The Long Ecological Revolution

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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Tue Jul 01, 2025 2:07 pm

The Dark Side of Ecotourism: When Green Travel Exploits People and the Planet
Posted on June 28, 2025 by Yves Smith

Yves here. This piece provides an in-depth look at ecotourism, with emphasis on the fact that despite its lofty promises, it often does more harm than good. There’s also a class warfare implication: the very high end treks are the ones which are in a position to do minimal damage and produce a net environmental positive. However, articles like this to do not seem to factor in carbon emission effects of high end (as in front of the bus or private class flier) getting to and from remote locations.


And it’s not just that ecotourism is regularly environmentally extractive, despite pretending the reverse. These schemes are routinely economically extractive, in a developing economy analogue to China’s, and now Russia’s and India’s so-called “zero dollar tours,” where travel packages to Southeast Asia are structured so as to maximize benefits to China and minimize benefits to the host country.

This article does stress that it is possible to have ecotourism indeed be net positive, and cites Costa Rica and Uganda as examples of how to achieve that on a large-scale basis.

By Kate Petty, an educator, writer, yoga teacher, and environmental activist who has worked with the New York Nature Conservancy and various United Nations initiatives, including UNICEF, the World Association of Non-Governmental Organizations, and the Universal Versatile Society to promote education, social justice, and solution-oriented projects for a healthier planet. She is a contributor to the Observatory. Produced by Earth | Food \ Life, a project of the Independent Media Institute

Ecotourism is often hailed as a sustainable alternative to traditional travel—an opportunity to explore unique environments while supporting local communities and conservation efforts. Yet beneath its green image lies a more complex and often troubling reality. When poorly managed, ecotourism can inflict more harm than good, undermining the very ideals it seeks to uphold.

The ecotourism industry has emerged as one of the fastest-expanding sectors within global travel. According to the Global Ecotourism Network, in 2023, eco-travel accounted for an estimated 20 percent of the international tourism market, with projections indicating continued double-digit annual growth. In 2023 alone, the global ecotourism market was valued at over $200 billion. Economic predictions estimate that the market could reach between $759 billion by 2032 and $945 billion by 2034.

Despite this rapid growth and economic promise, ecotourism enterprises have faced significant criticism from conservationists and researchers. In a 2020 Architectural Review article titled “Outrage: The Ecotourism Hoax,” Smith Mordak, chief executive of the UK Green Building Council (UKGBC), asserted that “As long as the underlying principle behind tourism is to bring growth-stimulating inward investment, tourism cannot be made ‘eco.’”

The Ecotourism Paradox

Mordak’s remarks expose the deeper contradictions within many so-called “sustainable” initiatives, drawing attention to the pervasive issues of greenwashing and bluewashing. Just as corporations may falsely brand themselves as environmentally friendly or socially responsible to appeal to conscious consumers, ecotourism companies often mask exploitative or unsustainable practices behind the veneer of conservation. Ultimately, without a fundamental shift in the economic principles that underpin ecotourism, efforts to make the industry sustainable risk becoming performative, focusing on marketing rather than achieving meaningful impact.

According to UKGBC’s Mordak, “Like everything else nurtured in the agar jelly of capitalism, noble intentions soon become corrupted, and the ‘eco’ prefix amounts to little more than a greenwashing rebrand.”

Ecotourism is built on a dual promise—to protect natural environments and to share them with visitors—yet fulfilling one often puts the other at risk. In April 2025, I interviewed Dave Blanton, founder of Friends of the Serengeti. He started the organization in response to a proposed commercial highway through Serengeti National Park, a development that would have fragmented the ecosystem and destroyed critical migratory routes. He explained the paradox: “On one hand, the growth of tourism in the Serengeti-Mara region will generate government revenue and create jobs. On the other hand, it will increase environmental pressure and diminish the traveler experience.”

Blanton, whose connection to the Serengeti spans over four decades, said, “It is difficult to ensure high standards and best practices in the face of increased demand, competition, and overly ambitious goals for growth.

Grassroots Origins, Global Ideals

Rooted in principles of sustainability and community engagement, grassroots ecotourism, which emerged in the early 1980s, was developed as a response to growing global concerns about environmental degradation and the negative impacts of mass tourism. It emphasizes low-cost, purpose-driven travel experiences that foster direct contributions to conservation and local development.

The current grassroots volunteer travel industry—often referred to as “voluntourism”—continues to attract socially conscious travelers seeking meaningful, hands-on experiences that contribute to local communities and conservation efforts. Programs typically involve small-scale, community-led initiatives that prioritize local needs, such as wildlife monitoring, habitat restoration, education, or sustainable agriculture, and take the form of educational exchanges or participation in field research.

Volunteer travelers opting for low-cost expeditions may pay between $20 and $50 per day, which usually covers necessities such as meals, local transportation, and accommodation. Lodging in these programs is typically modest, ranging from rural homestays and shared guesthouses to dormitory-style lodgings or even tents, depending on the location and nature of the work.

Some who have participated in volunteer travel expeditions have reported a lack of resources and infrastructure, which leaves both volunteers and host communities struggling to meet basic needs. Poorly managed programs are another common complaint, with some volunteers arriving to find disorganized projects, minimal supervision, and unclear objectives. Especially troubling is that some wildlife conservation programs have been accused of neglecting animals by housing them in inadequate enclosures—small, unsanitary, or unsafe spaces that can cause stress, injury, or behavioral problems.

Conservation or Commercial Growth?

Increasingly, however, the voluntourism model is being supplanted by the proliferation of large-scale, high-end commercial ventures, where travelers are observers rather than helpers. The modern ecotourism landscape is increasingly dominated by luxury enterprises, some of which feature elegant eco-lodges, boutique resorts, and nature-based retreats offering the comforts of premium hospitality.

Accommodations are often situated in remote, pristine environments, such as nature reserves, rainforests, or coastal regions. Amenities may include private villas or bungalows, gourmet organic cuisine, private wildlife excursions, and wellness offerings like yoga and spa treatments. Prices for these luxury experiences can range from several hundred to several thousand dollars per night.

With the expansion of major hotel chains and multinational businesses in conservation areas, critics argue that the scale and infrastructure required to sustain such operations can strain fragile ecosystems and disrupt local communities and wildlife.

Matt Kareus, executive director of the International Galápagos Tour Operators Association (IGTOA), focuses his efforts on preserving the unique biodiversity of the Galápagos Islands through education, policy advocacy, and collaborative conservation initiatives. When I spoke to him in April 2025, he stated that the most serious long-term threat to the Galápagos is runaway tourism growth, which has compromised the natural resources and local infrastructure on the Ecuadorian islands. Like Blanton, Kareus emphasized the need for stricter environmental standards and accountability to ensure that ecotourism remains a tool for conservation, rather than a vehicle for unchecked commercial growth.

Kareus says that the issue is not whether luxury ecotourism is necessarily better or worse than other forms of tourism; instead, it’s a matter of how well tourism itself is managed and regulated in individual regions.

“There are a lot of potential benefits when it’s done thoughtfully and responsibly, just as there can be a lot of downsides to more budget-friendly modes of tourism if they aren’t done in the correct way,” said Kareus, who offered an example: “Imagine a 15-room eco-lodge surrounded by a nature reserve—it could potentially generate similar economic and employment benefits as a standard 100-room hotel, with far less negative impact on the surrounding environment.”

Luxury ecotourism developments are increasingly incorporating advanced eco-friendly design, planning, and investment strategies, emphasizing features such as solar energy systems, rainwater harvesting, passive cooling architecture, the use of locally sourced and renewable building materials like bamboo or reclaimed wood, as well as carbon offset programs. Operators assert that strategic site planning minimizes ecological disruption by preserving native vegetation, protecting wildlife corridors, and adhering to low-impact construction methods.

The Commodification of Culture

While mass-market ecotourism promises immersion in natural environments and meaningful cultural exchanges, some critics argue that the result is often a curated version of nature and culture—polished, exclusive, and often removed from the realities of place.

Researchers attribute this conceit to the “white savior complex,” a mindset—often held by well-meaning but misinformed Western travelers—where they perceive themselves as heroic figures “rescuing” impoverished or marginalized communities, particularly in the Global South, through short-term volunteerism or conservation work, but often end up reinforcing colonial-era power imbalances, where Western values, knowledge, and presence are seen as superior or necessary for progress. At the same time, local expertise, autonomy, and cultural practices are undervalued or ignored.

In my interview with her in May 2025, Michelle Mielly, professor of law, management, and social sciences at Grenoble Ecole de Management (GEM), commented, “Indigenous people want to be left alone. We keep colonizing these cultures.”

Commodification not only undermines the integrity of local traditions but also distances travelers from the raw, unfiltered experiences that make travel transformative, turning sacred rituals and cultural practices into spectacles for outsiders. Academic researchers refer to the practice as “cultural extractivism”—the appropriation of Indigenous cultural practices and traditions by commercial enterprise.

Professor Mielly offered an instructive example in the increasing popularity of ayahuasca retreats in the Amazon River Basin. Ayahuasca, a psychedelic brew made from native plants that has been used for centuries by Indigenous tribes for its spiritual and therapeutic properties, is being successfully marketed to Western tourists as a psychedelic substance that promises a mind-altering experience worth traveling for.

According to studies, ayahuasca has demonstrated antidepressant effects, offering hope for many who don’t react to classic interventions. Retreats are often hosted in remote jungle settings in countries like Peru, Brazil, or Colombia, and are led by Indigenous shamans or facilitators trained in local spiritual and healing practices. However, Mielly explains that the significance of the Amazon rainforest extends far beyond its role as a habitat. “[Indigenous communities] derive their culture, language, and social order from the natural structure of the forest,” she says.

Preservation Without Permission

In many cases, protected areas are established or expanded to accommodate ecotourism without the full consent or involvement of the people who have historically lived on and stewarded the land. This has led to the displacement of Indigenous groups, stripping them of access to ancestral territories and traditional livelihoods under the guise of environmental preservation.

“While it’s no surprise that the original concept of ecotourism has been obscured by less virtuous projects, they become more problematic when they block local communities from ancestral lands or even involve their forced relocation,” wrote Mielly in a 2023 article in The Conversation. Mielly cites several examples of forced displacement of Indigenous populations under the crush of ecotourism development—including the eviction of 16 villages on Rempang Island, Indonesia, to make way for a solar panel factory and “eco-city.”

“Eco-projects are not necessarily humanitarian projects,” noted Mielly, invoking how the three pillars of sustainability—environmental, social, and economic— are not always upheld within the ecotourism industry. Together, these pillars support the goal of meeting present needs without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. But Mielly is cautious. “We are so lucky to have Indigenous people,” Mielly says. “They are our past, our future, and the key to our survival.”

“A Contest for Land”

Major infrastructure projects are increasingly encroaching on ancestral lands, displacing Indigenous communities and cutting them off from traditional territories and livelihoods, says Mielly, noting that “a contest for land is a contest for life; ecotourism is an invasion of these spaces.”

To study the ways in which poorly regulated ecotourism initiatives can reinforce historical patterns of exclusion and dispossession, Mielly and a team of researchers from GEM organized a dialogue with members of the Mbyá Guaraní community in the coastal region of Maricá, Brazil, to examine how business schools and multinational corporations influence Indigenous land rights.

The discussion centered on the Mareay project — an ambitious proposal to develop a vast coastal area through partnerships with major hospitality companies, which will include five luxury hotels, a resort with a golf course, residential units, an education complex, a health center, and a commercial area. Mielly cautioned that the “Disneyfication” of ecotourism ventures on the scale and scope of the Mareay project raises critical questions about the harm ecotourism developments inflict on coastal landscapes, local livelihoods, and Indigenous ways of life.

“When we have great income inequalities, ecotourism becomes ethically challenging,” said Mielly. “This is where we have to shift our gaze. Indigenous people want to be left alone. They don’t understand the value of these enterprises engulfing their communities, and if they do, they may take large cash settlements, but they lose their land,” she said, adding, “We keep colonizing these cultures.”

Infrastructure & Impact

This tension mirrors broader patterns observed across Latin America, where ambitious infrastructure projects often claim to be sustainable while dramatically reshaping environments and economies.

Increasingly, governments and private stakeholders are developing and investing in new airports, eco-friendly lodges, and transportation networks. These developments aim to strike a balance between supporting economic growth through tourism and protecting the ecosystems that attract visitors. However, studies suggest that large-scale infrastructure projects could shift the tourism model from high-value, low-impact travel to runaway mass tourism, with irreversible environmental and sociocultural consequences.

For instance, in preparation for hosting the COP30 climate summit in November 2025, Brazil is constructing the Avenida Liberdade, a four-lane highway through protected Amazon rainforest near Belém, designed to improve access for an anticipated 50,000 attendees. The project includes wildlife crossings, bicycle lanes, and solar-powered lighting.

The highway has sparked controversy due to its ecological impact on the rainforest. ​Local resident Claudio Verequete told the BBC that he used to make an income from harvesting açaí berries from trees that once occupied the land where the highway is being constructed. “Everything was destroyed,” he said. “Our harvest has already been cut down. We no longer have that income to support our family.” Verequete added that he has received no compensation from the state government, and he worries the construction of the road will lead to more deforestation in the future.

Venezuela is also investing in infrastructure within ecologically sensitive areas. According to a 2024 Reuters article, Los Roques National Park is undergoing massive development to attract tourists, including the expansion of airport runways and the construction of hotels. The government’s promotion of these projects as eco-friendly contrasts with criticisms from environmental groups regarding their social, economic, and ecological impact, as they have led to damage to coral reefs, mangroves, and endangered turtle nesting sites.

Sharing the Wealth

When ecotourism aligns conservation goals with community development, it can generate significant social, economic, and environmental benefits—but without effective revenue-sharing mechanisms, the wealth often flows to tour operators or foreign investors, leaving residents with limited economic gains, minimal decision-making power, and few long-term benefits from conservation efforts.

By allocating a fair share of profits to those who live in and around conservation areas, revenue sharing fosters community support for environmental protection and discourages unsustainable practices such as poaching, deforestation, or illegal land use.

