81 project was subsequently awarded to the controversial Oxford Construction of Pennsylvania for $29.6 million in August 2013, with the contracts being shifted to Oxford Federal after a Chapter 7 bankruptcy in 2017. In 2018, Oxford Construction was slapped with a lawsuit accusing its owners of racketeering, fraud, and negligent misrepresentation. A final $758,461 payment to Oxford Federal for its ‘Phase 2’ work on Site 81 was processed on February 26, 2019.

Leaked emails highlight Site 81’s use for “command and control”
A previously unreported leaked email exchange between ex-NATO commander James Stavridis and former Israeli military Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi appears to confirm the presence of a command and control network operating inside the Site 81 bunker – smack in the middle of a densely populated civilian area.

“Hi Gabi,” Stavridis wrote to Ashkenazi on September 1, 2015. “I am working with an exciting company called Think Logical here in the USA. They build command and control networks, and just won a big contract out at Site 81 with the IDF [Israel Defense Forces].”

The Grayzone discovered Ashkenazi’s email in a leaked archive from an apparently Iranian-linked hacktivist group known as Handala, which was curated by the American nonprofit Distributed Denial of Secrets.

“I am enjoying my new job as Dean of The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy here in Boston — a top school of international relations,” stated the email from Stavridis, which sought Ashkenazi’s assistance in recruiting “someone to help [Thinklogical] navigate in Israel” as a consultant – ideally, “a retired IDF 1-star” general.

Following a request for comment from The Gryazone, Stavridis appears to have included his wife and executive assistant in an accidental reply which read, “Just seeing this? Are you sure!? He is ending.” The message was accompanied by a lengthy footer describing Stavridis’ current roles as vice chairman of global affairs of The Carlyle Group and chairman of the board of The Rockefeller Foundation.

Gen. Ashkenazi and Mr. Pajer did not respond to requests for comment. The Israel Defense Forces also neglected to reply to requests emailed to three separate spokesperson addresses.

https://thegrayzone.com/2025/10/13/secr ... sis-shows/

******

Gaza Takeover: The Easy Way, or the Hard Way
October 14, 2025

All Trump’s deal does is hand total victory to Israel. Arab states are key to whether Hamas capitulates, writes Joe Lauria.

Image
An AI-generated image shared on social media by Donald Trump himself last February.

By Joe Lauria
Special to Consortium News

Speaking to the Israeli nation about the ceasefire agreement in Gaza, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said last Friday:

“Hamas agreed to the deal only when it felt the sword resting on its neck and it is still on its neck … Hamas will be disarmed and Gaza will be demilitarized … If this is achieved the easy way, so much the better. And if not, it will be achieved the hard way.”

So there’s only one way the genocide does not resume in Gaza: Hamas disarms and unconditionally surrenders to Israel.

The threat of more violence if this doesn’t happen is clear enough in Netanyahu’s words.

Other Israeli officials have promised the same.

Israel’s goal is the ethnic cleansing of Gaza and its complete takeover.

The so-called deal that Donald Trump is getting credit for seeks to achieve this. It is no peace deal. It does not settle any of the outstanding issues of the seven-decade-old Israeli theft of Palestinian land and expulsion of hundreds of thousands of people from their homes. Or the killing of countless innocent civilians by a brutalizing Israeli military intent on defending and extending its gains.

All Trump’s deal does is hand total victory to Israel.

Hamas is to disarm and not take part in any future governing of the Strip.

Of course they are refusing at this point. And if they continue to refuse Netanyahu has spelled out what will happen. Trump can then kiss next year’s Nobel Peace Prize goodbye. Israel would also again be condemned by most of the world as it resumes the killing and the losing of the information war – a main reason it agreed to the deal.

Key to whether Hamas capitulates are other Arab states, principally the Gulf monarchies. They are pressuring Hamas to give up. You see, they stand to get a piece of the action if Trump’s sick dream of a Gaza Riviera is realized on top of the decaying corpses of a significant part of society.

The Arab regimes are villains in this story almost as big as Israel and the United States. They have long ago resorted to lip service to the Palestinians to placate their own repressed and restless populations. Now they stand ready to cash in a bonanza because of a genocide they barely protested.

If Hamas gives up and Netanyahu gets his way — “the easy way” – there will still be a sizable population of Gazans to manage and pacify. The easiest way for the Israelis would be to put them on buses and move them out — if Netanyahu and Trump can finally find someone to take them. Perhaps they will pay the Egyptians enough. El-Sisi has his price.

If most of the Palestinians remain, they will probably wind up in shacks behind the gleaming casinos like in Batista’s Cuba. They would remain a headache for the Israelis, so it’s clear they would rather kick them out.

Netanyahu’s government surviving depends on this happening, the easy way or the hard way.

The right way would be for the Palestinians to build back their own society the way they want with Israeli and U.S. reparations. And to govern themselves the way they want with the leaders they choose in a state of their own, free from the threat of renewed attempts at annihilation.

But the odds of that happening will be a lot worse than claiming the jackpot at the roulette wheel at Trump Gaza Casino.

https://consortiumnews.com/2025/10/14/g ... -hard-way/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Palestine

Post by blindpig » Wed Oct 15, 2025 2:28 pm

‘Disarm or be disarmed by force’: Trump issues new threat to Hamas

UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer has suggested using the Northern Ireland model to convince Hamas to surrender its arms

News Desk

OCT 15, 2025

Image
(Photo credit: AP)

US President Donald Trump issued a new threat against Hamas on 14 October, affirming that they will either surrender their weapons or be disarmed by force.

“They said they were gonna disarm,” the president claimed, despite Hamas and other resistance factions repeatedly rejecting Israeli terms for the surrender of arms. “They know I’m not playing games.”

The president praised the “monumental” achievement of returning the captives, adding that this was needed “above all else.”

He also expressed support for Hamas’s crackdown on outlaw militias in Gaza. “They did take out a couple of gangs that were very bad … That didn’t bother me,” he said.

“But they will disarm, you understand me?” Trump told a reporter. “Everyone’s always saying they won’t disarm … They will disarm. And I spoke to Hamas, and I told them you’re gonna disarm. Yes sir, we're gonna disarm, that’s what they told me,” Trump claimed.

“And if they don't disarm, we will disarm them – and it'll happen quickly and, perhaps, violently, but they WILL disarm,” he threatened.

Israel has also threatened to disarm Hamas through military force if the resistance group refuses to surrender. “All hell breaks loose” if Hamas does not disarm, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Tuesday.

The Deputy Secretary General of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) movement, Mohammad al-Hindi, rejected Trump’s comments and said “the resistance factions did not agree to disarmament,” adding that “we do not accept the threat of disarming them by force.”

Hamas has also repeatedly stressed that it will not surrender its weapons until a Palestinian state is formed.

UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer said on Tuesday that Britain could play a leading role in helping to disarm Hamas in Gaza by drawing on its experience persuading militant groups in Northern Ireland to surrender their weapons.

According to European diplomats cited by Reuters, the Northern Ireland peace process is being discussed as a potential model for Gaza’s future. They noted that no detailed plan has yet been drawn up.

“Of course, this is going to be difficult, but it's vital. It was difficult in Northern Ireland in relation to the IRA (Irish Republican Army), but it was vital,” Starmer said.

“That is why we have said that we stand ready, based on our experience in Northern Ireland, to help with the decommissioning process. I'm not going to pretend that's easy, but it is extremely important.”

Starmer’s national security advisor worked closely with former UK prime minister Tony Blair, who has been considered for a role in managing post-war Gaza.

https://thecradle.co/articles/disarm-or ... t-to-hamas

Over 9,000 Palestinians remain in Israeli captivity following exchange deal

Rights groups and released Palestinians say Israeli detention centers are 'torture camps' where detainees face beatings, starvation, and denial of medical care

News Desk

OCT 14, 2025

Image
(Photo credit: AA)

Palestinian prisoners' organizations say more than 9,000 remain in captivity under what one official described as “unimaginable conditions” in an interview with Al Jazeera on 14 October, despite the recent release of nearly 2,000 Palestinians as part of an exchange deal with Israel.

According to the Palestine Center for Prisoners’ Studies, at least 3,500 Palestinians are held under Israel’s so-called administrative detention, allowing imprisonment without charge or trial for an indefinite time.

Hundreds more seized from Gaza are detained under the “Unlawful Combatant” law, also without charge, among them 52 women, about 400 minors, and dozens of medical workers, journalists, and civilians accused of “incitement.”

Before the genocide began, Israeli jails held roughly 5,000 Palestinians.

That figure more than doubled to over 11,000 by October 2025, dropping to around 9,000 after the latest exchange deal as part of the latest ceasefire.

The latest ceasefire deal saw the release of the last remaining 20 living Israeli captives in Gaza, marking the third exchange since October 2023, which, according to the Prisoners’ Media Office, has brought the total number of Palestinians released since then to around 4,000.

Naji al-Jaafarawi, brother of the martyred journalist Saleh al-Jaafarawi, spoke from Nasser Medical Complex after his release from Israeli torture camps, reflecting on both his brother’s death and his own suffering in captivity.

“Everything that happens to a believer is good,”… pic.twitter.com/N30L10Wr6D

— Translating Falasteen (Palestine) (@translatingpal) October 13, 2025


Earlier swaps included 240 Palestinians for 105 Israelis during a seven-day truce, and 1,778 Palestinians for 38 Israelis in January and February. In total, 3,985 Palestinians have been released in exchange for 163 Israelis.

Rights groups describe Israeli prisons as “torture camps,” where detainees endure daily beatings, starvation, humiliation, and sexual abuse.

Due to the systemic torture, malnutrition, and denial of medical care, at least 78 prisoners have died in the past two years.

WATCH | A freed Palestinian detainee recounts the horrors he endured in Israeli prison. pic.twitter.com/mfEVlrHUkM

— The Cradle (@TheCradleMedia) October 13, 2025


Samir Zaqout, deputy director of Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, said in an interview with Al Jazeera that freed detainees are in dire condition and urgently need rehabilitation.

“They are coming from one hell to another,” he said from Deir al-Balah, describing Gaza as unlivable and lacking basic medical supplies.

“Emotionally, they are happy because they were released,” Zaqout added, “but they were subjected to physical and psychological torture all the time inside Israeli jails.”

He said detainees are stripped, blindfolded, beaten, and sometimes used as human shields during arrest.

🚨Forcibly disappeared journalist Nidal al-Wahidi is alive, according to freed Palestinian hostage and journalist Shadi Abu Sido. During his captivity, Abu Sido learned from other hostages that Nidal’s name was heard during interrogations at an Ashkelon interrogation center,… pic.twitter.com/3TIjYkBYwd

— Translating Falasteen (Palestine) (@translatingpal) October 14, 2025


“They give 12 people two or three blankets,” Zaqout said, describing the deprivation of sleep, food, and basic hygienic needs.

Conditions, he noted, worsened after 7 October 2023, when Israeli officials vowed to make prisons “a hell for Palestinians.”

Tala Nasser, a lawyer with Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association, said Israel continues to block Red Cross access and family visits.

💯“All of them need to be freed, so their suffering stops!” said freed Palestinian photojournalist Shadi Abu Sido, describing the unimaginable torment he and others endured inside Israeli occupation prisons.

“If you all die once a day, we died a thousand times each day,” he… pic.twitter.com/RQ1M5TYkLs

— Translating Falasteen (Palestine) (@translatingpal) October 13, 2025


“The end of the war doesn’t mean the end of Israeli crimes,” she said. “Those responsible must be held to account for the grave violations committed against Palestinian prisoners.”

Prisoner affairs activist Thamer Sabaaneh said Israel uses detainees for revenge.

“I expect prisoners to launch a real and serious movement to change life in detention and fight to improve their conditions,” he said, adding that “Some of them had already told Israeli officers before the deal that they would not stay silent if they weren’t released.”

https://thecradle.co/articles/over-9000 ... hange-deal

Gaza needs $70bn to rebuild following Israel’s genocidal war: UNDP

Gaza’s recovery is expected to last decades as the UN estimates over 55 million tons of rubble need to be cleared

News Desk

OCT 14, 2025

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(Photo credit: AP)

The UN Development Programme (UNDP) said on 14 October that $20 billion will be needed over the next three years to begin reconstruction efforts in Gaza, part of an overall $70 billion recovery plan which could take decades to complete.

UNDP representative Jaco Cillers told reporters in Geneva that there are “very good indicators” from potential donors in the Arab world, Europe, and the US signaling willingness to contribute to the effort, but had yet to name any specific countries.

He said the two-year Israeli genocide in Gaza generated at least 55 million tons of rubble, enough to fill New York’s Central Park to a height of 12 meters or build 13 pyramids in Giza.

Cillers added that $20 billion will be required over the next three years, with the remainder spread across a longer period that “maybe within a decade or decades, maybe more.”

According to a September estimate by the UN, EU, and World Bank, rebuilding costs have risen sharply from the $53 billion projected in February.

The UN Development Programme (UNDP) said it has so far removed around 81,000 tons of debris from Gaza, a small fraction of the estimated 55 million tons left behind by Israel’s destruction across the enclave.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who took part in the ceasefire negotiations, said Ankara will seek support from the Gulf, the US, and European states to finance reconstruction projects under the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and Arab League frameworks.

“I believe the significant financial support will be swiftly provided,” Erdogan told reporters after the signing of the Gaza ceasefire deal in Sharm el-Sheikh.


The Gaza Media Office said Israeli forces dropped more than 200,000 tons of explosives on the enclave, destroying around 500,000 housing units and completely leveling 835 mosques.

UN special rapporteur on the right to adequate housing, Balakrishnan Rajagopal, said Palestinians returning to their homes in northern Gaza after the withdrawal of Israeli forces are finding nothing but rubble and ruin.

“The psychological impacts and trauma are profound, and that’s what we are seeing right now as people are returning to northern Gaza,” he told Al Jazeera.

Three churches and 40 cemeteries were also damaged, while seven mass graves were constructed inside hospitals.

A separate UNDP update confirmed the discovery of at least three bodies during early rubble removal and warned that many more are expected to be found.

UN agencies estimate that 92 percent of Gaza’s residential buildings have been damaged or destroyed since October 2023, leaving millions displaced and essential infrastructure in ruins.

https://thecradle.co/articles/gaza-need ... l-war-undp

******

Trump’s Gaza plan for peace is fake news. Here’s what’s really going to happen

Martin Jay

October 15, 2025

There is not much hope for a long standing peace in the Gaza Strip, Martin Jay writes.

How much hope can we place in the recently announced ceasefire deal, agreed both by Israel and Hamas, supposedly brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump? Who are the winners and losers? And how much of what we are seeing and reading in western press is the whole truth?

Unfortunately the picture is bleak and there is not much hope for a long-standing peace in the Gaza Strip, largely because the so-called deal is not a ‘peace deal’ as such but more a temporary ceasefire to get out Israeli hostages. Not much more.

Certainly, the 20 point plan has more to it than that but the fact that most of the points are vague and open to interpretation doesn’t bode well for the whole thing to be taken seriously. Perhaps it was never meant to be taken seriously, as I have previously written, it is likely that Trump put this together at the last moment hastily due to the media spotlight that EU leaders were getting and the possibility of a UN plan getting underway.

In reality, the only two winners in the deal are not even countries or states, but individuals. Trump himself will think he is whitewashing himself of the genocide and will hope that being the one who is the architect of the plan itself, it will accelerate his chances of getting a Nobel Peace Prize. This is unlikely though as despite western media dutifully writing up the narrative that it is Trump who is “railroading” the peace deal through, the truth is, in reality, a little different. From the very first day in office, Trump could have stopped the genocide in Gaza, but instead chose to support Netanyahu all the way with numerous arms shipments being signed off by him. For Netanyahu, the political capital to be gleaned by getting 20 hostages alive returned to their families cannot have a price attached to it. And so, broadly speaking, both Trump and Netanyahu will wring their hands when the hostages walk free.

But it is expected that Netanyahu won’t waste any time getting back to business of slaughtering more innocent Palestinians in Gaza once the media attention wanes and he sees that the Europeans start to harp on about a Palestinian state, when they see IDF soldiers outside of the main part of the Gaza Strip. Time and time again history has shown us that it is always Israel which breaks ceasefires, hunts down and murders key Palestinian negotiators and it is always Israel which betrays international law.

Aid is expected to be sent into Gaza during a ceasefire and this will be the first casualty. Netanyahu might let in a bit for a few days but it is only a matter of time before he inevitably closes this supply and reverts back to the egregious policy of starvation. It is also inevitable that Israel will make sporadic attacks which break the ceasefire, which is a trap for Hamas, as, if they retaliate, then Israel can say the ceasefire has been broken entirely by “terrorists” and that of course “Israel has the right to defend itself”.

The hostages exchange might well be the catalyst for the ceasefire to be broken. How long does Trump need a ceasefire to be in place to say to the world that he alone brokered peace both for Gaza and the whole of the Middle East? Perhaps a week. Perhaps two. If the hostages’ bodies cannot be located in 72 hours and exhumed, before handing over the remains to the IDF, then this alone could spark a fresh offensive by Israel who will simply intensify their depraved genocide and catch up on the numbers, killing women and children in tents, or wiping out entire families in their homes as they did barely a couple of hours before MPs in Israel’s parliament finally agreed to the deal in the wee hours of the night.

For Hamas, there really isn’t much in it to accept for the return of a number of Palestinians illegally detained in Israel’s prisons. They know that even if food aid resumes, it will not be for long as Netanyahu’s big plan for the entire region in “Israeli expansion” into Syria, Lebanon, parts of Jordan and Iraq and keeping Palestinians in the Gaza Strip is not part of that, rather than wiping them out entirely in an ethnic cleansing strategy which leaves many thinking of the Nazis and the Holocaust. Don’t place much hope on the 20 point plan by Trump’s people as it was never meant to be taken seriously. “Look, we offered them peace” is what the narrative will be so there had to be something written at least. But in reality it’s not worth the paper it is written on as Hamas have even rejected outright the idea of Tony Blair being an interim PM in the Strip or giving up their weapons. Fake news, Trump might call it, if it hadn’t come from his own shaking hand.

https://strategic-culture.su/news/2025/ ... ng-happen/

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Israel’s Perpetual War Machine Demonstrates that Environmental Warfare is a Tool, Not a Consequence of Genocide and Settler Colonialism
Anthony Karefa Rogers-Wright 15 Oct 2025

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The environmental destruction in Gaza is a calculated military strategy. By poisoning the land and water, Israel is ensuring the genocide has a permanent, toxic legacy.

“Seen from the point of view of colonial history, climate transformation is not the accidental and indirect consequence of conflict; the environment is not the collateral damage of history, but a tool in its arsenal of transformations, a form of government over land, peoples and the relation between them, the environment is one of the means by which colonial racism is enacted, land is grabbed, siege lines fortified and violence perpetuated.”
- Shourideh C. Molavi

The zionist ethnostate’s recent pause in hostilities against the people of Gaza due to so-called Phase 1 of President Trump’s 20 Point Gaza Peace Plan has resulted in a collective sigh of relief for many the world over, who have observed and/or have been victims of the ongoing genocidal onslaught that’s pillaged an estimated 70,000 lives, including approximately 20,000 women and children, included the use of starvation as a weapon, and has reduced the Gaza Strip to rubble as critical infrastructure including homes, schools/universities, hospitals and places of worship have all been decimated by the Israel Occupying Force’s (IOF) war machine that has been aided, abetted, and funded by the United States and other Western governments.