Despite their potential to support local communities, revenue-sharing systems are vulnerable to corruption and exploitation. According to the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) initiative Targeting Natural Resource Corruption (TNRC), implemented from 2018-2024, environmental corruption offenses range from misallocation of conservation funds to the exploitation of natural resources and local populations, which TNRC attributed to “weak governance, lack of transparency, and poorly enforced regulations that allow unscrupulous operators and officials to profit at the expense of the environment.” Without well-managed revenue sharing, funds intended to benefit conservation efforts and local populations may be diverted, exacerbating inequalities.

While revenue sharing provides immediate benefits to communities, it is the integration of models like Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) that offers a more sustainable, long-term approach by empowering local populations to take active roles in managing and protecting their natural resources. Central to this model is the recognition of community ownership or rights over land, wildlife, or marine resources.

Namibia’s CBNRM program is widely recognized as one of the most successful examples of integrating ecotourism with community development and conservation. Launched in the 1990s, the program grants legal rights to local communities, organized into conservancies, to manage and benefit from wildlife and natural resources on communal lands. Through partnerships with private ecotourism operators and sustainable hunting concessions, these conservancies generate significant income that is reinvested into local infrastructure, education, healthcare, and conservation efforts.

According to a report from Community Conservation Namibia, in 2022 alone, tourism activities generated approximately $6 million in revenue for communities across 86 registered conservancies. Lodges, safari operations, and guided wildlife experiences provide direct employment for thousands of rural Namibians while also funding community-wide initiatives. Crucially, the program has created powerful incentives for conservation: as wildlife populations have rebounded, such as the growth of free-roaming desert lions and black rhinos, tourism revenue has increased, reinforcing a cycle of ecological and economic sustainability.

Beyond the Footprint: Ecotourism’s Positive Legacy

Despite the risks that ecotourism poses, it has also helped catalyze important gains in education and sustainable development in some areas. Volunteer travel, in particular, has brought resources, skills, and knowledge to remote regions, supporting the development of sustainable agriculture, architecture, renewable energy projects, and waste management systems.

Costa Rica stands out as a global leader in ecotourism, recognized for reinvesting tourism revenue in national parks and local communities. While challenges like corruption persist, Costa Rica has made ecotourism a central element of its national identity and development strategy, often cited as a model for sustainable tourism worldwide.

For instance, in Costa Rica, the ecotourism industry has funded educational programs and conservation initiatives, including the Monteverde Institute, which offers community-based research and educational programs in sustainability, ecology, and cultural heritage.

In Tortuguero, a once-remote Caribbean village in Costa Rica, sea turtle ecotourism has played a pivotal role in improving both environmental and public health outcomes. According to the Sea Turtle Conservancy (STC), revenue generated from guided turtle-watching tours and eco-lodges has helped fund essential services, including local health clinics and clean water systems. Organizations like STC have expanded their efforts beyond wildlife protection to include environmental education initiatives that address public health concerns, including waste management and mosquito-borne disease prevention.

Uganda has strategically leveraged ecotourism to strengthen local community infrastructure through the Bwindi National Forest Park, which generates revenue from gorilla trekking permits that support both conservation efforts and community health clinics, such as the Bwindi Community Hospital, which now serves tens of thousands of people with maternal care, HIV treatment, and preventive health services.

Sustainable Travel, Shared Futures

While ecotourism revenue cannot replace the reach and impact of international aid, it may be a valuable complementary strategy for building resilience, fostering self-reliance, and supporting long-term development, especially when integrated with education, conservation, and community governance efforts. “Good ecotourism educates us,” says Mielly, as travel networks can lead to long-term partnerships, funding, and knowledge-sharing that transcend cultural and national boundaries.

Notably, some for-profit commercial travel companies actively fund vital health and social programs in impoverished global communities near conservation centers. G Adventures, an international adventure travel company, partners with its non-profit Planeterra Foundation to support health and education projects in over 100 countries. Their initiatives include building water tanks in Panama, combating child sex tourism in Cambodia, and helping women weavers in Peru.

Intrepid Travel, a certified B Corporation, operates small-group tours worldwide with a strong commitment to responsible tourism. Through its non-profit arm, The Intrepid Foundation, the company has funded various health-related initiatives. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the foundation provided essential medical equipment, including oxygen tanks, to communities in India and delivered food packages to families in remote parts of Peru. Micato Safaris, a luxury safari operator in Africa, runs the AmericaShare program, which aids communities affected by HIV/AIDS in Kenya. For every safari sold, Micato sends a child to school and supports local clinics and meal programs, directly impacting community health and education.

Keeping Eco Ethical

The success of ecotourism is contingent upon the ways it integrates its benevolent vision into the development process. In some cases, well-managed ecotourism can promote conservation and economic benefits simultaneously. In other cases, it can inadvertently lead to environmental degradation, cultural erosion, and economic disparities if not adequately regulated.

Several reputable organizations, certifications, and frameworks help determine the legitimacy, ethical standards, and quality of volunteer travel companies. Some organizations are aligned with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. Others are certified B Corporations, which undergo a rigorous accreditation process that evaluates social and environmental performance, accountability, and transparency.

Various bodies have emerged to define, regulate, and certify best practices in ecotourism, such as the Global Sustainable Tourism Council (GSTC), Rainforest Alliance, and Travelife, which establish transparent guidelines that prioritize ethical business practices and hold companies accountable in the ever-growing, high-stakes industry.

Through comprehensive criteria, organizations like the GSTC define what qualifies as “sustainable” or “eco-friendly” tourism, covering environmental protection, cultural respect, fair labor practices, and local economic development. Additionally, they assess and certify tour operators, accommodations, and entire destinations to ensure they meet these standards.

These regulatory bodies often conduct audits and ongoing assessments to ensure compliance, which helps prevent greenwashing by providing training and support to help tourism providers improve their sustainability practices, especially in developing regions where resources may be limited.

Look Beyond the Label: Vetting Ecotourism

Certifications serve as a credibility marker for consumers seeking responsible travel options. Experienced conservationists strongly advise prospective ecotourists to thoroughly research and evaluate the credentials, practices, and ethical standards of ecotourism organizations to ensure that their travel choices genuinely support conservation efforts, benefit local communities, and minimize ecological harm.

IGTOA’s Kareus cautions that it is essential to dig deeper and ask questions: “How are they giving back to the communities where they operate? How do they ensure that the economic benefits of what they are doing are shared as broadly as possible in those communities? Do they have programs in place to help support conservation, or community development, or to reduce any potential negative impacts of their operations?” are a few he suggested.

Blanton, Kareus, and Mielly all agree that companies are doing excellent work and genuinely making a positive impact. As Mielly notes, “Good ecotourism educates us,” reminding travelers of their role in fostering awareness and respect. Yet she also adds that “eco starts at home,” underscoring the idea that sustainable values must begin with personal responsibility and not just be outsourced to the places we visit.

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2025/06 ... lanet.html

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Vijay Prashad: Beyond ‘Green Capitalism’
June 27, 2025

The term “Anthropocene” implies that humans — as an undifferentiated whole — have created the ecological crisis. This downplays the role of the capitalist system and its class and national divides.

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Rebecca Lee Kunz, Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma, Coyote Skin – Dusty Paws, 2022.
(Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

By Vijay Prashad
Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research

Reading documents from the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) makes me morose. Everything looks terrible. This is largely due to the social processes set in motion by capitalism, including the harsh use of nature and the reliance on carbon-based fuels. For example:

One million of the estimated 8 million species of plants and animals on the planet are threatened with extinction.

The main threat to a majority of species at risk of extinction is biodiversity loss caused by the capitalist agribusiness system of food production.

Agricultural production — currently accounting for more than 30 percent of the world’s habitable land surface – is responsible for 86 percent of projected losses in terrestrial biodiversity because of land conversion, pollution, and soil degradation.

These are three out of hundreds of points that could be made from as many scientific documents. It is important to emphasise that environmental degradation has not been caused by humans in general, but by a certain system of organising society which we call capitalism.

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Michael Armitage, Kenya, Dandora or Xala, Musicians, 2022. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

The problem with the term Anthropocene (which began to be used first by scientists, then by social scientists) is that it implies that humans — as an undifferentiated whole — have created the ecological crisis we are facing. This subtly downplays the role of the capitalist system and its accompanying class and national divides.

However, data show that humanity is using the equivalent of about 1.7 Earths to sustain our current consumption levels. In other words, we are consuming natural resources 75 percent times faster than nature can regenerate them each year.

Unless we find another habitable planet, there is no arithmetic way to solve the problem. This is not a matter of the climate alone, but also of the environmental stress we have placed on the Earth (such as through deforestation, overfishing, overuse of fresh water, and soil degradation).

If we break this undifferentiated concept of humanity down by country, clear divisions emerge. If everyone lived like an average person in the United States, then we would need five Earths. If everyone lived like an average person in the European Union, we would need three Earths. If everyone lived like an Indian, we would need 0.8 Earths. If everyone lived like a person from Yemen, we would need 0.3 Earths.

An undifferentiated concept of humanity disguises the great differences across the world and suppresses the need of some peoples — such as in Yemen — to increase their consumption in order to have a dignified life.

The concept of the Anthropocene masks more than it reveals.

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Roger Botembe, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Les Initiés, 2001. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

In a few months, private jets will land in Belém, Brazil, for the U.N.’s annual conference on climate change. Situated at the estuary of the Amazon River, Belém is an ideal location for “COP30,” the 30th year of the Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).

Over the past quarter century, the Amazon region has suffered from terrible deforestation, with the Brazilian Amazon alone experiencing total forest loss of 264,000 square kilometres from 2000 to 2023 — equivalent to the combined area of New Zealand and the United Kingdom.

Brazilian President Lula da Silva’s intensive programme of conservation has made considerable advances in reversing this trend, but it needs to go further. Holding COP30 in Belém will be a strong message not only to save the Amazon but to highlight the future of the planet and of humanity.

Our team in Brazil is currently working on a series of publications on the capitalist crisis of climate and the environment to be distributed at COP30. It is already clear from our analysis that there is no solution to be found in “green capitalism,” as Jason Hickel wrote in one of our Pan African newsletters, it is capitalism itself that is the problem we face. Below, please find some preliminary demands that go beyond the façade of green capitalism.

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Jagath Weerasinghe, Sri Lanka, Celestial Underwear, 2003.
(Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

1. Climate and environmental discussions must be democratised. There is no room for closed-door meetings financed by corporations that have a vested interest in environmental and climate destruction. For instance, COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, was partly funded by oil companies such as ExxonMobil, Chevron, Octopus Energy, the State Oil Company of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and TotalEnergies as well as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the World Economic Forum (itself partly funded by the U.S. government). Whoever pays the piper calls the tune, an adage that is not meaningless when it comes to money and power. Such a U.N. conference must be funded by governments and transparent about the conversations taking place in all meetings.

2. The world’s governments must strengthen their own agreements and treaty obligations. It is important to note that due to the pressure from the U.S. and EU, none of the major climate agreements adopted strong language for compensation, or what is known as “loss and damage” (i.e., climate reparations). Contributions to the loss and damage fund are voluntary, as reflected by a number of processes and treaties from the 1992 UNFCCC to the 2013 Warsaw International Mechanism, 2015 Paris Agreement, 2021 Glasgow Climate Pact, and the 2022 Loss and Damage Fund agreement.

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Denilson Baniwa, Brazil, Awá uyuká kisé, tá uyuká kurí aé kisé irü or whoever hurts with iron will be hurt with iron, 2018. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

3. There must be a fair energy transition plan that is democratically shaped. Such a plan must include ending governments subsidies for private carbon-based fuel companies. Instead those funds must be used to promote a new energy matrix and protect communities from the adverse impact of the climate and environmental catastrophe.

4. The global economy must be reshaped through agrarian reform. Such a reform must emphasise a science-based and democratic form of agriculture that protects the soil, water and air. Governments must carry out studies to assess what it means to restructure agriculture in order to address the climate and environmental catastrophe. We need new forms of agro-climatic mapping and data to help us understand how to harness local communities’ knowledge to protect the natural ecosystem while finding ways to sustainably use natural resources for the benefit of all.

Such a mapping exercise will help us better understand how to combat deforestation and promote reforestation, how to properly harness water resources for our own consumption and energy, and how to regulate mining activities to draw resources from the earth without causing catastrophic social and environmental destruction. Can we, for instance, pledge to reach net-zero deforestation by 2027?

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Sebastião Salgado, Brazil, Valley of Javari Indigenous Territory, State of Amazonas, 1998. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

The photograph above is by our friend Sebastião Salgado (1944–2025), who died on May 23. Salgado portrayed the working class and peasantry with dignity and without romanticising their exploitation. He was always in solidarity with their struggles and organisations.

After the 1996 Eldorado do Carajás Massacre, in which police and gunmen who had been hired by powerful companies killed 19 activists connected to the Landless Workers’ Movement (Movement dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST) in South Pará, Salgado, alongside the singer Chico Buarque and the writer José Saramago, created a book called Terra (Land), the proceeds of which went to the MST. This, alongside Salgado’s donation of some of his photographs, helped the MST build its Florestan Fernandes National School.

Salgado greatly enjoyed the work of Tricontinental and would occasionally send a note of appreciation for the materials we produce. We bow our heads in respect for his great contributions to humanity.

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In 1843, a man named Julio Cezar Ribeiro de Souza was born in Belém, on the other side of the Amazon from the Vale do Javari that Salgado photographed. Souza loved to watch birds fly, and it was this close observation of nature that provided him with the inspiration to invent the steerable hot air balloon, mimicking birds’ aeronautics. Perhaps we need to cultivate this ethos: nature does not need to be conquered; it must be learned from and lived through.

https://consortiumnews.com/2025/06/27/v ... apitalism/

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Can carbon dioxide removal save the climate?
June 29, 2025

Beyond wishful thinking: Can technology stop global heating by sucking CO2 out of the air?