Yet this sigh of relief cannot be considered the same thing as the ability to rest easy and breathe as the current ceasefire between the zionist ethnostate and the Palestinian Resistance is nothing more than an ephemeral enterprise due to the continued presence of the IOF in Gaza, as well as there being no reason to believe that indicted war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu and his henchmen of zionist zealots including, but not limited to, Israel Finance Minister, Bazalel Smotrich, and National Security Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, have any intention of giving up their stated goals to complete a “Greater Israel” conquest that includes a final ethnic cleansing solution for Palestinian people in Gaza and the Occupied West Bank while rejecting any notion of a free and fully independent Palestinian state. And when it comes to the ability for the Palestinians to breathe, safely, at all, the zionist ethnostate’s bellicose and barbaric machinations have all but made this essential human function impossible for many years to come.

To this end, there are myriad reasons why Trump’s 20-point plan is arbitrary, capricious and, in total, illegitimate. From the fact that no Palestinians were even involved in drafting a plan for their future, thereby continuing to deny them self-determination and agency, to the omission of a clear determination of Palestinian statehood as the ultimate conclusion. Yet it's the lack of accountability and calls for the prosecution of actors, including but not limited to, Netanyahu, Donald Trump, Joe Biden, Antony Blinken, Marco Rubio, and others, for their roles in aiding, funding, and perpetuating myriad documented war crimes undertaken by the zionist ethnostate that, arguably, stands out the most. Yet for all the crimes including, “starvation as a method of warfare and intentionally directing an attack against the civilian population; and the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts from at least 8 October 2023 until at least 20 May 2024,” issued against the zionist ethnostate at the behest of Netanyahu, crimes not included by the International Criminal Court, nor discussed as part of the larger lexicon regarding the wanton aggression against Gaza is that of intentional and systemic environmental warfare against the people of Palestine.

The use of environmental warfare as a primary tool of settler colonialism and genocide is nothing new - the praxis has, in fact, been used for centuries. Christoper Columbus and subsequent conquistadors from Cortez to Pizarro employed a slash, burn, and land alteration campaign against peoples indigenous to Turtle Island (present-day North America), which was accentuated by a biological warfare pogrom through the unintentional and intentional use of disease to wipe out and vastly reduce entire populations. Biological warfare was consciously utilized during the so-called French and Indian wars between 1754 and 1767 , when smallpox was also used as a biological weapon by the commander of Fort Pitt, Captain Simeon Ecuyer, who, under the direction of General Jeffery Amherst, ordered soldiers to distribute blankets that had been used by smallpox patients with the intent of initiating outbreaks among Indigenous peoples. It’s estimated that the resulting epidemic killed more than 50% of people in infected tribes.

As author Shourideh Moldavi notes in her book, Environmental Warfare in Gaza, “Destruction and control of environmental infrastructures has repeatedly moved from being a tactic of war or collateral damage, to an end in itself.” She continues, “Environmental infrastructure wars - operations that involved the systematic destruction of energy, sanitation, gas, oil, water, and water supplies and systems - are increasingly applied in the Middle East and North Africa.” Moldavi’s assertions are accurate, though she omits the use of environmental warfare in Asia by colonial powers, as well as domestic environmental warfare that’s been waged against domestic populations, specifically Black, Brown, Indigenous and poor people, in the United States for decades, as this article will explain.

As historian Joachim Radkau notes, “the chief problem of colonialism seems to have been not so much its immediate ecological consequences as its long-term impact, the full extent of which became apparent only centuries later, in the era of modern technology, and many times only after the colonial states had acquired their independence.” While we agree with Radaku’s overarching thesis, it’s also important to note that the full extent of environmental warfare consequences are also felt less than centuries later. In many cases, adverse impacts to public health and physical environments are surfaced and realized acutely and chronically sustained, which further makes the case that ecocide is a tool and result of genocide.

For instance, during the Vietnam War the use of chemical warfare had one of the most dramatic, long-lasting effects on combatants and civilians ever documented. The U.S. Army’s use of the dioxin-contaminated defoliant Agent Orange during the infamous Operation Ranch Hand, where over 19 million gallons of toxic herbicide was sprayed over approximately 6.4 million acres of South Vietnam, resulted in numerous deaths and myriad impacts to public health that are still being documented. When the Vietnam War finally ended on April 30, 1975, it left behind a landscape scarred with environmental damage as vast stretches of coastal mangroves, once serving as critical habitat for rich stocks of fish and birds, lay in ruins. And forests that had boasted hundreds of species were reduced to dried-out fragments, overgrown with invasive grasses.

Biologist and self-described bioethicist, Professor Arthur W. Galston, coined the term “ecocide” at the 1970 Conference on War and National Responsibility in Washington, D.C. to characterize massive damage and destruction of ecosystems. During the conference, Gaston, who identified the defoliant effects of the chemicals found in Agent Orange, proposed a new international agreement to ban ecocide. This effort was compounded by Sweden’s then Prime Minister, Olof Palme, who referenced events occurring in Vietnam as “ecocide” during his opening speech at the 1972 United Nations Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment. The conference led to the development and adoption of the Stockholm Declaration. Following the Vietnam War, the UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination of Minorities proposed adding “ecocide” to the Genocide Convention, and even prepared a study to make its case. The proposal was ultimately rejected in 1978 despite a direct request by UN Special Rapporteur on genocide, Benjamin Whitaker, to add ‘ecocide’ to the Genocide Convention. This rejection would have consequences that are felt to this day and may have also contributed to engendering a new tactic in the larger environmental warfare playbook as contemporary wars not only utilized chemicals on fauna/vegetation, but directly on human populations through the use of advanced weaponry that contain toxic chemicals, resulting in deleterious impacts to public health and physical environments contemporaneously.

According to a report released by the National Library of Medicine in 2021, “The US military first deployed depleted uranium (DU) weapons in Iraq during the Gulf War in 1990 and in the 2003 invasion of Iraq.” The report goes on to say, “Research funded by the U.S. government has denied the health risks posed by DU to the Iraqi population, while opponents have claimed that DU is responsible for increased rates of birth defects and cancers in Iraq.” And while the United States and other major actors who perpetuated the Iraq war, including the United Kingdom, deny claims that their weapons have induced chronic health impacts, according to a piece released in March 2025 by the outlet, Military.com, “For the first time ever, researchers have detected uranium in the bones of living Fallujah residents, high levels of lead in residents of previously bombarded neighborhoods, and a significant number of birth defects in babies born to those in the city.”

And Kali Rubaii, an assistant professor in the anthropology department at Purdue University, vindicated the research, noting, "What we are finding in the environment, in the body, is the sheer permanence of war's effects [and] in an interesting way, we measured that with numbers." Moreover, according to the same piece, a study supported by Brown University's Costs of War Project, indicates that Fallujah's population has seen a 17-fold increase in birth defects and anomalies since 2003. Using a special bone scan known as X-ray fluorescence, or XRF, the researchers found uranium in the bones of 29% of study participants. And the scans also showed lead contamination in 100% of those tested, at rates 600% higher than average U.S. rates.

The U.S., of course, is no stranger to administering chemical warfare against its own residents. In Flint, Michigan, a majority Black city whose primary water sources were purposely contaminated with lead after a clean water supply was replaced by the contaminated Flint River. An act so sinister and draconian that pediatrician, Dr. Mona Hanna-Attisha, who brought the Flint situation to the world’s attention, proclaimed, “If you were going to put something in a population to keep them down for generations to come, it would be lead.” And the world over is aware of the ignominious situation in Louisiana’s Cancer Alley, a majority Black populated stretch of the state that holds this sobriquet due to the fact that it houses 25% of the nation’s petrochemical and oil refinery operations that have resulted in elevated rates and risks of maternal, reproductive, and newborn health harms, cancer, and respiratory ailments. Parts of Cancer Alley have the highest risk of cancer from industrial air pollution in the United States.

But if the United States and their Western acolytes commenced the utilization of ecocide as part of a larger colonial conquest and maintenance of empire in the 1970s and early 2000s as part of a larger campaign of slow-genocide against its Black, Brown, Indigenous, and poor white residents, the zionist ethnostate has perfected a practice of instituting an accelerated ecocidal/genocidal matrix as part of its military campaigns against Palestine that irrefutably proves that the IOF is nothing more than a chemical warfare brigade. According to report E-003481 produced by the European Parliament, “There is now enough convincing data to prove that Israel has repeatedly used depleted uranium weaponry.” The report further notes, “The lethal effects of radioactivity caused by explosions and subsequent fires, including cancer of the lungs and pleura, can persist for centuries in the environment and particularly in aquifers. We are therefore on the verge of another humanitarian catastrophe in Palestine and in particular in the Gaza Strip, where thousands of tons of depleted uranium bombs were dropped with the effects that have already been documented.”

Reporter, Samira Homerang Saunders, described the entire situation as “Gaza’s Toxic Biosphere,” in her piece entitled, Environmental devastation and the war on Palestine provided the following insights into the zionist ethnostate’s concentrated and intentional use of ecocide as part of a larger ethnic cleansing initiative:

According to the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, within just two months in 2023, Israel dropped the equivalent of two nuclear bombs on Gaza, where over two million people live confined to a space half the size of Hiroshima. The impact of constant bombing, including the use of white phosphorus in Gaza and Southern Lebanon, is of an unprecedented magnitude;
In November [2023], Israeli shells incinerated 40,000 olive trees in Southern Lebanon. Over the previous month, its bombs burned through almost 3.5 million square metres of oak, lemon and banana trees, grasslands and shrublands, a cultural, spiritual and agricultural disaster;
Gaza’s water supplies are under the stringent control of the Israeli government, as documented and condemned repeatedly by major international bodies, including the UN and Amnesty International. Before the current attack, up to 96 per cent of drinking water in Gaza was designated unfit for human consumption; and
When Israel cut off all supplies to the strip in October, it rendered all three of its desalination plants inoperable. In the south, where the majority of the population has been forced to flee, all of the water wells and sewage pumping stations have ceased functioning. The choice for Gazans is either death by direct military violence, or death by dehydration, starvation and/or disease.
The emissions generated by the zionist ethnostate’s war machine in itself must be qualified as an ongoing war crime. According to a 2024 article by Philippe Pernot, “The greenhouse gas emissions generated during the first two months of the war in Gaza were greater than the annual carbon footprint of more than 20 of the world's most climate-vulnerable nations, according to a British-American study,” which is the estimated equivalent to burning at least 150,000 tons of coal. Pernot also notes, “The UN further stated that Israeli bombardments have created 37 million tons of debris.”