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Climeworks CO2 capture plant under construction in Iceland.

by Ian Angus

The concentration of carbon dioxide in the world’s atmosphere is now very close to 429 parts per million.[1] That’s not just the highest level ever directly measured, it’s the highest in more than three million years, higher than humans have ever experienced.

That’s a direct result of carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels and industry, which reached a record 37.4 billion metric tons in 2024.[2] The world’s oceans, plants, and soils absorbed more than half of that, but the CO2 that stayed in the air increased the total by about 15 billion metric tons, further fracturing the global carbon cycle and intensifying what the UN Secretary-General says should now be called the era of global boiling.[3]

If all anthropogenic emissions were to stop tomorrow, natural processes would gradually reduce the amount of CO2 in the atmosphere to safer levels, but the key word is gradually. As a leading climate scientist writes, “The lifetime of fossil fuel CO2 in the atmosphere is a few centuries, plus 25 percent that lasts essentially forever.”

“The climatic impacts of releasing fossil fuel CO2 to the atmosphere will last longer than Stonehenge. Longer than time capsules, longer than nuclear waste, far longer than the age of human civilization so far. Each ton of coal that we burn leaves CO2 gas in the atmosphere. The CO2 coming from a quarter of that ton will still be affecting the climate one thousand years from now, at the start of the next millennium.”[4]

Other scientists put the very long-lasting fraction at 20 percent, but that is a trivial difference given that the amount of CO2 in the atmosphere is now a trillion tons greater than when direct measurements started in 1958. Many centuries from now, that CO2 will still be keeping the Earth’s temperatures well above pre-industrial levels.

The most widely promoted solution is variously called Carbon Dioxide Removal (CDR) or Negative Emissions Technology (NET)—synonyms for using technology to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. Indeed, most plans advanced for keeping warming below 1.5 degrees include CDR as a necessary component. Climate policy planners in every country have accepted the fossil fuel industry’s argument that it is not practical to reduce emissions rapidly, so we must find some means of pulling CO2 back out of the air faster than it is emitted.

Most plans assume that global temperatures will rise higher than the target and later be pulled back by carbon dioxide removal technology. How much warmer will it get? How much longer will CO2 concentrations be unsafely high? How much irreversible damage will be done to Earth and its inhabitants in the meantime? No one offers encouraging answers to those questions.

The Economist, authoritative voice of free market capitalism, tells us that passing 1.5° “does not doom the planet … but it is a death sentence for some people, ways of life, ecosystems, even countries.” And for that reason, “Technologies to suck carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere, now in their infancy, need a lot of attention.”[5]

The editors of The CDR Primer argue that while priority should be given to cutting emissions, CDR must be deployed at the same time, because some industries will be unable to get to zero, “even with a massive global effort to cut climate pollution.”

“The scale of such emissions requires a massive investment in CDR, likely on the order of gigatons of CO2 removed per year by mid-century. Even larger amounts would have to be removed to draw down atmospheric concentrations from their peak after we reach net-zero global emissions.”[6]

That may be what we need, but what is actually possible?

If anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions continue, temperatures will rise unless concentration increases are matched by removals, which would require removing billions of tons of gas every year. Setting aside the obvious barriers of politics and cost, what physical requirements would have to be met for CDR to stop or (better) reverse global boiling?

Atmospheric Carbon Dioxide Removal: A Physical Science Perspective, a peer-reviewed scientific study published in January by the American Physical Society (APS), provides an authoritative response to that question, and it isn’t encouraging.[7] Quite apart from the problems of storing captured CO2 for thousands of years, which the study doesn’t address, the scale of the problem is forbidding.

Carbon dioxide capture at oil refineries, where the gas is highly concentrated, has existed on a limited scale for decades. The CO2 is most often used for “enhanced oil recovery,” forcing still more carbon-emitting oil out of the ground.

Technologies for removing carbon dioxide from the open air, on the other hand, are new and untested. There are only a few dozen operating systems, and all are tiny, compared to the task at hand. The authors of the APS report examine a dozen proposed technologies, focusing in particular on scaling—how big can they get? While none is adequate today, three appear to have promise: direct air capture, biological carbon capture, and enhanced rock weathering.

Direct Air Capture (DAC)

DAC gets the most press. You’ve likely seen pictures of demonstration plants, with giant fans blowing air through chemical filters that absorb carbon dioxide. When the filters are saturated, the CO2 is extracted, and the chemical is reused.

The best-publicized DAC installation is the Climeworks project in Iceland, whose founder predicted that it would capture 1% of the world’s annual CO2 emissions by 2025. It has sold thousands of $250/month “carbon removal credits” each supposedly representing a quarter of a ton (250 kilograms) of captured CO2.[8] In fact, as an investigative report in the Icelandic newspaper Heimildin showed in May 2025, it has captured only 2,400 tons in total since 2021. Its own emissions are much higher than that.[9]

To be fair, the technical challenge facing DAC is enormous. A CO2 concentration of 429 parts per million is enough to significantly change the world’s climate, but in absolute terms it is a tiny fraction of the atmosphere—carbon dioxide comprises only 0.062% of the air’s weight, only 0.04% of its volume. To remove one ton of CO2, a perfectly efficient Direct Air Capture system would have to process 2,000 tons of air.[10]

As the APS report comments, if we outfitted every air conditioning unit in the world with devices enabling complete capture of all CO2 in all the air flowing through them, they would remove less than a billion tons a year.[11] Just stabilizing the global temperature would require over 15 times as much equipment; turning down the heat would require much more.

We’re told that the technology will improve over time—just look at the exponential improvements in semiconductors, for example—but DAC faces a limitation that computers don’t: the second law of thermodynamics. First stated by German physicist Rudolf Clausius in 1850, it says that all systems become more disordered over time. Entropy (disorder) increases and the only way to reverse it is by adding energy from outside. That’s not speculation—it is as solid a physical law as any ever discovered. There are no exceptions.

CO2 molecules in the air are highly disordered, scattered at random among vastly more molecules of nitrogen, oxygen and other gases. The second law of thermodynamics allows physicists to calculate, very accurately, how much energy would be needed to capture all the CO2 molecules in a given amount of air and consolidate them in one place.

The calculation applies no matter what technology is used, because we’re only measuring how much more energy there is in the consolidated output than in disordered atmospheric CO2. That’s the minimum amount of outside energy needed in a perfectly efficient process—real-world processes will require more, usually much more.

Fortunately for the equation-averse, the APS authors have done the calculation for us. Removing one ton of CO2 from the atmosphere, in a perfect system, requires 120 kilowatt hours of energy. Someone once said that the second law doesn’t tell you what you can do, it tells you what can’t be done. In this case it isn’t saying that you can capture a ton of CO2 with 120 kilowatts—it is saying that you can’t do it with less, no matter what technology you use.

Scaling up, that means that removing one billion tons a year would require a minimum of 14 billion watts of electricity, 24 hours a day, all year, which today would mostly come from CO2 emitting power plants. Realistically, less-than-perfect CDR would require three to ten times that much energy to remove one billion tons—enough to power New York City several times over, while actually adding tons of CO2 to the atmosphere.

Removing the hundreds of billions of tons actually needed to get Earth’s temperature back to preindustrial levels would require a very large fraction of the world’s energy supply—to the point where it would limit our ability to carry out other energy-hungry programs, including feeding children and combatting pandemic diseases.

For Direct Air Capture’s contribution to reducing atmospheric CO2 levels to be more than marginal, there would have to be massive improvements in DAC technology itself, and qualitative leaps in the capacity and efficiency of solar energy systems, so that every DAC installation can have its own high output zero carbon solar power plant. Since neither is likely to occur in time to prevent dangerous global warming, neither belongs in today’s climate change prevention plans.

Bioenergy with Carbon Capture and Storage (BECCS)

Can we get around the Second Law limit by using natural energy over a longer time? For example, there is enthusiasm in some circles about Bioenergy with Carbon Capture and Storage, which would involve growing crops or trees, then burning them to produce electricity while capturing and burying the released CO2. Trees naturally remove atmospheric CO2 using energy from the sun (essentially a free and unlimited source), and the CO2 at the point of burning would be easier to capture because it would be highly concentrated.

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Clouds of emissions pour from Drax Power Station in Yorkshire, England. (NRDC)

The world’s largest BECCS operation, the Drax Power Station in UK, says it will capture eight million tons of CO2 a year by 2030, about 3% of the UK’s annual emissions, but that is misleading. Drax doesn’t burn trees that were purpose-grown in Britain—it imports and burns wood pellets manufactured overseas, including hundreds of thousands of tons a year made from old growth forests in central British Columbia.[12] In other words, Drax is “capturing” CO2 that was already stored in some of the world’s most magnificent forests.

What’s more, the Drax plant itself is the largest CO2 emitter in Britain, pumping 12 million tons into the atmosphere every year. International carbon accounting rules give it a free pass, on the specious grounds that the forests will regrow, so their wood is a renewable fuel.

Leaving such scams aside, the physicists’ report points out that for a BECCS system that actually grows new trees, “the low efficiency of photosynthesis in converting energy to biomass … means that a lot of land would be required…. This land use would compete with existing agriculture and biodiversity efforts.”[13]

In IPCC scenarios for keeping the global temperature increase below 1.5°C that include BECCS, energy crops would occupy least 20% of all the world’s arable land by 2050, and much more if BECSS is the primary method used. Environmentalists have pointed out that such a massive change in land use would risk “compromising planetary health in areas besides climate change.”[14] At each step—planting, fertilizing, harvesting, transporting, burning and burying—BECCS is emits its own greenhouse gases. The National Resources Defense Council calculates that if current plans go ahead, by 2040 “emissions from BECCS alone are projected to surpass the U.K.’s total emissions from all other sources.”[15]

In short, BECCS will do more environmental harm than good. The European Academies’ Science Advisory Council recently told the European Union that:

“The role of bioenergy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) remains associated with substantial risks and uncertainties, both over its environmental impact and ability to achieve net removal of CO2 from the atmosphere. The large negative emissions capability given to BECCS in climate scenarios limiting warming to 1.5°C or 2°C is not supported by recent analyses …

“Deployment of BECCS at the scale in IPCC models could potentially help mitigate climate change, but at the expense of further exceeding the planetary boundaries related to biosphere integrity, land use and biogeochemical flows, while bringing freshwater use closer to its boundary…. BECCS remains associated with substantial risks and uncertainties, both over its environmental impact and ability to achieve net removal of CO2 from the atmosphere.”[16]

Enhanced Rock Weathering (ERW)

In the slow carbon cycle, a key part of the Earth System’s metabolism for hundreds of millions of years, exposed rocks combine with atmospheric carbon dioxide to form stable minerals that don’t affect the climate. That weathering process naturally removes about a billion tons of CO2 a year—it is one of the factors that has kept global warming lower than total emissions could otherwise cause.

Proposals have been made to accelerate the process by grinding tons of rock into tiny particles, about one-fifth the width of an average human hair, and spreading them over large areas of land. That would greatly increase the exposed rock surfaces and—some scientists hope—greatly increase the amount of CO2 removed. Since the US and other countries already mine and transport very large quantities of ground rock for other purposes, no new technology would be needed and the energy cost would be much lower than for DAC or BECCS.

It would require a lot of land—an estimated one million square kilometers to remove a billion tons of CO2 a year—but unlike BECSS, it isn’t exclusive use. Ground rock can have fertilizing effects, so it could be spread on existing farmland, depending on local soil characteristics.

It’s important to note that the ground rock can only be used once: to keep the removal process working, billions of tons of additional rock will have to be extracted, ground, transported and spread, every year. Nothing even close to that scale has ever been done, and even if it were tried, no one knows how long removal might take, or how to measure the results.

Dead End

In October 2018, responding to a request from the UN climate conference that adopted the Paris agreement, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) published a Special Report on Global Warming of 1.5°C. The report concluded that emissions to that date were not enough to cause a 1.5°C increase, but, “lack of global cooperation, lack of governance of the required energy and land transformation, and increases in resource-intensive consumption” mean that emissions will continue, inexorably driving up the temperature.[18]

Accepting that immediate or very rapid reductions won’t happen, the authors developed a series of alternative scenarios, all of which require some use of carbon dioxide removal to make up for the failure.

Most of the scenarios assume overshoot—that the global temperature rise will exceed 1.5°C or 2.0°C for some time and must be brought down by “CDR at a speculatively large scale.” To completely prevent overshoot, the report’s Summary for Policy Makers says, CDR would have to remove between 100 and 1,000 billion tons of CO2 by 2100. Looking at the report itself, it appears that the actual requirement would likely be close to the high end of that range.

This dependence on very large scale carbon dioxide removal calls the entire scenario exercise into question. As the report admits:

“There is uncertainty in the future deployment of CCS given the limited pace of current deployment… No proposed technology is close to deployment at scale, and regulatory frameworks are not established. This limits how they can be realistically implemented. … There is substantial uncertainty about the adverse effects of large-scale CDR deployment on the environment and societal sustainable development goals.”[19]

That was in 2018. Seven years later, there are no working DAC operations, and the parallel emission reductions that the IPCC scenarios included haven’t begun and aren’t in sight. The IPCC report’s preferred option, BECSS, has lost what credibility it then had, and no one has volunteered to grind and spread rock dust.

What’s more, even if larger volumes of carbon dioxide can be captured and buried, there is no foolproof method of preventing it from leaking back into the atmosphere, either through gradual seepage or sudden disruption.[20] Another IPCC report stresses that “CO2 storage is not necessarily permanent.”

“CO2 stored in the terrestrial biosphere is subject to potential future release if, for example, there is a wildfire, change in land management practices, or climate change renders the vegetative cover unsustainable. Although the risks of CO2 loss from well-chosen geological reservoirs are very different, such risks do exist.”[21]

The danger of leaks is higher when CO2 is injected into old wells to force out the remaining oil and then left underground —not in “well-chosen geological reservoirs.” Bear in mind the oil industry’s long history of walking away from depleted wells without plugging them or monitoring ongoing leaks and emissions.