To this end, many Gazans are returning to their homes after nearly two years of bombings and chemical warfare that rendered their lands and water sources into toxic cesspools, preventing them from growing and cultivating crops, and are now walking into open-air graveyards waiting for those who will later succumb to diseases and ailments ranging from cancer to terminal complications associated with damaged respiratory systems. Exposure to smoke and particulates from the debris will surely increase the already unacceptable and deplorable death toll at the hands of the zionist ethnostate. As Princeton University professor, Robert Jisung Park points out in his book, Slow Burn, “Recent research suggests that the hidden health costs of the smoke alone may vastly exceed the direct destruction and death from US wildfires,” and, “Across a range of studies, it is estimated that PM2.5 pollution is responsible for anywhere between 50,000 and 100,000 premature deaths in the United States alone.”

And while wildfires are certainly destructive, they pale in comparison to the incessant dropping of 2,000-pound bombs and munitions from tanks and other military equipment. Park also says that smoke both lingers in the air and can travel long distances, “Indeed, satellite imagery suggests that smoke can carry long distances: very long distances. Smoke plumes from fires in the Pacific Northwest can have measurable effects on air quality in New York or Boston.” So what does this say about how far the IOF’s emissions can travel - certainly as far as the Occupied West Bank, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and even Haifa. This is ironic, as Park even discusses impacts of smoke exposure in Israel, “…similarly, studies of Israeli students taking important exams across more polluted and less polluted days suggest that highly polluted days—for instance, a day with an [air quality index] above 100—reduces test performance by roughly 15 percent of a standard deviation and may even affect the kinds of colleges that students are ultimately admitted to.” This in itself exposes how sadistic the zionist ethnostate is, as its willingness to sacrifice its own people to maintain and expand its empire mimics what its main financial and military backer, the United States, does to its own domestic population in communities like Cancer Alley and Flint to sustain and expand its own empire.

Policies that undermine the ability of human populations to realize sustainable needs from the biosphere must be seen as a fundamental violation of human rights because, without the ability to sustain life, all of the other rights- housing, food, education, and healthcare- become moot. To this end, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) indictments of Netanyahu are incomplete in that far more people, including IOF soldiers, such as those who recently documented themselves incinerating one of Gaza’s remaining sewage treatment plants while retreating to the so-called Yellow Line buffer zone included as part of Trump’s 20-point plan, must also be indicted. Moreover, the ICC’s current indictment makes no mention of numerous instances of ecocide against the Palestinian people, which runs counter to a recent opinion of the International Court of Justice that holds, “States have an obligation to protect the environment from greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and act with due diligence and cooperation to fulfill this obligation.” The opinion further stipulates, “if States breach these obligations, they incur legal responsibility and may be required to cease the wrongful conduct, offer guarantees of non-repetition and make full reparation depending on the circumstances.” Furthermore, nation states that have their own ecocide laws must not remain silent on this issue or risk being seen as tartufferous as nations like the United States which allow the zionist ethnostate to continue committing numerous crimes against humanity and the planet alike with qualified immunity.

The zionist ethnostate must be held to account for past, current, and future damage to Palestinian lands, Palestinian public health, and violations that are even putting its own citizens at risk. Because, for all the money it will take to rebuild Gaza’s infrastructure, the amount of redress required for turning Palestinian lands and bodies into spheres of toxicity, that will likely be felt for generations, may very well be unquantifiable while also rendering the very idea of accountability obsolete. To this end, the larger initiative of Palestinian Liberation cannot be realized without tribunals that lead to prosecutions and life sentences for perpetrators of ecocide and genocide not seen on this scale since the 15th and 16th centuries.

No Compromise

No Retreat

https://blackagendareport.com/israels-p ... nocide-and
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: Palestine

Post by blindpig » Thu Oct 16, 2025 2:37 pm

Israel Threatens to Resume the Genocide
October 14, 202

UPDATE: Israel is leaning towards resuming violence as Hamas says it can’t locate or extract all of the hostages’ dead bodies, writes Joe Lauria.

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Benjamin Netanyahu reviews the U.S. peace plan for Gaza with Israeli Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer and other members of the Israeli delegation during a meeting with President Donald Trump at at the White House, Sept. 29, 2025. (White House /Daniel Torok)

Update: Israel is contemplating restarting the killing after Hamas said on Wednesday it could not return all the corpses of Israeli hostages without special equipment to locate and dig them out of the rubble that Israel created. Israel is using this hiccup in the ceasefire agreement to threaten to resume its genocide.

Though the deal “acknowledged that some bodies could be difficult to locate and may take more time to retrieve,” the NYT reports, the Israeli defense ministry issued this statement on Wednesday:

“If Hamas refuses to abide by the agreement, Israel, in coordination with the U.S., will return to fighting and work to completely defeat Hamas, change the reality in Gaza and achieve all the goals of the war.”

Donald Trump chimed in on social media: “The dead have not been returned, as promised.” With his typical bravado, showing who is in charge, he told CNN Wednesday: ““Israel will return to those streets as soon as I say the word.”

By Joe Lauria
Special to Consortium News


Speaking to the Israeli nation about the ceasefire agreement in Gaza, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said last Friday:

“Hamas agreed to the deal only when it felt the sword resting on its neck and it is still on its neck … Hamas will be disarmed and Gaza will be demilitarized … If this is achieved the easy way, so much the better. And if not, it will be achieved the hard way.”

So there’s only one way the genocide does not resume in Gaza: Hamas disarms and unconditionally surrenders to Israel and presumably, turns over all the dead hostages too.

The threat of more violence if this doesn’t happen is clear enough in Netanyahu’s words.

Other Israeli officials have promised the same.

Israel’s goal is the ethnic cleansing of Gaza and its complete takeover.

The so-called deal that Donald Trump is getting credit for seeks to achieve this. It is no peace deal.

It does not settle any of the outstanding issues of the seven-decade-old Israeli theft of Palestinian land and expulsion of hundreds of thousands of people from their homes. Or the killing of countless innocent civilians by a brutalizing Israeli military intent on defending and extending its gains.

All Trump’s deal does is hand total victory to Israel.

Hamas is to disarm and not take part in any future governing of the Strip.

The War Is Not Over

Of course Hamas is refusing to disarm at this point. And if they continue to refuse Netanyahu has spelled out what will happen. Trump can then kiss next year’s Nobel Peace Prize goodbye.

Israel would also again be condemned by most of the world as it resumes the killing and its defeat in the information war – a main reason it agreed to the ceasefire. (As well as regrouping an exhausted military to prepare for possible renewed war with Iran.)

Key to whether Hamas capitulates are other Arab states, principally the Gulf monarchies. They are pressuring Hamas to give up. They stand to get a piece of the action if Trump’s sick dream of a Gaza Riviera is realized on top of the decaying corpses of a significant part of society.

The Arab regimes are villains in this story almost as big as Israel and the United States. They have long ago resorted to lip service to the Palestinians to placate their own repressed and restless populations. Now they stand ready to cash in a bonanza because of a genocide they barely protested.

If Hamas gives up and Netanyahu gets his way — “the easy way” – there will still be a sizable population of Gazans to manage and pacify. The easiest way for the Israelis would be to put them on buses and move them out — if Netanyahu and Trump can finally find someone to take them. Perhaps they will pay the Egyptians enough. El-Sisi has his price.

If most of the Palestinians remain, they will probably wind up in shacks behind the gleaming casinos like in Batista’s Cuba. They would remain a headache for the Israelis, so it’s clear they would rather kick them out.

Under pressure from the most extreme members of his cabinet, Netanyahu’s government surviving depends on this happening, the easy way or the hard way.

The right way would be for the Palestinians to build back their own society the way they want with Israeli and U.S. reparations. And to govern themselves the way they want with the leaders they choose in a state of their own, free from the threat of renewed attempts at annihilation.

But the odds of that happening will be a lot worse than claiming the jackpot at the roulette wheel at Trump Gaza Casino.

https://consortiumnews.com/2025/10/14/g ... -hard-way/

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The Collaborator in Palestine: A Tool of Israeli Control
Posted by Internationalist 360° on October 15, 2025
Rima Najjar

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Revolutionary justice under siege

Author’s Note: This essay examines the October 14, 2025 executions in Gaza not as isolated acts of brutality, but as part of a broader historical and political grammar of resistance under siege. It unfolds in layered sections — beginning with how Western media misreads revolutionary violence, then tracing the lineage of symbolic purges across global liberation movements. It situates the executions within Gaza’s internal dynamics, Israeli intelligence strategy, and the emotional toll of betrayal and survival. The essay refuses civilizational binaries and calls for narrative restoration: not to romanticize violence, but to understand its context, its stakes, and its meaning in a landscape where legal sovereignty has been denied.

Hamas’s purge is a response to infiltration — not a descent into authoritarianism.


I. Introduction

For the uninformed — casual scrollers who consume conflict in bite-sized fragments, stripped of history, stripped of siege — and for the purveyors of Israeli PR, Western pundits, and spokespeople fluent in sanitized outrage, the executions in Gaza on October 14, 2025, were confirmation. The images of blindfolded men, hands bound, shot in the open square of Gaza City just hours after a ceasefire was declared, became proof. Proof that Hamas is savage. Lawless. Irredeemable. Another detail added to the distorted picture that paints Palestinian resistance as something sick or dangerous.

But for those who grasp the decades-long Palestinian struggle for liberation — for those who understand the atrocity of Israeli domination, the machinery of surveillance, and the ugliness of betrayal under siege — the timing and spectacle of the executions evoke something else entirely. They echo a deeper historical pattern: the revolutionary purge of informants, collaborators, and internal threats.

In Gaza, where resistance is denied the tools of statehood, the square becomes a stage. These executions weren’t just about punishing betrayal. They were a declaration, a sharp, visible break that said: we will not be controlled from the inside.

But even among the faithful, a tremor lingers: Who decides guilt when the walls are closing in? What line separates justice from desperation when the square becomes both tribunal and theater?

II. Revolutionary Justice and the Spectacle of Betrayal

Throughout history, revolutionary movements have used symbolic violence to send a clear message: they are breaking from the past and claiming control over their future. These acts, designed to reclaim narrative control and enforce revolutionary discipline, often happen in public and are meant to show strength, unity, and the seriousness of betrayal.

In these moments, the collaborator is no longer seen as just an individual. They become a symbol of internal fracture, a proxy for outside influence, and a warning to others who might consider turning against their own people.

In the streets of Paris during the French Revolution, the guillotine was not just an instrument of death — it was a stage. The Committee of Public Safety, led by Robespierre, executed thousands of suspected royalist sympathizers, many without trial. Each execution was a performance: a declaration that the Republic would tolerate no ambiguity, no softness, no compromise.

In post-war France, women accused of “horizontal collaboration” — having relationships with German soldiers — were dragged into town squares, their heads shaved in public humiliation rituals. These acts were not about military threat; they were about moral cleansing, about reclaiming the purity of resistance after years of occupation.

In northern Italy, partisan fighters hunted down fascist informants after Mussolini’s fall. Bodies were strung from lampposts with signs reading “traitor,” left to sway in the wind as warnings. These executions were swift, often without trial, and deeply personal.

In Vietnam, the Viet Cong assassinated South Vietnamese civilians who aided U.S. forces — notes pinned to their corpses reading: “He betrayed the people.” These killings were strategic, designed to instill fear and enforce loyalty in contested villages.

In Algeria, after independence from France, the FLN turned its fury on the Harkis — Algerians who had fought alongside French colonial forces. Many were executed in retributive waves, their bodies dumped in ravines or left in public squares. For the FLN, the Harki represented the deepest betrayal: not just of the revolution, but of Algerian dignity itself.

In Ireland, during the War of Independence (1919–1921), the Irish Republican Army executed dozens of civilians accused of informing for the British. Some were shot in barns or fields, others left with notes reading “Spies beware.” These killings were not random — they were tactical, aimed at protecting the movement from infiltration. But they also fractured communities, sowing fear and suspicion in villages already torn by colonial violence.

Gaza’s executions belong to this lineage. They are not aberrations — they are part of a historical grammar of resistance, forged under siege. Whether we recoil or resonate depends on how we read them: not as isolated acts of cruelty, but as responses to a long, bitter sentence written by occupation, infiltration, and the refusal to forget.

To understand them is to confront the conditions that produce them — and to ask what sovereignty looks like when the courtroom is denied, and the collaborator walks among the ruins.

III. The Palestinian Context: Collaboration Under Siege

In Palestine, Israeli intelligence agencies — especially the Shin Bet — don’t wait for collaborators to emerge. They build them. At Erez Crossing, agents routinely stop Palestinians seeking medical permits and offer a choice: cooperate or be denied treatment.

In one documented case, a father from Khan Younis was told his child’s cancer treatment in Tel Aviv would be approved only if he provided names of resistance fighters.

In another, a teenager caught with a minor drug offense was threatened with prison unless he agreed to report on his neighbors. Shin Bet officers use private photos, intercepted messages, and family vulnerabilities to pressure targets into compliance.

They blackmail women with threats of public exposure, promise jobs to unemployed youth, and exploit the desperation of those living under blockade, siege, and occupation.

These tactics don’t just extract information — they fracture communities. They turn ordinary people into informants. Collaborators feed Israel’s surveillance network with coordinates, names, and routines, guiding drones, arrest raids, and assassinations. For example, in 2023, a collaborator reportedly revealed the location of commander Ali Ghali, enabling his assassination by Israeli airstrike. They represent a wound that must be cauterized before it spreads.

During the First Intifada (1987–1993), the streets of Gaza and the West Bank bore witness to a grim reckoning. As popular resistance surged, so did the paranoia of infiltration. Militants and community members executed dozens of suspected informants — some dragged from their homes, others found dead in alleyways with signs reading “ʿamīl” (collaborator) pinned to their chests. These killings were not random. They were responses to real betrayals: the arrest by Israel of a cell leader, the bombing of a safe house, the disappearance of a child. But they were also performative — acts of revolutionary justice meant to restore dignity and enforce loyalty in a society under siege.

After the Second Intifada and the rise of Hamas in Gaza, the pattern hardened. For example, in 2012, during Israel’s so-called Operation Pillar of Defense, six Palestinian men accused of aiding Israeli targeting of Palestinian fighters were shot in broad daylight, one dragged behind a motorcycle through Gaza City’s streets. The message was clear: betrayal will not be tolerated, and resistance will be protected — even at the cost of blood.

The Shin Bet’s recruitment tactics are surgical, designed to fracture communities and turn survival into complicity. But within Palestinian society, the consequences are communal and devastating. Families of accused collaborators are ostracized, homes are burned, names are erased. The collaborator becomes a ghost — feared, hated, and mourned.

IV. Gaza 2025: Tribal Strategy and Preemptive Purge

In Gaza, Israel’s attempt to cultivate internal division during the early months of the 2025 war took a tribal turn. Unlike the West Bank’s long-standing model of individualized or PA collaboration — managed through covert recruitment and security coordination — Israel pursued a more public and tribalized strategy.

Netanyahu confirmed in June 2025 that his government had armed and activated clans in Gaza opposed to Hamas, stating in a video message, “What’s wrong with that? It’s only good. It saves the lives of IDF soldiers.” The move, long rumored and later leaked by opposition figure Avigdor Lieberman, was framed as a tactical necessity — an effort to undermine Hamas from within without deploying more Israeli troops into densely populated areas.

These clans, often family-based networks with longstanding rivalries or grievances against Hamas, were reportedly supplied with weapons and logistical support. Critics, including former defense officials, warned that some of these groups had criminal ties or ideological leanings that could spiral out of control. Lieberman likened one armed faction to ISIS, calling the strategy “total madness.”

The policy echoes past counterinsurgency models — most notably the U.S. arming of tribal militias in Iraq during the 2007 surge — but in Gaza, it risked deepening internal fragmentation. By outsourcing violence to local actors, Israel not only inflames intra-Palestinian tensions but also complicates future efforts at reconciliation and governance. The result is a battlefield blurred by proxy warfare, where the line between collaborator, criminal, and resistance fighter grows ever more unstable.

But the strategy largely failed. Tribal loyalty in Gaza — shaped by communal survival, resistance identity, and generational memory — proved resistant to external manipulation. Despite Israeli efforts to arm rival factions, including the Doghmush clan and Yasser Abu Shabab’s militia in Rafah, the result was not a decisive fragmentation of Hamas’s authority but a surge in intra-Palestinian violence and public backlash.

The Doghmush clan, long known for its armed operations and smuggling networks, clashed with Hamas forces on October 12 in Gaza City’s Sabra and Tel al-Hawa neighborhoods, leaving 27 dead, including eight Hamas members. Meanwhile, Abu Shabab, a former Hamas prisoner and leader of the “Popular Forces” militia, reportedly received Israeli arms and logistical support, including protection and promises of political leverage. His group seized aid convoys and accused Hamas of looting supplies, but failed to gain widespread legitimacy. These Israeli-backed interventions exposed not only the fragility of Gaza’s post-war landscape but also Israel’s desperation to engineer internal collapse — a tactic that, rather than splintering resistance, reinforced the perception of external orchestration and deepened communal suspicion.

This tension — between revolutionary discipline and authoritarian drift — is not new, but in Gaza it is sharpened by siege. When legal institutions are absent, and the threat of infiltration is constant, movements often default to visible, irreversible acts of control. The executions on October 14 were not just about punishing betrayal; they were about restoring order in a moment of perceived vulnerability. Just hours earlier, Hamas had agreed to a U.S.-brokered ceasefire with Israel, marking the end of a two-year war that left tens of thousands dead. The timing of the executions — immediately after the ceasefire — suggests a calculated effort to reassert dominance before rival factions, foreign mediators, or internal dissent could gain traction.

According to verified footage and multiple reports, seven blindfolded men were shot in Gaza City’s Sabra neighborhood, accused of collaborating with Israeli intelligence. Hamas described them as “criminals and collaborators,” though no formal evidence or trial proceedings were disclosed. The executions were carried out in front of gathered crowds, with militants filming the act and onlookers cheering — a spectacle that served both as punishment and deterrent.

This public staging reflects a broader pattern in resistance movements under siege: when the courtroom is denied, the square becomes the site of judgment. But the cost is steep. Families of the executed face social ostracization, and communities are left to navigate the trauma of internal purges. In the case of Abu Shabab, whose militia reportedly received Israeli support, his execution was followed by his family’s refusal to claim his body — a gesture of disavowal meant to shield themselves from collective punishment, but also a sign of how deeply collaboration fractures communal bonds.