+ + + +

For fossil fuel corporations, keeping CDR on the agenda as a credible climate change solution is a Get Out of Jail Free card. Instead of stopping emissions, they promise to capture and bury them. Not now, but someday. As the CEO of Occidental Petroleum told a conference of her peers in 2023, “We believe that our direct capture technology is going to be the technology that helps to preserve our industry over time. This gives our industry a license to continue to operate for the 60, 70, 80 years that I think it’s going to be very much needed.”[22]

A few months ago, the United Nations Environment Program warned that global emissions must be cut by 42% by 2030 and 57 per cent by 2035 to keep warming under 1.5 degrees.[23] Achieving that, or anything close to it, would require an emergency action program to stop all new extraction of fossil fuels, and rapidly phase out major sources of emissions. That’s where our focus must be now, not on speculative technologies that might work one day but for now only give polluters an excuse to continue polluting.

Notes

[1] https://keelingcurve.ucsd.edu/

[2] Global Carbon Project, “Briefing on key messages Global Carbon Budget 2024,” News Release, November 13, 2024. Agriculture, land use change and cement manufacture added another 8 billion tons or so.

[3] United Nations, “Hottest July ever signals ‘era of global boiling has arrived’ says UN chief,” News Release 27 July 2023, https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/07/1139162

[4] David Archer, The Long Thaw: How Humans Are Changing the Next 100,000 Years of Earth’s Climate, (Princeton University Press, 2016), 1.

[5] “The world is missing its lofty climate targets. Time for some realism.” Editorial, The Economist, November 3, 2022.

[6] J. Wilcox, B. Kolosz, and J. Freeman, editors, The CDR Primer, 2021, https://cdrprimer.org/

[7] Washington Taylor, Robert Rosner, Brad Marston, and Jonathan S. Wurtele, Atmospheric Carbon Dioxide Removal: A Physical Science Perspective, (American Physical Society, 2025)

[8] https://climeworks.com/subscriptions-co2-removal. Consulted June 25, 2025.

[9] Bjartmar Oddur Þeyr Alexandersson and Bjartmar Oddur Þeyr Alexandersson, “Climeworks’ capture fails to cover its own emissions.” Heimildin, May 15, 2025

[10] Calculation by Aatish Bhatia in the excellent Rate of Change blog, October 28, 2020.

[11] American Physical Society, “APS Releases Report on Atmospheric Carbon Dioxide Removal,” News Release, January 27, 2025.

[12] Joe Crowley, “Drax: UK power station still burning rare forest wood,” BBC, February 28, 2024.

[13] Taylor et al, Atmospheric CDR, 14.

[14] Felix Creutzig et al., “Considering sustainability thresholds for BECCS in IPCC and biodiversity assessments,” GCB Bioenergy, February 2021.

[15] Matt Williams and Elly Pepper, The BECCS Hoax, National Resources Defense Council, 2024, 4.

[16] European Academies’ Science Advisory Council, “Forest bioenergy, carbon capture and storage, and carbon dioxide removal: an update,” EASAC Commentary, February 2019, 2, 6.

[17] Helen S. Findlay et al., “Ocean Acidification: Another Planetary Boundary Crossed,” Global Change Biology, April 2025.

[18] IPCC, Special Report: Global Warming of 1.5°C (2018), 95.

[19] Ibid, 158.

[20] It has been suggested that CO2 buried in ultramafic rock would form solid carbonate minerals that can’t escape. That’s encouraging, but it hasn’t gone beyond small tests.

[21] IPCC, Special Report: Carbon Dioxide Capture and Storage (2005), 373

[22] Quoted in Corbin Hiar, “Oil companies want to remove carbon from the air — using taxpayer dollars,” E&E News, July 13, 2023.

[23] United Nations, ‘Climate crunch time is here,’ new UN report warns, News Release, October 24, 2024.

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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Sun Jul 06, 2025 5:55 pm

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Planned obsolescence of capitalism versus sustainable Chinese alternatives: a clash of ideologies
We are pleased to republish below an interesting opinion piece by Bhabani Shankar Nayak, arguing that the fierce hostility of Western elites toward China stems to a significant degree from an ideological clash between neoliberal capitalism and China’s alternative development model. Unlike the US system – driven by profit and sustained through planned obsolescence – China promotes long-term, sustainable, people-centred development aimed at public well-being and common prosperity.

Bhabani includes examples such as China’s breakthrough in nuclear battery technology by Betavolt, with a 50-year lifespan that threatens the Western consumer electronics model reliant on constant upgrades. Similarly, China’s Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS) challenges US financial dominance by providing an alternative to the SWIFT network. These innovations, alongside China’s space program and infrastructure development, reflect a vision rooted in durability and public interest rather than profit.

The article critiques the Schumpeterian notion of ‘creative destruction’ as a myth that masks the exploitative nature of innovation under capitalism, whereby the creative potential of labour is entirely subordinated to private profit. It argues that capitalism commodifies both material goods and human emotions, perpetuating waste and insecurity.

In contrast, China offers a civilisational alternative that fundamentally threatens both the economic viability and ideological foundations of capitalism. This dynamic is a major part of what drives the ongoing campaign to contain and encircle China and to suppress its rise.

Bhabani Shankar Nayak is a Professor of Business Management at London Metropolitan University. He is the author or editor of numerous books and articles on China and other issues related to development in the Global South. This article was first published in Countercurrents.
Why do the American ruling elites, both in the Republican and Democratic parties, oppose China so strongly?


Since taking office, President Donald Trump imposed tariffs of up to 145% on Chinese goods. But it doesn’t stop at trade and tariffs. The American imperialist strategy—marked by political, economic, and military bullying—continues in an unprecedented scale in an effort to pressure China into submission under imperialist hegemony. The core objective is to undermine China’s development and its alternative path, which challenges the foundations of the capitalist system.

What has China achieved that fundamentally challenges the very foundation of American capitalism?

One striking example is the development of a miniature nuclear battery by the Chinese company Betavolt, with support from the Chinese government. This battery boasts a lifespan of 50 years, eliminating the need for recharging in devices such as mobile phones and electric vehicles. Such a breakthrough not only renders frequent charging obsolete but also disrupts the business models of American and European electronics companies, which rely heavily on planned obsolescence—a strategy that encourages repeated consumption through short-lived products and continual upgrades. For example, Apple Inc. products like iPhones continuously changes every year.

China has not only developed its own space station and lunar exploration program but has also created an international transaction system known as the Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS). This system has the potential to completely bypass the Western-dominated SWIFT (Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication) network used for global banking and international transactions.

These are just a few examples of the achievements stemming from China’s scientific, political and economic system, which fundamentally contrasts with the American and European capitalist model. Unlike the Western approach, which is largely driven by profit, China’s scientific and technological advancements are geared toward improving the well-being of its people and promoting sustainable development and long-term prosperity. Such alternatives pose a direct challenge to the American-led imperialist capitalist order—one that the ruling elites find deeply threatening and, therefore, unacceptable to their capitalist hegemony.

The Schumpeterian notion of capitalism as a process of “creative destruction”—where innovation leads to the replacement of outdated industries by newer, more efficient ones—is, in reality, a myth. The Schumpeterian sympathy for capitalism stems from its lenient understanding of capitalist innovation. What is truly creative and innovative is labour itself. However, under capitalism, the creative potential of labour is not liberated but rather controlled and exploited to sustain and expand a profit-driven system. Capitalism continually restructures itself to either accommodate or dominate the productive and creative capacities of labour. This dynamic reinforces the strategy of planned obsolescence, accelerating the exploitation of both nature and human beings—as producers and consumers.

Rapid technological advancement, rather than serving human progress, is often harnessed to sustain this exploitative system. The capitalist logic of planned obsolescence deliberately designs products with artificially limited lifespans, ensuring they become quickly outdated. This fuels a “use-and-throw” culture—one that perpetuates constant consumption and reinforces commodity dependency. Far from promoting genuine innovation, this cycle serves to undermine it, replacing durable progress with short-term profitability.

Technological progress under American and European capitalism is primarily driven by the logic of planned obsolescence. It functions not to meet genuine human needs, but to manufacture ever-new desires for commodity-based consumption. Products and services are deliberately designed with short lifespans, encouraging constant replacement and repeat purchases—strategies rooted in corporate interests aimed at sustaining perpetual profit. This cycle not only accelerates the depletion of natural resources but also fuels consumer anxiety, particularly through the psychological pressure of the “fear of missing out.” In this way, capitalism commodifies both material goods and emotional experience, reinforcing a culture of disposability and dependency.

However, China’s scientific and economic progress is guided by a long-term vision centered on the well-being of its people—an approach fundamentally opposed to the capitalist strategy of planned obsolescence. Unlike the American and European market-led systems, which prioritise profit based on exploitation, the Chinese model places public welfare at the core of its technological and developmental agenda. This alternative model threatens the very foundations of Western capitalism by offering a path rooted in sustainability, resilience, and durability—countering the wasteful “use-and-throw” culture that has emerged from capitalist cycles of consumption and planned obsolescence.

In this context, China presents not just a geopolitical rival, but a civilisational alternative—one that challenges the dominance of profit over people. It is precisely because of this that American imperialism, along with its European allies, relentlessly seeks to undermine and weaken China and its achievements. The fear is not merely rooted in economic competition, but in the example that China sets: a political model of planned economic development grounded in peace, progress, and prosperity—one that dares to envision a future beyond capitalist exploitation and its foundation in planned obsolescence.

https://socialistchina.org/2025/07/01/p ... deologies/

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Ecological imperialism is one of the drivers of the global crisis

Eder Peña

July 3, 2025 , 2:21 pm .

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It is not an isolated phenomenon or an inevitable natural disaster: it is the direct result of an economic system based on unlimited accumulation (Photo: Tooga / Getty Images)

Venezuela, like many countries, is suffering the impact of the climate crisis. After the first two days of intense rains alone, during which, according to President Nicolás Maduro, "300% more water fell in the Andes," there was significant damage in the states of Mérida, Táchira, Trujillo, Portuguesa, and Barinas. These states suffered the collapse of 25 bridges.

More than 10,000 families were affected, isolated or at high risk, homes were lost, and the economic consequences of the passage of nine tropical waves have yet to be calculated. Regarding this, the president stated that "we are bearing the consequences of two centuries of environmental pollution."

This must be framed within a broader perspective, as the climate crisis is part of a larger global environmental crisis. This includes imbalances in the planet's life cycles and mass extinctions, among other problems. It is not an isolated phenomenon or an inevitable natural catastrophe; it is the direct result of an economic system based on limitless accumulation, which turns nature into a commodity and has brought the planet to the brink of collapse.

The climate crisis as an effect of ecological imperialism
So-called ecological imperialism describes how industrialized countries in the northern hemisphere have turned the Global South into an inexhaustible source of resources and energy, as well as a space for externalizing their toxic waste, all under the logic of globalized capitalism.

From colonization to the present day, this plunder has been legitimized by a development model that justifies the extraction of global commons—the atmosphere, tropical forests, and oceans—in order to concentrate economic growth at the center of the capitalist system.

As Colombian historian Renán Vega Cantor has noted , "poor countries in the South suffer the environmental risks generated by the creation of wealth in the North," reflecting a structural injustice that affects not only people but also entire ecosystems.

This model has been deepened by the expansion of mechanisms such as carbon markets and the Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation ( REDD+ ) schemes, which are supposedly designed to reduce emissions but actually allow large corporations to continue polluting while buying "rights" from communities in peripheral countries to continue occupying space in the atmosphere.

Ricardo Vega, a development researcher, explains that these markets transform the atmosphere into a "limited-capacity air reservoir," where access is privatized through compensation that economically benefits transnational corporations and governments in the Global North, while criminalizing the ancestral uses of territories by local communities.

Another facet is the appropriation of land for "renewable energy" projects that respond more to financial interests than to real sustainability needs. In Latin America, for example, some governments promote mega-hydroelectric projects, "green" mining companies, or monoculture forest plantations for carbon credits, all backed by international organizations and private funds operating under the false premise of a green economy that they claim is inclusive.

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Transnational corporations and governments promote "green" megaprojects or forest monocultures under the false pretense of an economy that claims to be inclusive (Photo: Government of Peru)

But this mercantilist vision not only affects the environment; it also translates into structural and physical violence. Militarization is a key tool for ensuring the continuation of these extractive processes.

The militaries of developed countries are increasingly involved in climate security operations, often under the guise of protecting strategic infrastructure or combating terrorism, when in reality they act as repressive forces against social movements defending their territories.

This militarization is doubly unjust and therefore colonial, because:

The countries historically responsible for climate change are the same ones that control the narrative about which solutions should be implemented.
These solutions often involve the use of force against communities that resist the imposition of projects that, far from mitigating global warming, actually harm it under the guise of sustainability.
Thus, to speak of ecological imperialism is to refer to what not only keeps alive the colonial dynamic of resource exploitation and the appropriation of vital spaces in the global south, but is now adapting to new forms of territorial, financial and symbolic control, all of them concealed under green discourses that legitimize the status quo .

Climate uncertainty is economic, social and existential
The climate crisis is deeply intertwined with global economic inequality and the "international community's" lack of commitment to overcoming poverty and civilizational collapse. As the impacts of climate change become more evident—prolonged droughts, catastrophic flooding, rising sea levels—the most vulnerable populations are paying the highest price, despite being the least responsible for historical emissions.

Research published by scientists at Stanford and Northwestern Universities in May 2024 warns that the economic damage associated with climate change could reach trillions of dollars annually without urgent action. However, the global response remains insufficient.

Industrialized countries, which have greater technical and financial capacity to confront this emergency, continue to postpone concrete actions and prioritize corporate interests over human and non-human life.

Other established research highlights that capitalism acts as the primary driver of climate change, not only because of the logic of unlimited production in a world with finite resources, but also because of the way it internalizes environmental costs in peripheral countries.

This creates socioeconomic uncertainty that affects both countries in the Global South and the Global North, albeit unequally. While elites can adapt through expensive technologies, selective migration, or private climate shelters, millions of people in the Global South face the loss of their livelihoods, forced displacement, and conflicts over resource scarcity.

Scientific reports, such as those from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), insist that the time to act is short. But recent history shows that climate summits have failed to produce binding agreements that address the structural causes of the problem. Corporate lobbying and financial interests have corrupted climate science, orienting it toward technological market solutions rather than radical redistributive policies.

Other studies and projections warn that civilizational collapse is a real possibility if we don't change course. Yet, governments continue to rely on neoliberal dogmatism: carbon markets, geoengineering, biofuels, and other technologies that are not only ineffective but often counterproductive. For example:

Carbon capture companies that emit more CO₂ than they capture.
Ethanol is simply " comically inefficient " solar energy.
This lack of political will has uncertain consequences. Climate finance targets set in international agreements, such as the $ 300 billion annually promised to countries in the global South at COP 2024, are not being met.

Furthermore, much of this funding comes in the form of loans, increasing the external debt of already impoverished nations. This situation reinforces a dynamic of dependency that impedes any genuine attempt at energy sovereignty or environmental self-determination.

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Definition of waste: dedicating more than 12 million hectares of prime farmland to growing automotive fuel (Photo: File)

The current global uncertainty is not only climatic, but also social, economic, and existential. In the absence of collective leadership capable of confronting the roots of the problem—capitalism and its predatory logic—the trend is toward a future of chaos, inequality, and conflict.

False solutions, ecofascism and militarization
The dominant narrative on climate action has been hijacked by a corporate and government elite seeking to maintain the status quo under new names. What is presented as a "green revolution" or "ecological transition" is nothing more than a new phase of capitalism seeking to monetize the environmental crisis, commodify nature, and perpetuate imperial control over the resources of the Global South.

Climate capitalism thrives on a series of purported solutions, but there is also a strengthening of a new paradigm of environmental thinking that blends liberal ideas with authoritarian overtones: ecofascism.

Researchers like Jason Moore have warned that some sectors of elitist environmentalism propose solutions that include population controls, closed borders to climate migrants, and the idea that only a select few deserve to survive the collapse. This view is not only morally unacceptable, but it completely ignores the real causes of the problem.

On the other hand, the militarization of climate response is becoming established as a major geopolitical strategy. Armies are being redesigned to operate in climate emergency contexts, but also to ensure the protection of energy infrastructure and key natural resources.

Neocolonial reproduction processes are also at work. Some countries in the Global North invest billions in climate protection for their own populations, while those in the South face risks of armed intervention, interference, and foreign political control under the pretext of regional stability. Sub-Saharan Africa is a clear example of this.

Critical political ecology warns that these solutions not only fail to solve the problem, but actually exacerbate it. By turning nature into a financial asset and using the climate as an excuse to expand the military-industrial apparatus, the capitalist system ensures its survival at the expense of the majority of humanity.

The ecological transition risks becoming a process of total commodification of nature, with even air, water, and forests being managed by investment funds and transnational corporations. This instrumental view of ecology not only denies the complexity of living systems, but also undermines the autonomy of peoples and their ancestral knowledge.

Greenwashing to control what remains of the world's oil
Under the guise of "energy transition" and "climate neutrality," major powers and oil corporations are reinventing their strategy to maintain control over global energy resources. This phenomenon, known as greenwashing , consists of presenting superficial sustainability actions to hide extractivist and predatory practices that continue to benefit elites in the Global North.

Companies such as ExxonMobil, Shell, and BP have launched image campaigns highlighting their investments in renewable energy, while continuing to increase their fossil fuel production. Many of these companies allocate less than 5% of their total budget to truly clean projects, preferring to continue exploring and exploiting oil and gas wells in vulnerable regions of the planet.

The central logic of mercantilism—controlling resources, dominating trade, and accumulating wealth—persists. But oil continues to dictate the entire course of geopolitics. Nations and corporations fight for its control, driving military interventions, technological advancements, and economic systems built around dependence on fossil fuels and their role in industrial power.

The depletion of profitable sources has shaped energy geopolitics as net investment per barrel of oil increases. Hence, regions like Alaska and the Arctic Ocean are strategic targets for the survival of the current energy-driven civilization.

This greenwashing also extends to the political level. Countries like the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom promote "green growth" policies, claiming that it is possible to maintain economic growth without increasing emissions. But other research dissenting from the new dominant green discourse shows that such a thing is impossible: material and energy consumption must be drastically reduced if we are to truly avoid the climate tipping point.

Furthermore, "green" mining projects to obtain minerals—such as lithium, cobalt, and rare earths—that support "clean" technologies are expanding in Africa, Latin America, and Asia, generating more conflicts over the appropriation of territories and resources. These minerals, essential for electric vehicle batteries and solar panels, are being extracted under precarious working conditions and with devastating impacts on Indigenous communities and fragile ecosystems.

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"Green" mining projects to extract minerals that support "clean" technologies are expanding in the Global South due to land grabs (Photo: Marina Otero)

Vaclav Smil, a professor at the University of Manitoba in Canada, identifies four materials that rank highest on the need scale and are the pillars of modern civilization: cement, steel, plastics, and ammonia. He adds that "modernity cannot exist without these four ingredients; they all require fossil fuels," highlighting the contradiction between a green discourse and a profoundly fossilized reality.

Greenwashing is also evident in climate diplomacy. Agreements such as the European Green Deal, although presented as models of sustainability, are generating negative externalities on other continents. The European Union demands biomass and imports "green" energy produced from deforestation in West Africa and Southeast Asia. All this under the pretext of reducing emissions in Europe, while countries in the South bear the ecological and human costs.

Only capitalism (in decline) saves?
The fundamental question that remains is whether it is possible to confront climate collapse within a system that, by its very logic, demands constant growth, intensive extraction, and structural inequality. Many analysts argue that it is not, and that the only viable solution is a radical break with capitalism as we know it.

We are entering an era of multiple systemic crises —climate, economic, energy—that could lead to profound political transformations, and the inaction of global elites is allowing the system to simply collapse, leaving no room for viable alternatives.

What does seem clear is that solutions must come from below. Various grassroots movements are offering alternative models of relationship with nature, based on reciprocity, sustainability, and social justice. These approaches, although marginalized in official decision-making spaces, represent real, non-hegemonic paths to rebuilding a post-capitalist, post-climate world.

The myth of linear progress must be abandoned. It's not about finding a way to make capitalism work better, but about imagining a different way of life, where nature is not a commodity, but a traveling companion on the common journey of the human species.

The elites, aware of the severity of the crisis, are seeking ways to maintain their power through technologies of control, militarization, and "new" forms of global governance aimed at preserving ecological imperialism. But these solutions offer no real solutions; they only prolong the collapse while further concentrating wealth and power in the hands of a few.

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The elites, aware of the severity of the crisis, are looking for ways to maintain ecological imperialism (Photo: Bsky: @climatecasino.net)

The commodification of nature and climate capitalism are major obstacles to addressing the global crisis. Under the umbrella of the green economy and corporate environmentalism, new forms of domination, extraction, and violence are hidden, seeking to maintain control over what remains of the oil. Ecological imperialism, far from being an academic concept, is a reality that affects millions of people in the Global South, as northern elites seek to escape the consequences of their own system.

The path to dismantling the structures that turn nature into the property of a few and use climate as a pretext for new forms of control has been fraught with obstacles and has cost the lives of people fighting for their identity with the land.

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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Sat Jul 12, 2025 2:28 pm

The “green” corporations funding anti-climate groups

HEATED reached out to five companies with strong public climate commitments to find out why they're still funding major climate policy obstructors.
Casey Quinlan
Jul 07, 2025

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We’ve said it before, but it bears repeating: We won’t be able to meaningfully reduce climate pollution in the U.S. until we do something about trade associations.

Organized business groups aligned with the fossil fuel industry collectively spend hundreds of millions each year to stymie climate and environmental policy. From 2008 to 2018, trade groups allied with Big Oil and other major climate polluters outspent clean energy trade groups 27 to 1.

Two of the most climate obstructionist trade associations that work on behalf of major polluters are the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Business Roundtable. The Chamber is “the number one obstruction in the path of a just transition to clean energy,” according to a 2023 report on the group’s long history of anti-climate lobbying. The group was a major voice against President Joe Biden’s signature climate law; it opposed pollution limits for power plants and transportation; and it worked to dismantle climate transparency rules for public corporations. Currently, the group is suing Vermont to stop its game-changing climate law that would hold corporations accountable for damage they do to the planet.

And though the Business Roundtable insists it supports climate policy, the group has lobbied against many major efforts to reduce pollution. The association is currently calling on Congress to ban environment- and climate- focused shareholder proposals, which often seek to force companies to set more ambitious climate targets, such as Chevron shareholders’ successful 2021 proposal to reduce Scope 3 emissions. In 2021, the Business Roundtable also “spent millions of dollars to stop the Biden administration’s Build Back Better agenda, which included significant efforts to reduce carbon emissions and promote clean energy,” the Guardian reported.

These group’s anti-climate lobbying activities are only possible because of the millions they receive in annual membership payments from corporate members. And according to a new report, many of those corporate members claim to be climate champions themselves.

The “green” corporations funding climate obstruction

The advocacy group ClimateVoice released a scorecard last week calling out 20 companies for publicly championing climate action while quietly obstructing climate policy through dues payments to The Chamber and Business Roundtable.

These companies “are telling the public that they have these green reputations and they're buying renewable energy,” said Jennifer Allyn, director of campaigns and programs for ClimateVoice. “And yet they belong to these organizations that are actively lobbying against it.”

Many of these companies pay hundreds of thousands in annual dues to these groups, according to those companies’ own reporting. Trade associations do not disclose dues payments, so the amount provided may not be exhaustive, ClimateVoice explained in its methodology.

HEATED reached out to five corporations from the list that we believe have the strongest public climate commitments to get a sense of what is driving their membership in these anti-climate groups.

Here’s who we reached out to, why we reached out to them, and what they said.

Microsoft: $250k+ annually to anti-climate groups
With its ambitious goal to be carbon negative by 2030, Microsoft is widely considered a climate leader in the tech world.

To support that goal, the company in 2023 hired a new chief sustainability officer: Melanie Nakagawa, who was President Joe Biden’s senior director for climate and energy at the National Security Council. In a blog post earlier this year, Nakagawa touted Microsoft’s progress toward its 2030 goal, but noted that “our work is far from over, and that the path ahead has gotten harder.”

But one of the things making that path harder is climate obstructionist trade associations, which Microsoft is a part of. The company contributes $276,325 annually to the Chamber of Commerce while employing 57 paid lobbyists from the fossil fuel industry, according to ClimateVoice’s report.

Microsoft has previously expressed concerns about the Chamber’s anti-climate advocacy, but has not changed its membership status.

The tech giant only responded to HEATED’s questions with “Microsoft has nothing to share at this time.”

Apple: Mystery $$ to anti-climate groups
Apple, another climate tech darling, clearly understands the importance of trade organizations to climate progress: The company left the Chamber of Commerce in 2009 over the Chamber’s opposition to the regulation of greenhouse gas emissions.

Yet the corporation is still a member of the Business Roundtable. (ClimateVoice did not list an annual dues amount for the company). Apple also employs 87 lobbyists from the fossil fuel industry, according to ClimateVoice’s report.

Apple boasts of its carbon neutral products and its goal to bring carbon emissions to net zero for both its supply chain and products by 2030. The company has, to its credit, not backtracked on some of its climate goals compared to other corporations.

So why is Apple still a member of the Business Roundtable? We’re not sure; Apple did not respond to HEATED’s media inquiries.

Uber: $50k+ annually to anti-climate groups
Uber is big into climate-friendly marketing. In 2025, the company touted itself as the most widely available platform for zero-emissions rides. In 2024, the company released features to allow consumers to choose more sustainable transportation options and hosted an event in London to drive home its sustainability message.

Despite these efforts, Uber is a member of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, where it pays annual dues between $50,000 and $75,000, according to ClimateVoice’s report. The company also has 133 paid lobbyists from the fossil fuel industry, the report said.

The Uber communications team responded to HEATED by listing the groups Uber works with to “advocate for pro-EV policies in DC,” such as Zero Emission Transportation Association, EVNoire, and Electrification Coalition Business Council. “Uber is committed to electrification and we’ve invested hundreds of millions of dollars to help drivers go electric through incentives, partnerships, and product enhancements,” the company said.

“While we don’t agree with the Chamber’s position on every issue, we’ll continue prioritizing this work and collaborating across both the public and private sectors for policies that expedite electrification,” Uber added.

Johnson and Johnson: $750k+ annually to anti-climate groups
Johnson and Johnson’s stated climate goal is to reach net zero emissions by 2045. The company has sponsored Climate Week NYC for 7 years in a row; it belongs to the Green Power Partnership, the EPA program that encourages businesses to buy electricity generated from renewable resources; and is part of the National Academy of Medicine’s Action Collaborative on Decarbonizing the U.S. Health Sector.

But behind the scenes, Johnson and Johnson is funding groups that push climate delay. The corporation is also contributing anywhere from $250,000 to $500,000 to Business Roundtable and $500,000 to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce annually, while hiring 28 lobbyists from the fossil fuel industry, according to ClimateVoice’s report.

Johnson and Johnson did not respond to HEATED’s questions.

Pfizer: $700k+ annually to anti-climate groups
In a LinkedIn post last year, Pfizer Chief Sustainability Officer Caroline Roan said the company is “operating with integrity” toward its climate goals. She shared the company’s net zero standard of 2040 and stated that 65 percent of suppliers are setting or committing to setting emissions reduction targets and other climate-related goals.

Pfizer has previously stated that it does not agree with the Chamber’s anti-climate advocacy. “We attempted to influence them but they did not change their [climate] position,” Pfizer said in 2023.

The company remains a member of both groups. Pfizer is paying annual dues of $98,000 to the Business Roundtable and $608,300 to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, according to ClimateVoice’s report. It also has 72 paid lobbyists from the fossil fuel industry.

The pharmaceutical company did not respond to HEATED’s inquiries.

***

You can find all 20 corporations funding anti-climate groups on ClimateVoice’s scorecard.