In Gaza, where every act of resistance is shadowed by surveillance, betrayal is not just a tactical threat, it is an existential one. And yet, the methods used to confront it risk replicating the very structures of domination they oppose. Without transparency, accountability, or recourse, revolutionary justice can become indistinguishable from authoritarian control. The challenge for Hamas — and for any movement under siege — is to protect the struggle without hollowing its moral core.

V. Ambivalence, Judgment, and the Fear Within

Not all critiques of Gaza’s executions come from a place of erasure. Some emerge from solidarity — deep, principled, and uneasy. They ask: what happens when resistance, denied legal sovereignty, begins to mirror the very systems it fights? What happens when the square becomes a site not only of rupture, but of fear?

The concern is real. Public executions, however rare, risk becoming instruments of internal terror rather than revolutionary discipline. When Hamas executes alleged collaborators without transparent trials, some Gazans see not sovereignty but authoritarianism. They remember post-war France, where purges of Nazi collaborators devolved into vendettas, and where figures like Sartre and Camus called for restraint — not because betrayal wasn’t real, but because justice without process becomes indistinguishable from revenge.

In Gaza, the stakes are different. The collaborator is not a theoretical figure. He enables drone strikes, assassinations, and the collapse of resistance cells. But the absence of judicial infrastructure does not absolve the need for accountability. When resistance movements centralize punishment without transparency, they risk collapsing the distinction between revolutionary clarity and unchecked power.

The fear is not just of Israel — it is of being ruled from within, again. In the West Bank, that fear takes the form of security coordination: Palestinian Authority forces arresting fellow Palestinians on behalf of Israeli intelligence, suppressing dissent, and policing resistance. In Gaza, it emerges through Hamas’s internal purges, where accusations of collaboration can lead to execution without trial.

In both territories, Palestinians confront not only the violence of occupation, but the risk that their own leadership — fragmented, embattled, and often unaccountable — might replicate the very control they resist. The struggle for liberation demands not just freedom from Israel, but freedom from fear — whether imposed by an occupier or enforced by those who claim to govern in its shadow.

Some critics ask whether Hamas fighters face the same hunger as civilians. Whether the executions protect the people, or discipline them. Whether the message is sovereignty — or submission. These questions matter. They do not negate the logic of rupture, but they demand that rupture be examined. That symbolic violence not become routine. That resistance not become indistinguishable from domination.

To stand with Palestine is not to silence these questions. It is to insist that #FreePalestine must mean freedom from all forms of fear — external and internal. It is to demand a future where justice is not improvised, but built. Sovereignty shouldn’t exist only in public displays like executions — it should shape the everyday systems that people live under. True liberation means building structures that protect people’s rights, not just punishing betrayal. It means allowing space for disagreement, for mourning, and for criticism — without fear.

Debate and dissent shouldn’t be silenced. They are part of what keeps the struggle honest, accountable, and alive. But at this critical juncture — when images of executions are already being weaponized to erase context and flatten resistance — it is more urgent to situate than to debate. To name the conditions that produced these acts before rushing to condemn them in isolation. This is not a call for silence. It is a call for precision. Palestinians have been silenced long enough — by occupiers, by media, by the language of civility that demands calm while bombs fall. Refusing that silencing means refusing to let others define the terms of judgment. It means insisting that clarity comes first.

It means not to be like Israel with its administrative detentions, secret files, and indefinite imprisonment without trial. It means refusing the logic that says security justifies opacity. Liberation must not mimic occupation’s architecture of control. To build a future worth defending, resistance must be accountable to the people it claims to protect. That means due process, even under siege. It means restraint without erasure, and discipline without fear. It means crafting justice that does not rely on spectacle, but on structure — not just rupture, but repair.

VI. Conclusion: What the Executions Reveal

To speak of collaborators in Palestine without context is to participate in erasure. It is to flatten a struggle shaped by siege, surveillance, and the slow violence of colonial fragmentation. The executions in Gaza — filmed, circulated, condemned — have already been absorbed into the machinery of Western moral shorthand. “Terror,” “barbarism,” “lawlessness” — these are the terms deployed by pundits and diplomats who refuse to name the occupation, let alone its architecture of coercion. But polemic demands clarity. Restoration demands specificity. And both begin with refusal: refusal to let the narrative be written by those who bomb, surveil, and blackmail.

The executions in Gaza were not aberrations. They were revelations. They exposed the fault lines of Palestinian society under siege, the brutal calculus of survival, and the desperate assertion of sovereignty in a landscape where sovereignty has been denied. To read them as mere brutality is to misread the entire architecture of occupation. To recoil without context is to participate in the flattening of Palestinian resistance — a resistance shaped not only by bombs and borders, but by betrayal, infiltration, and the refusal to be ruled from within.

The collaborator in Palestine is not a static villain. He is a manufactured figure, shaped by Israeli intelligence strategy and sustained by the conditions of blockade. Medical coercion, sexual blackmail, and threats against family members are not exceptions — they are documented tactics. A teenager caught with a phone, a woman seeking a permit, a father at Erez Crossing — these are the sites of recruitment, where survival becomes leverage. His betrayal is real, but so is the system that engineers it. To condemn the execution without naming the system that produces collaborators is to perform outrage without analysis — to moralize while ignoring the mechanics of entrapment.

These executions reveal symbolic violence as a language of rupture, a way to reclaim narrative control when legal systems are fragmented and justice is denied. They reveal the emotional toll of resistance: the grief of families, the fear of communities, the trauma of living in a world where survival can be weaponized. But most of all, they reveal the stakes of clarity. That to understand Gaza’s executions is to understand the full sentence — not just the final act, but the decades of surveillance, fragmentation, and betrayal that precede it. It is to refuse the civilizational binary that casts Palestinian resistance as pathology and Israeli control as order. It is to restore the narrative, to name the conditions, and to stand with those who resist — not just with arms, but with memory, with clarity, and with refusal.

Restoration begins by restoring the full sentence. Not just the moment of execution, but the assassinated commanders, the families shattered by suspicion, the legal vacuum that leaves resistance movements to improvise justice under siege. It means naming the Shin Bet’s operational playbook, the Palestinian Authority’s complicity through security coordination, and the fragmentation of Palestinian legal sovereignty. It means recognizing that revolutionary movements under occupation — from Algeria to Vietnam — have historically responded to betrayal with symbolic violence, especially when formal justice is denied.

But restoration also demands emotional clarity. It means acknowledging the grief of those whose sons were executed, the fear of not knowing who to trust, and the trauma of living under constant surveillance. It means refusing to romanticize purges, while also refusing to reduce them to pathology. It means holding space for contradiction: that symbolic violence can be both necessary and devastating, both sovereign and scarring.

To restore the narrative is to insist on pluralism. To name the factions involved, the histories erased, the coalitions misrepresented. It means rejecting shorthand — “Hamas,” “terrorist,” “militant” — and instead naming the ideological, historical, and emotional terrain in which these acts unfold. It means recognizing that the executions were not just about punishment. They were about sovereignty. About rupture. About refusing to let the collaborator remain a conduit of colonial control.

This is not a call to romanticize violence. It is a call to understand it. To read it as part of a grammar of liberation written under siege. To recognize that revolutionary movements, when denied sovereignty, will assert it in the square, in the spectacle, in the rupture. And to ask not whether we approve — but whether we are willing to confront the conditions that make such acts necessary.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2025/10/ ... i-control/

Erasing Reality: The Optics of Trump’s “Peace” Plan
Posted by Internationalist 360° on October 14, 2025
Rima Najjar

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Not the end of war. Not the beginning of peace. Only the deepening of control.

Obscuring the machinery of mass incarceration and subjugation under occupation


Introduction: Fractured Optics and the Need for Clarity

The ceasefire and prisoner exchange have burst onto our screens in a confusing array of images and clashing narrative frames, with commentators interpreting events differently depending on their geographic and political vantage points.

This essay analyzes the visual and rhetorical strategies surrounding the October 2025 prisoner exchange between Palestinian resistance factions and Israel, Donald Trump’s speech to the Israeli Knesset, and the summit in Sharm al-Shaikh. It exposes how optics are weaponized to invert reality — casting colonizers as peacemakers and resistance as terror — while suppressing Palestinian suffering, agency, and return. Through detailed critique of terminology, media choreography, and civilizational framing, the essay argues that these narratives enable impunity, obscure structural violence, and foreclose justice. It calls for dismantling not through counter-spectacle, but through restoration of what rightfully belongs to Palestinians.

Optics as Strategy: What Is Shown and What Is Suppressed

In politics, optics are not incidental — they are strategic. They shape public perception, frame moral legitimacy, and obscure the mechanisms of power. The October 2025 prisoner exchange between Palestinian resistance factions and the Israeli state, followed by the public ovations for Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu in the Knesset and by Sharm al Sheikh’s summit posturing, offers a case study in how optics are deployed to convey “resolution” while concealing its reality as a threshold that names impunity, reframes resistance, and cracks the silence.

Terminology as Inversion: Hostages vs. Prisoners

The very terminology used to describe the exchange of captives on October 13 is itself an inversion of reality. Media and political leaders consistently refer to Israelis held in Gaza as “hostages,” while Palestinians released from Israeli jails are labeled “prisoners.” This framing creates a false moral distinction: one side is imagined as innocent civilians unjustly seized, while the other is cast as convicted criminals whose detention is presumed legitimate. In fact, both groups are people deprived of their liberty within the context of a violent conflict and an entrenched system of domination.

It is crucial to note that many of those described as “hostages” were not neutral civilians but members of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) or otherwise engaged in military operations that form part of Israel’s ongoing aggression against Palestinians. This distinction matters not only for understanding the nature of the exchange, but for interrogating the broader structure of complicity within what is often described as Israel’s “democracy.”

In Israel, military service is compulsory for Jewish citizens, with most serving in the IDF at age 18. This means that the majority of Israeli Jews are not merely passive observers of state violence — they are direct participants in its enforcement. Whether stationed at checkpoints, operating surveillance systems, or engaging in combat operations, conscripts are embedded in the machinery of occupation. Their service is not neutral; it is structurally tied to the containment, displacement, and erasure of Palestinians.