Other stories we’re following:
Climate scientists weigh in on deadly Texas floods. "This kind of record-shattering rain (caused by slow-moving torrential thunderstorms) event is precisely that which is increasing the fastest in a warming climate," climate scientist Daniel Swain told Common Dreams. "So it's not a question of whether climate change played a role—it's only a question of how much."

Meteorologists say the National Weather Service did its job in Texas. Even though DOGE cut hundreds of jobs at the NWS, experts told WIRED that the agency accurately predicted the state's weekend flood risk.

U.N. expert calls for criminalizing climate disinformation. Elisa Morgera, the UN special rapporteur on human rights and climate change, said states “must ban fossil fuel ads and lobbying, criminalize greenwashing (misinformation and misrepresentation) by the fossil fuel industry, media and advertising firms, and enforce harsh penalties for attacks on climate advocates who are facing a rise in malicious lawsuits, online harassment and physical violence,” the Guardian reports.

In last-minute move, California budget including sweeping environmental rollbacks. Calmatters reports: “The new law exempts nine types of projects from environmental reviews: child care centers, health clinics, food banks, farmworker housing, broadband, wildfire prevention, water infrastructure, public parks or trails and, notably, advanced manufacturing.” Gov. Gavin Newsom reportedly forced the rollbacks, telling legislators that he would not approve the budget without them.

Climate activists vow to continue the fight after Trump signs “Big, Beautiful Bill.” “We know that in the fight for clean air and clean water and a healthy environment that we can’t afford to stop fighting,” David Shadburn, the legislative director at the League of Conservation Voters, told Inside Climate News. “So we’re going to keep doing that, and we know that the public is on our side.”

https://heated.world/p/the-green-corpor ... dium=email

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‘Climate tipping points pose catastrophic risks to billions of people’
July 9, 2025
Statement adopted by the Global Tipping Points Conference, June 30-July 3

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Sme potential tipping points

Hundreds of scientists and others attended the first Global Tipping Points Conference at the University of Exeter, June 30-July 3. The meeting was co-sponsored by the Global Systems Institute at the University of Exeter, the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research and the Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology. This statement was adopted at the closing session.

Global warming is projected to exceed 1.5°C within a few years, placing humanity in the danger zone where multiple climate tipping points pose catastrophic risks to billions of people. Already tropical coral reefs have crossed their tipping point and are experiencing unprecedented dieback, impairing the livelihoods of hundreds of millions who depend on them. Current warming has activated these irreversible changes and every fraction of additional warming dramatically increases the risk of triggering further damaging tipping points.

These include a collapse of deep water formation in the Labrador-Irminger Seas triggering abrupt climate changes that reduce food and water security in northwest Europe and West Africa. Particularly alarming is the risk of collapse of the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC), which would plunge northwest Europe into prolonged severe winters, while radically undermining global food and water security. The Amazon rainforest is also at risk of widespread dieback from the combined effects of climate change and deforestation.

The window for preventing these cascading climate dynamics is rapidly closing, demanding immediate, unprecedented action from policymakers worldwide, and especially from leaders at COP30. This is a human rights and planetary health imperative and ultimately a matter of survival.

Critical to preventing climate tipping points is minimizing both the magnitude and duration of temperature overshoot above 1.5°C. Every year and every fraction of a degree above 1.5°C matters. To minimize overshoot, global greenhouse gas emissions must be halved by 2030 compared to 2010 levels, requiring an unprecedented acceleration in decarbonisation. Only that way can the world reach net zero emissions in time to peak global temperatures well below 2°C and start returning back to, and then below, 1.5°C. This will also require scaling of sustainable carbon removal from the atmosphere.

Current Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and binding long-term targets will only limit global warming to around 2.1°C. We therefore call on all nations updating their NDCs for the September 2025 deadline to set targets consistent with minimising overshoot of 1.5°C.

To achieve such targets we join the COP30 Presidency in calling on governments to enact policies that help trigger positive tipping points in their economies and societies, which generate self-propelling change in technologies and behaviours towards zero emissions. We also support the Global Mutirão initiative to catalyse collective action from civil society to help trigger positive tipping points to achieve common climate goals.

To trigger positive tipping points that help eliminate the 75% of greenhouse gas emissions linked to the energy system, and transition away from fossil fuels in a just, orderly, and equitable manner, we call on policymakers to adopt (and enforce) ambitious policy mandates to phase in clean technologies and phase out fossil fuelled ones. These include bans on the future sale of petrol/diesel cars, diesel trucks, and gas boilers. For less mature technologies such as green hydrogen, green ammonia and green steel, we call for increased investment in research, development and deployment.

To trigger positive tipping points that help eliminate the 25% of greenhouse gas emissions linked to food, farming, and deforestation, we call on policymakers to adopt trade policies that catalyse sustainable commodity production and to shift public money from the livestock sector to plant-based proteins. This will also help limit the risk of tipping points in the biosphere – including dieback of the Amazon rainforest – and can liberate land for regenerating nature.

To trigger positive tipping points of nature regeneration that scale up sustainable removal of CO2 from the atmosphere, we call for policy and civil society action to protect indigenous rights, support community-led conservation initiatives, and ensure fair and transparent valuing of nature. This will help achieve the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework targets to restore 30% of degraded ecosystems and conserve 30% of land, waters and seas. It is essential to limiting overshoot of 1.5°C.

Only with such decisive policy and civil society action can the world tip its trajectory from facing unmanageable climate tipping point risks to seizing positive tipping point opportunities.

https://climateandcapitalism.com/2025/0 ... of-people/

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Panda progress: biodiversity protection and wildlife conservation in China
In the week before the start of our recent delegation, Carlos Martinez joined fellow Friends of Socialist China co-founder Danny Haiphong on a tour of Chongqing and Chengdu organised by Beijing Review. One of the visits organised by our hosts was to the Chengdu Research Base of Giant Panda Breeding.

In the article below, originally published in Beijing Review, Carlos reflects on the visit, and highlights how decades of conservation efforts – such as habitat protection, scientific breeding, and the creation of national parks – have led to a near doubling of the wild panda population, as a result of which their status has been upgraded from ‘endangered’ to ‘vulnerable’.

The article notes that China’s biodiversity efforts go well beyond pandas. The country has launched protection programs for other endangered species like the Tibetan antelope and Siberian tiger, while expanding afforestation on a massive scale. Forest coverage has doubled over the past 40 years, and projects like the Green Great Wall have successfully contained desertification, including surrounding the vast Taklimakan Desert with a 3,000-km green belt.

China’s ecological vision is grounded in both traditional philosophy and modern socialist governance. Its concept of ecological civilisation emphasises harmony between humans and nature, and has enabled large-scale environmental progress through the deployment of vast resources and people-centred economic planning.

China also promotes international cooperation on biodiversity protection. It supports Africa’s Great Green Wall, partners with Kenya on biodiversity research, and collaborates with Brazil on satellite monitoring of the Amazon, among other examples. At the 2024 G20 Summit, President Xi reaffirmed China’s commitment to helping developing nations pursue sustainable development, calling for the G20 “to support developing countries in adopting sustainable production and lifestyle, properly responding to challenges like climate change, biodiversity loss and environmental pollution, enhancing ecological conservation, and achieving harmony between human and nature.”

Carlos describes how China is leading the way in ecological conservation and proving that large-scale biodiversity protection is both achievable and essential.
On May 21, I visited the Chengdu Research Base of Giant Panda Breeding in Chengdu, capital of the southwestern Chinese province of Sichuan. The panda sanctuary was truly impressive: vast and lush. The pandas appear happy and healthy, enjoying a huge area in which to roam freely and consume the abundant bamboo supply. Staff are clearly very dedicated to the animals’ care.

China has emerged as a global leader in wildlife conservation. In 1979, the World Wildlife Fund became the first international conservation organization to sign a cooperation agreement with China. Since that time, China’s wild giant panda population has almost doubled (to just under 2,000), thanks to extensive breeding, conservation and reforestation efforts, along with scientific advancements. Additionally, the Giant Panda National Park, consisting of 67 nature reserves and covering a vast 27,134 square km, was opened in 2020 with the express purpose of protecting the panda population.

As a result of all these efforts, the giant panda’s status has been downgraded from “endangered” to “vulnerable” on the International Union for Conservation of Nature’s Red List of Threatened Species.

China has also in recent decades strengthened protection of several other endangered species—including the Siberian tiger, Amur leopard, Tibetan antelope and Hainan gibbon—through habitat protection, artificial breeding and cultivation, and reintroduction to nature. Former UNESCO Director General Irina Bokova has said that China’s efforts in ecological protection and restoration “echo profoundly with the concept of sustainable development embodied in the United Nations Agenda 2030 (Adopted in 2015, this is a global action plan to achieve 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030—Ed.), in whose implementation China is emerging as a leader.”

Importance of biodiversity
Action on wildlife conservation and biodiversity protection is essential for a healthy planet and for human wellbeing. Balanced, thriving ecosystems contribute to climate regulation, agricultural production, pollination, nutrient cycling, medicine development, disease control, pest control and much more. Healthy ecosystems are better placed to withstand stresses such as flooding, extreme heat and invasive species, and to adapt to environmental change. As prominent British data scientist Hannah Ritchie points out in her 2024 book Not the End of the World, “From the food we eat and the fresh water we drink to the regulation of the climate: we are dependent on the balance of species around us.”

Chinese President Xi Jinping, when visiting a wildlife sanctuary in Zimbabwe in December 2015, phrased it well, “Wildlife plays a crucial role in the intricate web of life on Earth, contributing substantially to the natural ecological system. The wellbeing of these creatures is intricately intertwined with the sustainable development of humanity.”

Unfortunately, biodiversity is under severe threat as a result of climate change, deforestation, habitat loss and pollution. Scientists estimate that species loss is occurring at over 1,000 times the rate it would without human activity. Therefore, the UN SDGs include a call for governments around the world to “take urgent and significant action to reduce the degradation of natural habitats, halt the loss of biodiversity and protect and prevent the extinction of threatened species.”

Leading the way
China has taken up this call. In his address at the Opening of the High-Level Segment of Part II of the 15th Meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity in 2022 via video link, Xi observed that China has made active efforts to promote biodiversity protection.

“We have continuously strengthened biodiversity mainstreaming, applied a system of ecological conservation red lines, established a protected areas system with national parks as its mainstay, carried out major biodiversity protection projects and conducted most stringent enforcement and supervision. Many rare and endangered species have been placed under effective protection, and the diversity, stability and sustainability of the ecosystem have kept improving. We have found a path of biodiversity protection with Chinese characteristics,” Xi said.

China is in the process of building the world’s largest national park system. According to He Xingyuan, a research fellow at the Institute of Applied Ecology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, “The construction of the national park system greatly improves the protection of biodiversity and safeguards the authenticity and integrity of the ecosystem. National parks are becoming ideal homes for many rare wild animals.”

China is the world leader in afforestation, having added more forest area than any other country in recent decades—doubling forest coverage from 12 percent 40 years ago to 24 percent today. In 2024 alone, China added 7.67 million hectares of forest through tree planting and land restoration. China’s Green Great Wall project, officially known as the Three-North Shelter Forest Program, is the world’s largest afforestation project. Launched in 1978, it aims to combat desertification and soil erosion by planting over 35 million hectares of trees across northwest, north and northeast China. The project reached a major success a few months ago with the announcement that the Taklimakan, the largest desert in China and the second largest drifting desert in the world, has been completely surrounded by a green belt stretching 3,046 km, composed of drought-resistant tree species like the red willow, saxaul and desert poplar.

Meanwhile, as is well known by now, China is by far the world’s largest producer and consumer of renewable energy, responsible for over half the world’s solar and wind capacity. As such it is leading the way in the transition away from fossil fuels, and thereby mitigating the impacts of climate change and pollution on biodiversity.

China has also waged a tireless war against air, soil and water pollution, and is working hard to limit the ecological footprint of urban and industrial activities.

Ecological civilization
This progress is all part of China’s vision of ecological civilization, promoting balanced and sustainable development directed toward the harmonious coexistence of humanity and nature.

The notion of an ecological civilization is deeply rooted in Chinese tradition: Over 2,000 years ago, the Confucian philosopher Xunzi taught that “all beings flourish when they live in harmony and receive nourishment from nature.” In the modern era, China’s people-centered socialist governance is indispensable in terms of providing an appropriate economic, political and ideological framework for realizing such a vision.

Public ownership and China’s democratic planning system, among other features, have allowed China to make far more rapid progress than other major countries in relation to environmental protection and sustainable development.

Global cooperation
Consistent with the China-proposed concept of a community with a shared future for humanity, which envisions a world characterized by peace, security, prosperity, openness and sustainability achieved through international cooperation and mutual respect, China is cooperating

with countries around the world on biodiversity protection, wildlife conservation, green energy and desertification control. For example, the China-Africa Joint Research Center in Nairobi, Kenya, serves as an important platform for scientific and technological cooperation and talent cultivation between China and Kenya, as well as the African continent at large. This especially applies in areas such as biodiversity conservation, ecological environment monitoring, microbiology and modern agricultural applications.

China is actively supporting Africa’s Great Green Wall initiative, launched by the African Union in 2007, through technology transfer, aid, investment and shared expertise. The China-Africa Green Technology Park in Mauritania is a key demonstration project for the Great Green Wall and has been described by Mauritanian Minister of Environment and Sustainable Development Messouda Baham Mohamed Laghdaf as “a green revolution in the making.”

China has also been working with Brazil on satellite monitoring programs aimed at curbing deforestation and preserving biodiversity in the Amazon Rainforest.

At the 2024 Group of 20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Xi made a powerful call “to support developing countries in adopting sustainable production and lifestyle, properly responding to challenges like climate change, biodiversity loss and environmental pollution, enhancing ecological conservation, and achieving harmony between human and nature.”

China’s success in panda conservation reflects a deeper commitment to preserving natural heritage as part of its broader vision for developing an ecological civilization and a Beautiful China in which “clean waters and green mountains are as valuable as gold and silver.”