Complicity extends beyond the battlefield. In a system where governments are elected and policies are publicly debated, voting becomes a mechanism of endorsement. Successive Israeli governments — whether led by Netanyahu or his political rivals — have upheld Zionist frameworks that prioritize Jewish sovereignty over Palestinian rights. These governments have expanded settlements, maintained the blockade on Gaza, and legislated apartheid-like conditions through laws such as the Nation-State Law of 2018. The electorate’s consistent support for such policies reflects a societal consensus that accepts, and often demands, Palestinian dispossession as the price of national security and identity.

This is not to say that every Israeli Jew is ideologically aligned with these policies. There are dissenters, activists, and organizations that challenge the status quo. But structurally, the system is designed to absorb dissent without altering its foundational logic. The result is a democracy that functions for one population while systematically disenfranchising another. Palestinians under occupation cannot vote in the elections that determine their fate. Their lives are shaped by a government they did not choose, enforced by soldiers they did not summon, and narrated by media they cannot access.

To understand the prisoner exchange, then, is to understand that the captives described as “hostages” are often agents of a system that imprisons, surveils, and kills. Their capture is not an aberration — it is a consequence. And the society that mourns them while ignoring the suffering of those they helped subjugate is not innocent. It is implicated.

Their capture occurred in the context of armed confrontation, not random abduction. On the other side, many of the Palestinians released were minors, political detainees, or individuals held under “administrative detention” without charge or trial — conditions that international human rights organizations have long condemned as violations of international law.

When we strip away the rhetorical asymmetry, what occurred was not “hostages for prisoners” but an exchange of prisoners. Both sides were holding captives, and both agreed to release them under coercive circumstances. To call only one side’s captives “hostages” masks the structural imbalance of power and legitimizes Israel’s vast carceral system as ordinary governance rather than a tool of colonial control. By narrating the exchange as unilateral victory, the discourse erases the fact that Israel, as the occupying power, maintains tens of thousands of Palestinians in its prisons and detention centers, while Palestinians in Gaza held a far smaller number of Israelis, many of them combatants, in response to ongoing siege and military assault.

In this way, the terminology itself — “hostages” versus “prisoners” — functions as a discursive weapon. It obscures the reality of mass incarceration and subjugation under occupation, while elevating Israeli captives as the sole moral reference point. The effect is to mask asymmetry as parity, and then to narrate the outcome as if it were Israel’s earned triumph rather than a reciprocal exchange forced by the balance of coercion.

The Architecture of Incarceration

Since 1967, Israel has arrested over one million Palestinians — an average of 47 per day for nearly six decades. Yet the prison population rarely exceeds 6,000 at any given time, revealing a system not built for containment, but for circulation: a revolving door of trauma, fragmentation, and control. As of May 2025, over 10,000 Palestinians were held in Israeli prisons, with only 1,455 sentenced. The rest — over 6,700 — languished in legal limbo: awaiting trial or held under administrative detention without charge.

Suppressing the Optics of Survival: Israeli Captives and Media Control

Unlike previous exchanges — most notably the 2011 Gilad Shalit deal — Netanyahu’s government actively restricted how the released Israeli captives were received. Officials limited media coverage, discouraged public gatherings, and instructed families to avoid spectacle. While the government cited medical and psychological concerns as justification, the timing and contrast reveal a deeper motive: to suppress the impact of the visual evidence that Israeli captives had survived Palestinian captivity.

This restraint stands in stark contrast to the optics emerging from Gaza just before the release. On October 13, Al Qassam Brigades released a video clip showing one of the Israeli captives standing beside a masked fighter, calmly communicating with his family via mobile phone. The footage, filmed from behind the family as they held the device, captured the captive’s face on screen alongside the Al Qassam member — composed, unrestrained, and clearly under the group’s protection. The message was unmistakable: Al Qassam was in control, not only of the captive’s safety but of the narrative. The scene conveyed discipline, operational coherence, and a level of restraint that directly contradicted the dominant portrayal of Palestinian fighters as indiscriminately violent.

To show survival in this way would be to admit that Palestinian factions exercised care, that they distinguished between combat and cruelty, and that they upheld a code of conduct even under siege. It would also mean acknowledging the astonishing resilience and military craftsmanship required to keep captives alive amid relentless bombardment, infrastructural collapse, and siege conditions. Such images destabilize the carefully curated binary of victim and aggressor. They expose the moral incoherence of a state that claims self-defense while denying the humanity of those it imprisons, bombs, and besieges.

By suppressing these optics, the Israeli government preserved a narrative architecture in which Palestinian resistance is always terror, and Israeli suffering is always sanctified. Survival, in this context, is not just a biological fact — it is a political threat. It reveals the possibility of reciprocity, of restraint, of shared humanity. And that possibility must be buried, lest it disrupt the machinery of justification that sustains occupation and war.

Erasure of Palestinian Return

In contrast to the tightly choreographed reception of Israeli captives, the return of Palestinian prisoners — many held for decades under administrative detention — was met with minimal coverage in Israeli media. Their names, faces, and stories were largely omitted. No televised reunions, no interviews, no national reflection. This erasure is consistent with Israel’s broader carceral strategy, which seeks not only to imprison but to decontextualize and dehumanize. The optics of Palestinian return are suppressed because they challenge the framing of prisoners as threats rather than political subjects.

Yet the numbers and scenes defy invisibility. On October 13, Israel released 1,968 Palestinians under the ceasefire agreement, including 96 political prisoners and over 1,700 detainees taken from Gaza and the West Bank during the war. Among those released were:

• Mohammed Abu Khdeir, a youth activist from Jerusalem detained without trial since 2021.
• Alaa al-Din al-Husseini, a community organizer from Khan Younis held under administrative detention for over seven years.
• Samira Abu Jaber, one of the few women released, imprisoned since 2018 for organizing protests in Nablus.
• Yousef al-Khatib, a former student leader from Birzeit University, held since 2020 for alleged incitement on social media.

In Beitunia, West Bank, and Khan Younis, Gaza, thousands gathered to welcome them. Crowds erupted in cheers as buses arrived, many waving flags and flashing V-for-victory signs. In Beitunia, released prisoners were wrapped in keffiyehs — symbols of resistance and pride — and lifted onto shoulders. In Khan Younis, buses parked outside Nasser Hospital became sites of reunion, with families pressing against windows to glimpse those inside. One viral clip showed a released prisoner dancing outside the hospital, surrounded by cheering relatives.

Palestinian media documented these moments with clarity and reverence. Footage showed prisoners embracing relatives, stepping off buses with tears and raised fists, and being welcomed by crowds that had waited for hours. In Ramallah, families held photos of loved ones and chanted their names. These scenes conveyed not just joy, but endurance — proof that even amid siege and fragmentation, memory and solidarity persist.

And yet, these optics rarely penetrate international coverage. Western outlets focused on the release of Israeli captives, often relegating Palestinian return to a footnote. The imbalance is not accidental. It reflects a media architecture that privileges Israeli grief and suppresses Palestinian resilience. To show the return of prisoners is to acknowledge their humanity, their suffering, and their political significance. It is to admit that the carceral system is not neutral, but ideological. And that admission remains too inconvenient for the dominant narrative.

The Knesset Ovation: Applause for Delay

The most jarring optic came when Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu received standing ovations for “ending the war” during Trump’s speech to the Israeli Knesset on October 13, 2025. The chamber erupted as Trump declared, “This is not only the end of a war, this is the end of an age of terror and death and the beginning of the age of faith and hope and of God.” Netanyahu, flanked by coalition members and opposition figures alike, was praised as “one of the great wartime presidents” and urged to be pardoned for corruption charges — “Who cares about cigars and champagne?” Trump quipped, collapsing accountability into wartime valor.

The image and words conveyed resolution, leadership, and closure to Israelis. But they concealed the chronology: that the war could have ended in 2023, when the same exchange terms — release of Israeli captives in Gaza in return for Palestinian prisoners and detainees — were first proposed by resistance factions. That the Israeli government refused to negotiate, prolonging the war for two years. That the applause was not for peace, but for delayed concession.

By October 13, 2025, the cost of delay was staggering. Over 36,000 Palestinians had been killed, tens of thousands displaced, and Gaza’s infrastructure reduced to rubble. The final exchange involved 20 surviving Israeli captives and nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners and detainees, including 250 held on security charges and 1,700 detained without trial. Yet the Knesset audience applauded as if the outcome were a triumph of diplomacy rather than a coerced resolution to a war that could have ended before it began.

The ovation reframed tactical retreat as strategic brilliance. It hallowed Israeli grief while omitting Palestinian suffering. It celebrated the return of Israeli captives — “to the glorious embrace of their families,” as Trump put it — while ignoring the fact that their survival was made possible by the very factions excluded from the summit and vilified in the speech. The applause did not mark the end of war. It marked the successful rebranding of delay, devastation, and asymmetry as statesmanship.

Trump’s Knesset Speech: Inversion as Doctrine

If the Knesset ovation was the theatrical apex of civilizational self-congratulation, Trump’s speech functioned as its doctrinal codification.

The address sanctifies Israeli grief, with Trump describing so-called “hostages” coming home to the “glorious embrace of their families” and the burial of others in “this sacred soil for all of time.” In this framing, Israel’s pain is positioned as morally redemptive, while Palestinians appear, at most, as a logistical backdrop to the exchange. Palestinian suffering that precedes and exceeds the exchange of prisoners is not denied outright; it is reclassified as logistical detail, stripped of ethical weight and political urgency.