Through its continued innovation and untiring efforts, the country is not only saving its iconic species but also contributing greatly to global biodiversity protection.

https://socialistchina.org/2025/07/11/p ... -in-china/

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China’s energy transition is a world historical breakthrough
In the following article written for the Morning Star, Nick Matthews highlights a major breakthrough in the battle against climate catastrophe: China’s clean energy transition has led to a net reduction in carbon emissions, in spite of the fact that China’s economy and its energy demand continue to grow.

Drawing on data from the well-regarded Carbon Brief website, he reports that in the first quarter of 2025, China’s CO₂ emissions fell by 1.6 percent year-on-year, driven largely by a 5.8 percent drop in emissions from the power sector. This marks the first time China’s emissions have decreased due to expanded clean energy capacity, rather than reduced energy demand (as happened during the Covid-19 pandemic).

Nick notes that electrification of transport and heating is accelerating, with electricity demand from EV charging and battery swapping services growing by 78 percent in 2023 – 3.5 times more than the rest of the world combined. China now leads globally not only in electric cars, but also in electric vans, buses, two-wheelers and heat pumps.

This energy shift has taken many experts by surprise, and has a clear global impact. Nick cites the historian Adam Tooze as saying: “China’s huge surge in renewable energy, above all in solar power, actually puts us on track for the first time to meet these objectives”

Major challenges remain for China’s project of ecological civilisation – especially grid restructuring and balancing renewable supply – but reaching the goal of peak emissions several years ahead of the 2030 target can be considered a turning point. The country’s rapid clean energy development shows that with the political will – which is of course a function of a socialist political structure – a sustainable future is entirely possible.
While most news this year has been nothing short of bleak, we have had a piece of news that is of world historical significance. I am not sure how many Morning Star readers are regular readers of the Carbon Brief, a British website that covers the latest developments in climate science, climate policy and energy policy.

The news I am referring to not that the British output of solar energy this year has increased by 42 per cent due to the driest spring on record, welcome as that is. The even better news was: “For the first time, the growth in China’s clean power generation has caused the nation’s carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions to fall despite rapid power demand growth.

“The new analysis for Carbon Brief shows that China’s emissions were down 1.6 per cent year-on-year in the first quarter of 2025 and by 1 per cent in the latest 12 months. Electricity supply from new wind, solar and nuclear capacity was enough to cut coal-power output even as demand surged, whereas previous falls were due to weak growth.”

The reduction in China’s first-quarter CO2 emissions in 2025 was due to a 5.8 per cent drop in the power sector. While power demand grew by 2.5 per cent overall, there was a 4.7 per cent drop in thermal power generation, mainly coal and gas.

Increases in solar, wind and nuclear power generation, driven by investments in new generating capacity, more than covered the growth in demand. The increase in hydropower, which is more related to seasonal variation, helped push down fossil power generation.

This is not some small country making the clean energy transition. This is the world’s largest manufacturing economy.

China is way ahead in electrifying heating and transport, and building electrolyser capacity. In 2023, China’s electricity demand from the charging and battery swapping service industry grew by 78 per cent and added an estimated 56 TWh to China’s electricity demand, 3.5 times more than the rest of the world.

What that means is measured in terms of power consumed. China’s electrification of road transport is 3.5 times larger than that of the rest of the world put together.

It is this revolution that has Western governments and automakers in a panic. China accounts for 60 per cent of the world’s electric light-vehicle sales, but this segment represents only an estimated 18 TWh of the 56 TWh demand increase, with the rest coming from electric vans, trucks, buses and two-wheelers, which China dominates globally. It is also the largest heat pump market in the world, with more installations per year than any other country.

The significance of this news is hard to overestimate. At Cop28 in 2023, many countries around the world committed to tripling global renewable electricity capacity by 2030. If undertaken, this has the potential to almost halve power sector emissions by 2030, as coal-fired power generation will be replaced first. Furthermore, it will provide enough new electricity to drive forward the electrification of transport, home and industrial heating with a 32 per cent increase in electricity demand.

Many thought that this was something of a pipedream. But as leading economic historian Adam Tooze has said: “China’s huge surge in renewable energy, above all in solar power, actually puts us on track for the first time to meet these objectives.”

As the clean energy think tank Ember reports, it has taken experts around the world by surprise. What we are witnessing is the most rapid take-up of a significant energy technology in history.

It’s worth looking in detail at what China is achieving. The Carbon Brief report by Lauri Myllyvirta, lead analyst at the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air and senior fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute, goes into a lot of detail and is well evidenced.

We are not quite on the road to a carbon-neutral world, as Ember points out, the drama of green electrification is only just beginning. It is one thing to replace dirty power generation for existing uses with solar and wind. It is another to build out the entire electricity system to meet the new demands for electricity in data-processing, transport, domestic and industrial uses.

The challenges of switching to renewables and the restructuring of energy grids have only just begun, and balancing supply across a myriad of renewable sources clearly represents a significant challenge. China’s example, however, shows that with political will, it is possible. So mark May 2025 in your calendar; thanks to China, we can now see the outline of what a carbon-free energy future looks like.

https://socialistchina.org/2025/07/11/c ... akthrough/
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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Thu Jul 17, 2025 2:15 pm

The Great Mediterranean Climate Experiment

One that must be ended immediately
Roger Boyd
Jul 14, 2025

On May 1st of this year, the Mediterranean Sea became the Sulphur Emission Control Area (SECA) where shipping fuel is only allowed to contain 0.1% of sulphur. This was a reduction from the previous level of 0.5% set globally by the International Maritime Organization in 2020, which was in itself a reduction from the previous level of 3.5%. From 2020 on a global basis the maximum allowed sulphur content of shipping fuel was reduced by 86%. Then on May 1st of this year, in the Mediterranean it was reduced by a further 80%, or by 97% when compared to the pre-2020 period.

The effects of these changes would be expected to very significantly reduce the sulphur aerosols (sulphur dioxide) that can act as cloud condensation nuclei; i.e. helping to create clouds and increase the droplet density within clouds. Those clouds are known to act to reflect some of the Sun’s energy back out to space, increasing the albedo (reflectivity) of the Earth and therefore acting to cool the Earth.



The reductions in sulphur shipping emissions at the global and Mediterranean levels represent a massive real-time experiment on the cooling effects of such human-produced aerosols.

To say that the outcome of this experiment is alarming is to understate its significance. For decades now, James Hansen and other scientists have been stating that the aerosol cooling effect is significantly larger than assumed by such bodies as the UN IPCC and therefore the warming effect of greenhouse gases that it is offsetting must also be significantly larger than assumed by those bodies. These two experiments are proving Hansen and his colleagues’ position to be correct. The Earth System and its climate are significantly more sensitive to both the cooling effect of aerosols and the warming effect of anthropogenically-produced greenhouse gases (and any concomitant increase in the non-anthropogenic emissions) than assumed by the UN IPCC projections.

From the below, we can see that the rate of increase in the amount of solar radiation absorbed by the Earth (the black line) took on a steeper incline (increased) from 2020 onwards. With more radiation incoming, some of that extra radiation was sent back out to space, with more outgoing long wave radiation (the red line). The difference between the red and black lines, the Earth’s energy imbalance, increased at a more rapid rate; the rate of climate change sped up. As Leon Simons notes, the lack of media interest in the reality that the actual trend in climate change is significantly worse than that forecast by the UN IPCC is stunning.

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The main shipping lanes of the world pass over ocean waters that have little if any other sources of air pollution than shipping emissions and thus provide a very good experimental environment. Since 2020, Leon Simons and others, have been pointing to the data that shows a rapid warming over the main global shipping lanes since 2020. The image below, from July 1st of this year, shows the warming impact across the North Atlantic main shipping lanes, as well as in the congested shipping lanes of the English Channel and North Sea. The cold area in the North Atlantic is known as the North Atlantic Cold Blob, caused by the cold but also low salinity Greenland melt water floating on top of the warmer but high salinity waters below.

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The effects of the changes in the Mediterranean were already very visible, concentrated in the higher shipping areas of the north-west and central areas of the Mediterranean Sea. There will also be some spillover into the Western European coasts and North Atlantic as ships that are sailing in and out of the Mediterranean will be utilizing the same fuel in both areas, which will have to comply with the lower Mediterranean sulphur standards.

The below also shows the effects over the shipping lanes across the Northern Pacific, and the incredibly congested shipping areas around Japan, South Korea and the northern Chinese coast.

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A 2024 paper in Nature “Abrupt reduction in shipping emission as an inadvertent geoengineering termination shock produces substantial radiative warming” covers this, From its abstract:

In 2020, fuel regulations abruptly reduced the emission of sulfur dioxide from international shipping by about 80% and created an inadvertent geoengineering termination shock with global impact. Here we estimate the regulation leads to a radiative forcing of +0.2±0.11Wm−2 averaged over the global ocean. The amount of radiative forcing could lead to a doubling (or more) of the warming rate in the 2020 s compared with the rate since 1980 with strong spatiotemporal heterogeneity. The warming effect is consistent with the recent observed strong warming in 2023 and expected to make the 2020 s anomalously warm.

And even after this paper was published, the authorities went ahead with the Great Mediterranean Climate Experiment! There are some concerns that the greatest effects of the removal of sulphur aerosols will happen the closer to zero that they are reduced to, something that is being tested right now in the Mediterranean and the answer seems to be to the affirmative given the very large temperature spikes in the highest shipping areas of the Mediterranean; the North Western Mediterranean. Here are the latest results, with one area 7.7 degrees centigrade above the 1982 to 2015 average!

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If you are on the southern coast of France, the north western coast of Italy, or in Corsica, you will be experiencing levels of heat far above what has been previously known for this time of year. The rest of the coasts of Italy, the eastern coast of Spain, the coast of western North Africa, and the Balearic islands will also be experiencing extremes, just slightly less. And the height of the summer heat, in mid-August is not yet upon us.

At the global level, the IMO regulations have already substantially accelerated anthropogenic climate change and now at the Mediterranean regional level it has been accelerated again. Given that global average surface temperatures are already over 1.5 degrees above the late nineteenth century benchmark (and over 1.7 degrees above the 1750 pre-industrial period), the possibility of triggering Earth System feedbacks that cannot be reversed and may move the climate into a very different equilibrium state is increasingly high.

The right thing to do would be an immediate reversal of at the least the Mediterranean changes and a rapid effort to find a new additive for shipping fuel that can act as a cloud condensation nuclei. Unfortunately, the related institutions have repeatedly shown a level of inertia and intransigence that can drag out urgently-required changes for years or even decades.

With the new understandings provided by these two experiments, one global and one regional, there should then be a much greater focus on both clean energy and short-term solar radiation management (SRM) to stave off accelerated climate change. Quite the opposite of what the Trump administration is doing and Marjorie Taylor Green’s attempts to ban such things as climate radiation management. As nations such as China rapidly reduce their air pollution through such things as sulphur-scrubbers on coal-fired power stations and electric vehicles, we are being faced with another climate-cooling termination shock. We cannot afford to take the risk of triggering irreversible Earth System change that will produce both a period of climate chaos and then a new climate equilibrium state that may be much less conducive to modern human civilization.

As the New Scientist covers, even the optimal window for the use of SRM will not last that long. And the NS article is using UN IPCC assumptions, rather than the much faster reality of real-time data.

With the acceleration in climate change I will be writing about some of the geopolitically important nations and regions that will be most affected in the next decade or two by both accelerated climate change and the possible rapid reduction in the usage of fossil fuels; especially oil.

https://rogerboyd.substack.com/p/the-gr ... experiment

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CovertAction Bulletin – Texas Flooding: The Real Culprit Is Capitalism
By Rachel Hu and Chris Garaffa - July 16, 2025 0

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[Source: AP]

Texas Flooding: The Real Culprit Is Capitalism
2 days ago

134 people have died and 101 remain missing after the Guadalupe River in central Texas overflowed as a result of 6.5 inches of rain falling over the course of three hours on the morning of July 4th. Though the floods are being called just a natural disaster, mounting evidence shows that climate change, budget cuts, crumbling infrastructure and political infighting contributed not just to the flooding but the resulting destruction and loss of life. Even in a real freak incident, a true once-in-a-century occurrence, proper precautions and warnings could have been implemented. Plainly, no one had to die and the blame has to be not just on individual decision-makers but the entire capitalist system that neglects the basic needs of people in favor of profits.

We’re joined by Corrie Rosen, a member of the Party for Socialism and Liberation in San Antonio who’s been helping with the recovery efforts.
https://covertactionbulletin.podbean.co ... apitalism/

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One-hundred-and-thirty-four people have died and 101 remain missing after the Guadalupe River in central Texas overflowed as a result of 6.5 inches of rain falling over the course of three hours on the morning of July 4th. Though the floods are being called just a natural disaster, mounting evidence shows that climate change, budget cuts, crumbling infrastructure and political infighting contributed not just to the flooding but the resulting destruction and loss of life. Even in a real freak incident, a true once-in-a-century occurrence, proper precautions and warnings could have been implemented. Plainly, no one had to die and the blame has to be not just on individual decision-makers but the entire capitalist system that neglects the basic needs of people in favor of profits.

We’re joined by Corrie Rosen, a member of the Party for Socialism and Liberation in San Antonio who’s been helping with the recovery efforts.

Support local volunteer efforts here and read more about it at Peoples Dispatch.

Then, we discuss the $200 million contracts given by the Department of Defense to Anthropic, Google, OpenAI, and xAI—in the wake of xAI’s Grok going full-on antisemitic.

https://covertactionmagazine.com/2025/0 ... apitalism/

"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Sat Jul 26, 2025 3:02 pm

For an ‘ecommunist’ alternative to degrowth and luxury communism
July 25, 2025
If the working class does not tackle capitalism, then reactionary solutions will be imposed

https://climateandcapitalism.com/wp-con ... -green.jpg[/img]

by Esteban Mercatante and Federico Fuentes

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In his new book, Rojo fuego: Reflexiones comunistas frente a la crisis ecológica (Fiery red: Communist reflections on the ecological crisis), Argentine Marxist Esteban Mercatante takes aim at capitalism as the root cause of the “multidimensional” ecological crisis, while engaging in important dialogues with ecological currents such as degrowth and ecomodernism. Against these, Mercatante argues for an “ecommunist” strategy, focused on labour as the agent of both its own emancipation and the qualitative transformation of society’s relationship with nature, as the only means to avoid disaster.