Trump’s call for President Herzog to pardon Prime Minister Netanyahu refers to Netanyahu’s ongoing corruption trial, which includes charges of fraud, breach of trust, and bribery. Specifically, Netanyahu and his wife Sara are accused of accepting over $260,000 worth of luxury gifts, including cigars, champagne, and jewelry, from wealthy businessmen in exchange for political favors and regulatory benefits.

By dismissing these allegations as trivial — “Who cares about cigars and champagne?” — Trump reframes corruption as inconsequential in the context of wartime leadership. His comment implies that Netanyahu’s role in the war and the prisoner exchange overshadows the need for legal accountability, suggesting that wartime valor should absolve peacetime misconduct.

This rhetorical indulgence stands in stark contrast to Trump’s remarks about the Palestinian Authority, which he described as “corrupt, broken, and incapable of peace” during his Knesset address. The juxtaposition is telling: Netanyahu’s corruption is forgiven as patriotic excess, while the PA’s dysfunction is weaponized to delegitimize Palestinian governance altogether. One is excused, the other condemned.

Trump reframes reciprocity as generosity. In his speech, he presents the exchange of hostages and prisoners — negotiated under coercion and shaped by deep asymmetry — as a benevolent act by Israel. He ignores the fact that both sides held captives and both made concessions. Instead, he casts Israel’s participation as moral magnanimity, erasing the reality of mutual leverage and structural imbalance.

By doing so, Trump turns a forced compromise into a triumph of virtue, Western civilizational virtue, softening the truth of mass incarceration, siege, and demographic control. His rhetoric transforms domination into goodwill, and in doing so, conceals the violence that made the exchange necessary in the first place.

Trump’s address does not merely mislabel resistance as terror; It reshapes how resistance is morally understood — turning struggle into threat, and justice into disorder. By treating the outcome as a moral victory, it normalizes Israel’s systems of control — borders, permits, prisons, surveillance — as ordinary governance rather than colonial instruments.

Finally, Trump’s implicit “build on your win” logic signals continuity. It is not a call for closure but for entrenchment. Leverage the moment, the speech suggests, to harden territorial, legal, and political gains. The exchange becomes a springboard — not for reconciliation or parity — but for further consolidation. Any pathway to equality is subordinated to the imperative of securing the dominant position. In this schema, peace is not mutual recognition — it is the pacification of the colonized.

Sharm al-Sheikh: The Summit as Spectacle and Strategic Erasure

The Sharm al-Sheikh summit on October 13, 2025 was carefully choreographed to project closure and control. Co-chaired by Donald Trump and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and attended by leaders from 27 countries, the event was staged as a moment of unity and triumph. The stage design, seating arrangements, and ceremonial gestures reinforced the image of Western and regional powers delivering peace to a grateful region. Trump stood at the center, flanked by allies, receiving Egypt’s highest honor and declaring the ceasefire “a sacred day” and “the answer to the prayers of millions.” His speech described the moment as “a new beginning for an entire, beautiful Middle East,” casting the outcome not as a compromise shaped by resistance and mediation, but as a historic achievement led by those who had shaped — and prolonged — the war.

Trump’s speech presented the ceasefire as a moral victory led by Western and regional powers. He used phrases like “sacred day” and “answer to the prayers of millions” to portray the outcome as a moment of divine and civilizational achievement. This framing gave credit to the states that brokered the deal while ignoring the role of Palestinian resistance and the conditions that forced the exchange. It reinforced the authority of those who shaped the war’s trajectory and excluded those most affected by it.

Trump deliberately failed to recognize the role of Hamas, which led the negotiations and held the majority of Israeli captives, or the involvement of other factions such as Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).

We saw them arrive. The negotiators — Hamas officials, flanked by Egyptian intermediaries — entered Cairo under tight security, carrying the weight of a war they did not start but were forced to end. Their presence was real, documented, and deliberate. Yet at Sharm al-Sheikh, they were nowhere. Not named, not acknowledged, not invited. The very actors who preserved life under siege, who forced the exchange, who negotiated under bombardment — were erased from the summit’s choreography. Their absence signaled that survival under siege, strategic negotiation, and political coherence remain inadmissible in the dominant frame.

Instead, Trump praised Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey for their mediation, cast Israel as resilient and restrained, and urged further regional normalization through the Abraham Accords. His language was sweeping — “a new beginning,” “a tremendous day for the world” — but the omissions were sharper than the declarations.

The attending states played supporting roles in this choreography. Egypt and Qatar, while instrumental in brokering the ceasefire, were framed as facilitators of Trump’s vision, not as advocates for Palestinian sovereignty. Turkey’s presence signaled pragmatic alignment, not ideological solidarity. Gulf states used the summit to reaffirm their commitment to regional stability, signaling that economic reconstruction and diplomatic normalization would proceed without confronting Israeli impunity. Their participation endorsed a post-war order in which containment replaces liberation, and visibility substitutes for accountability.

Netanyahu’s absence was not incidental — it was strategic. Facing domestic backlash and ongoing corruption trials, his non-attendance allowed Trump to speak on Israel’s behalf without the burden of political baggage.

Ignoring Netanyahu’s indictment as a war criminal by the ICC, the summit enabled a cleaner narrative: Israel as dignified, wounded, and magnanimous, rather than embattled, divided, and culpable. By omitting Netanyahu, the summit avoided the optics of scandal, dissent, and butchery, allowing Trump to universalize Israeli interests without friction.

In sum, Sharm al-Sheikh was not a site of reconciliation — it was a mechanism of narrative consolidation. It allowed Trump to sanctify his role, regional states to signal alignment, Israel to retain moral authority, and Palestinian resistance to be erased. The summit did not end Israel’s rapaciousness — it rebranded its architecture.

Conclusion: The Day After for Palestine; for Israel Beyond Optics

Together, these optics form more than a media spectacle — they constitute a narrative infrastructure. They determine who is seen, who is heard, and who is erased. They allow states to claim moral high ground while suppressing inconvenient truths.

For Palestine, the day after as planned by the US and Israel is a continuation of siege, displacement, and juridical erasure. The framing of Trump’s speech forecloses the possibility of redress by rendering Palestinian suffering as either incidental or deserved. It strips resistance of its political logic, recasting it instead as a symptom of dysfunction or deviance. The colonized are not just silenced — they are re-scripted as threats to peace, obstacles to progress, and relics of a past that must be overcome.

For Israel, the day after is a moment of consolidation beyond optics. Trump’s speech does not merely celebrate a tactical exchange — it elevates Israel’s trajectory into a sacred civilizational narrative. It licenses further entrenchment: territorial expansion, juridical impunity, and the normalization of apartheid governance. Rather than hiding power, the optics put it to work. They convert narrative into structural power, enabling Israel to operate without accountability while presenting itself as victim, savior, and civilizational model.

Rest assured Palestinians will continue to demand the restoration of what rightfully belongs to them as witnessed by history. This is a struggle rooted not in optics but in enduring claims: land, dignity, political agency, and the right to narrate one’s own past and future. It resists containment within the dominant frame and refuses erasure through rhetorical choreography.

Restoration, in this context, is not metaphor — it is material, legal, and historical. It is the insistence that justice lies not in performance, but in the return of what Israel, the colonizer and occupier, took.

https://libya360.wordpress.com/2025/10/ ... eace-plan/

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Families of Israeli captives’ demand Tel Aviv halt ceasefire deal

As Trump threatens to ‘order’ Israeli forces to resume the war, Tel Aviv and the captives’ families accuse Hamas of violating the agreement by delaying the release of deceased Israelis

News Desk

OCT 16, 2025

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(Photo credit: NYT)

The families of Israeli captives demanded on 16 October that Israel halt the Gaza ceasefire deal until the bodies of 19 captives are returned from the strip, a day after US President Donald Trump threatened to greenlight a new assault on the strip.

“At a time that Hamas is violating the agreements and still holding 19 hostages, there is no room for Israel to advance unilateral steps. Any diplomatic or military action that does not ensure their return is an abandonment of Israel’s civilians,” the Hostages and Missing Families Forum said in a statement.

Members of the forum have made a similar request to Israeli army Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir. The families had spent two years demanding an agreement to return the living captives.

The statement by the captives’ families coincided with continued Israeli ceasefire violations. One Palestinian was killed by a drone strike in southern Gaza’s Khan Yunis on Thursday.

A day earlier, Trump threatened to order Israeli forces to re-enter parts of Gaza they withdrew from and resume the war, accusing Hamas of failing to comply with the ceasefire agreement.

“What’s going on with Hamas – that’ll be straightened out quickly,” Trump told CNN in a telephone interview.

The president threatened to order Israeli forces to “return to Gaza’s streets” if Hamas does not fully comply with his ceasefire plan, warning that “Israel will return to those streets as soon as I say the word.”

He added that “if Israel could,” it would “go in and knock the crap out of them,” stressing that he “had to hold them back.”

Israeli officials, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz, have also threatened to resume the war several times since the deal was reached.

Katz has ordered the army to prepare a plan to “crush” Hamas.

Hamas has fully abided by the agreement, releasing all 20 living captives in exchange for nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners.

Israel has accused the resistance group of obstructing the deal by not returning all the dead captives.

The Red Cross has warned, however, that finding all the bodies of the deceased captives would be extremely difficult due to massive amounts of rubble from Israeli strikes. It also said some of the captives may never be found.

Hamas handed over nine bodies this week in exchange for scores of Palestinian bodies that bore signs of execution and arrived in Khan Yunis with their legs and hands cuffed. Nineteen deceased captives remain in the strip.

"The resistance has abided by the terms of the agreement. We have handed over all the living prisoners in our custody, as well as the bodies we were able to retrieve. As for the remaining bodies, locating and extracting them requires extensive efforts and special equipment. We are exerting great efforts to close this file,” Hamas’s military wing, the Qassam Brigades, said in a statement on Wednesday.

https://thecradle.co/articles/families- ... efire-deal

The 'Holocaust Card' is soo bankrupt...
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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