With the book only available in Spanish, Federico Fuentes from LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal spoke to Mercatante, who is also an editorial board member of Ideas de Izquierda (Left Ideas), to discuss some of the key points raised in his book. Republished with permission.


Given the already existing and constantly expanding range of literature on Marxism, ecology and the climate crisis, what made you decide to write your book?

It was precisely because this issue has become such an important focus of contemporary discussions. The ecological crisis today is an intersecting issue, which means that this issue and its impacts must be taken into account across different disciplines.

In this book, I was interested in exploring two things. On the one hand, I wanted to introduce a Marxist perspective — which is not as accessible for Spanish-speakers — into the discussion, particularly here in Argentina where the book was published (it has now also been published in Spain). Most ecomarxist works produced in the past decades, from the early contributions by John Bellamy Foster through to the more recent writings of Kohei Saito and Andreas Malm, have been relatively little discussed. Taking into consideration the dialogue that is occurring between revolutionary left activists and ecologists, I wanted to try to synthesise some of these contemporary contributions that put forward an ecological critique. There are also questions that ecomarxists need to further develop their ideas on, and I wanted to contribute to that too.

On the other hand, I want to look at all the ways in which Karl Marx’s critique of political economy can help expose the anti-ecological character of capital accumulation. Part of the book reconstructs the different phases of production and circulation of capital, from capital-labour relations to the formation of a world market based on increasingly accelerated flows of commodities and money. This helps us think through how different ecological problems are generated at each stage of this cycle.

Lastly, there is another key question that Marxism has struggled to address — and which we need to debate — and that is how to link our ecological critique of capital to a revolutionary strategy for transcending capitalism and prefiguring a society that can move beyond capital. This is a major weakness in the otherwise important contributions by Foster, Saito and others. More recent attempts have sought to deal with this challenge, for example Andreas Malm’s call for an “ ecological Leninism.” But, as refreshing as his approach is, his view that the revolutionary seizure of power, as the first step towards transitioning to a socialist society, is not on the agenda today leaves his proposal somewhat floating in the air.

What my book aims to do is contribute to what I believe is a fundamental discussion on how to develop, from an ecological perspective, a revolutionary strategy around a communist vision that both seeks to liberate humanity from exploitation and restore a balanced metabolism between society and nature, which form a differentiated unity.

Environmentalists often focus on climate change, but your book situates this issue within a broader “multidimensional” ecological crisis. Could you elaborate on this?

The idea that we face a multidimensional crisis has been well illustrated by the Stockholm Resilience Centre’s study. It sets out a series of planetary boundaries. One involves greenhouse gases and global warming, but it also looks at biodiversity loss, deforestation and land use changes, ocean acidification, air pollution, and several other boundaries. All up, the SRC sets out nine boundaries and a series of critical thresholds for each that should not be crossed to avoid accelerated deterioration with unforeseeable consequences for a “tolerable” — let alone desirable — human life.

This is what I mean by a multidimensional ecological crisis. It is important to raise this because many of the solutions proposed by green capitalism advocates to deal with ecological problems tend to focus on a single issue — mainly climate change. This generates proposals that, while seeking to fix one issue, end up negatively affecting others. For example, an energy transition requires extracting minerals such as lithium on a large-scale to produce storage batteries. But this leads to more resource extraction, which uses a lot of water and alters ecosystems in dependent countries such as Chile, Bolivia and Argentina.

Why do you say that the cause of this crisis lies in “capitalism’s DNA”?

Capitalist society is characterised by the drive to convert nature into an object that can be valorised. The same occurs with labour power. Dependent on capital, labour is forced to continuously produce as much value as physically possible. The law of value, when extended to nature, implies prioritising the development of techniques that can facilitate extracting the greatest quantity of resources (whether agriculture and livestock, tree plantations for timber, fish farms or minerals) for the lowest price. Nature is “valued” solely in terms of the cost of appropriating it. Meanwhile, certain areas are set aside as “dumping grounds” for waste, which is deemed a “service” capital can exploit.

Under capital’s logic, environmental impacts have historically not been factored into the business equation. In traditional economic theory, they appear as an “externality” — something not intrinsic to business running costs. Capitalist states have sought to “correct” this through environmental governance, with measures including taxes, fines and other mechanisms such as carbon credits. But these do not fundamentally change the relationship between capital and nature, or the negative impacts of various productive activities. They simply make companies pay for polluting by putting a “price” on it, while doing nothing to repair ecosystems.

Capital prioritises short-term profitability, even if that generates burdensome consequences in the medium or long term. Today we are seeing some of these unforeseen consequences from past actions, such as climate change caused by greenhouse gas emissions from preceding centuries. Yet even now, when we know about these consequences, we see oil companies, faced with the prospect of winding up their operations, rushing to extract every last drop of oil, thereby making the consequences even worse. This behaviour — driven by a viewpoint that Saito, borrowing a phrase from Marx, aptly describes as “ after me the deluge” — undermines the prospects of intergenerational sustainability. Sustainability has become a kind of mantra for many companies, but it is mostly pure greenwashing.

The logic of capitalism leads to attempting the “ production of nature,” as geographer Neil Smith put it; that is, a nature entirely mediated by the social, by capital. But attempting this — and Smith somewhat underestimated these limits — is fraught with tensions, because natural metabolic processes are very complex. Capital’s efforts to subsume them generate unpredictable consequences, the impacts of which are proportional to the efforts to dominate nature. This is what Engels had in mind when he spoke of the “revenge” of nature against domination attempts that ignore the limits imposed by nature’s laws and instead seek to “twist” them for profit.

In the book’s introduction, you explain that the environment is very present in state policies and business practices. But, borrowing a phrase from Ajay Singh Chaudhary, you argue what reigns today is “ right-wing climate realism.” What do you mean by this?

Chaudhary correctly points out that a significant section of the ruling class helps ensure climate policies are cosmetic or impotent. Not because it is denialist but because it believes it can survive accelerating deterioration as climate events become ever more recurrent and catastrophic. Chaudhary puts forward the idea of an “ armed lifeboat,” in which those with sufficient resources can — and do — invest in underground bunkers equipped with all the basic necessities, while simultaneously investing in technologies that might one day allow a chosen few to evacuate Earth.

The obvious question is how much of this is feasible and how much is pure science fiction, at least for now. But I am interested in the idea that these sectors see no contradiction in acknowledging the ecological crisis while refusing to promote initiatives that could do something about it. It debunks the idea we so often hear that “ we are all in this together.” When it comes to the ecological crisis, we are not all in this together. That is why the working class and poor must promote our own solutions, because no section of the ruling class — denialist or non-denialist — is going to do that for us.

Has the rising global influence of the far right — we now have far-right presidents in Argentina and the United States — tipped the scale more towards denialism, whether in terms of national policies or in international forums such as the COPs? Related to this, how do you interpret the rise of ecofascist tendencies within this broader far right?

Undoubtedly, as the extreme right grows stronger globally, the voices of denialism, which reject the Paris Agreement and the 2030 Agenda and want to disengage from the COPs, are gaining strength. But divisions and tensions are arising among them, which means things are not so clear cut. Until two months ago [US President Donald] Trump and [tech billionaire] Elon Musk were allies; now they are at loggerheads. The former has always been a denialist, while the latter champions electric automobiles. As a result of this clash, it seems we will have cuts to public funding for electric vehicles and associated technologies. But this could have gone a different way. As we have often seen, the extreme right, with its very strong denialist component, has not necessarily translated its ideas into coherent policies. With each case, we have to look at what different alliances are formed, what concessions have been made to sectors of big capital, etc.

It is important to note that denialist attacks have, in their own way, helped legitimise the stagnant agenda of various multilateral forums. There is an increasing trend among left and progressive sectors to defend them against attacks from the right, and even silence criticisms they once made of the miserliness, impotence and cynicism that pervades these spaces. These forums, along with corporate “ green capitalism,” have gained some legitimacy from being attacked by these denialists. We must be alert to this danger.

The emergence of ecofascisms, though still somewhat incipient, is also important to note. As the consequences of the ecological crisis worsen, we should not be surprised if “emergency measures” take on an evermore overtly ecofascist character. For instance, we can see how the far right tries to draw a link between xenophobia and the view that the climate crisis will lead to future threats of increased immigration waves.

We must be clear that if the working class does not develop an independent, revolutionary political perspective capable of responding to social needs and showing a way out of these crises by tackling the root cause — capitalism — then it is increasingly likely that reactionary solutions will be imposed.

Alongside the growth of ecofascist positions, we are seeing an increasing promotion of apocalyptic visions, particularly among some left sectors who believe that a discourse of environmental catastrophism or collapse will mobilise people. What do you think about this?

This idea of collapse can take different forms.

One is a rehash of the old mechanistic catastrophism that certain anti-capitalist left sectors ascribe to any crisis (whether economic or ecological). Such crises are viewed as objective factors to help compensate for difficulties in the subjective terrain, that is, for building a revolutionary social force. Such currents have appeared throughout the revolutionary movement’s history. It is not surprising that the ecological crisis provides them with some fuel.

Another current believe it is impossible to sustain any type of social organisation that is so dependent on scarce fossil fuels, and therefore resource depletion will inevitably impose reduced social demand. For them, globalisation will become unsustainable and force a return to local, communal spheres. Such thinking is often tied to a certain version of degrowth — not as something desirable, but something that will inevitably be imposed on us.

Lastly, the idea of collapse can also take the form of a kind of generalised common sense or “ structure of feeling,” which is reinforced by the rising recurrence of climate disasters. Out of this has emerged the idea that we have run out of time and are already inexorably heading towards catastrophe. Rather than triggering anti-systemic mobilisations, this leads to paralysing pessimism.

Whether arising as a result of mechanistic thinking or pessimism, collapsism is an obstacle for action. Instead, we must fight against the impending catastrophe.

Some argue that as Global North countries are largely responsible for the crisis they should bear the main responsibility, while Global South countries can use natural resources as they want to develop their economy. What is your view of this complicated issue, often called “ common but differentiated responsibilities” or, in its most radical form, climate justice?

This view contains an important critique of systemic inequalities. This is something formally recognised in international governance, for example when differentiated greenhouse gas emission targets are made on developed and developing countries, respectively. Global climate justice movements have helped bring many of these issues to the fore. Ecological currents have also developed concepts such as unequal ecological exchange and ecological debt.

However, the problem for dependent countries, whose economies remain dependent on the Global North’s, is that “capitalist development” has become a pipe dream, something recent history shows is impossible for them in an imperialist world. In my book El imperialismo en tiempos de desorden mundial (Imperialism in times of world disorder), I look at how the formation of global value chains has condemned dependent countries to a “race to the bottom”, in which each strives to offer more flexible labour and environmental regulation and tax incentives to attract investment. The result is that even countries with some success inserting themselves into the many links within existing value chains have not managed to develop their economies in any significant way. Rather, we see increasingly unequal value distribution along these chains, with richer countries taking the lion’s share.

That is one issue. The second issue is we must question what development means in times of ecological crisis. It must be clearly stated that non-capitalist perspectives are the only way, first, to break the chains of dependence and plunder, and, second, promote a society that can fully satisfy social needs while maintaining a healthy metabolism between humans and nature. Capitalism cannot do this.

You write that “different currents within critical ecology and ecosocialism give very different answers to what should be the central coordinates guiding the organisation of post-capitalist societies.” What are these main currents?

Broadly speaking, these currents today tend to be polarised between proponents of degrowth and advocates of an anti-capitalist or ecomodernist accelerationism.

The main target of degrowth — as its name suggests — is economic growth, which is identified as the main cause of the ecological crisis in its multiple dimensions. Significant space is dedicated to the “ ideology” of growth in most of these writings. Many degrowth texts spend time explaining how gross domestic product (GDP) growth became an incontrovertible measure of economic success, and how all economic policies since the 1930s are based on stimulating continuous growth. Degrowthers argue that you cannot put an equal sign between GDP growth — or more specifically GDP per capita — and wellbeing. They say, beyond a certain point, higher GDP per capita does not equate to an equivalent improvement in people’s lives.

It is worth keeping in mind that these authors write from, and think about, their situation in rich countries. Their argument that what we face today is over-consumption, and that resource extraction far exceeds the planet’s capacity to replenish what is extracted, makes sense when we talk about developed countries. They raise concepts such as the “ imperial mode of living”, which says rich societies live beyond sustainable limits, and do so at the expense of the rest of the planet from which they extract resources and offload the costs of environmental impacts.

This raises an interesting issue by inserting imperialism into the ecological question. But, at the same time, it contains several problems. For instance, discussion tends to end up going down the path of questioning consumption rather than production itself, which, beyond any intentions, slightly blurs the systemic root of the problem. Also, the working classes in rich countries end up being viewed as participants in this “imperial mode of living” — or, at least, are not explicitly excluded. This is despite multiple indicators showing a marked deterioration in their living standards in recent decades, due to privatisation and global economic restructuring. This is not clearly incorporated into degrowth perspectives.

This does not mean the burden of responsibility should be equally shared. Inequality is a very important aspect of these views: the idea that the ultra-rich — with their planes, yachts and mansions — share overwhelming responsibility for creating such a large ecological footprint. Moreover, questioning the notion of economic growth as an end in itself, as degrowthers do, is important. Productivist ideas have gained a foothold even among some anti-capitalist sectors, despite being a dead end. So, such warnings are valuable.

But there are big weaknesses in degrowth perspectives in terms of developing consistent alternatives. They say there must be qualitative changes in how things are produced, but struggle to come up with concrete measures. The quantitative emphasis — reducing the scale of production and consumption — is the only thing they clearly articulate.

The common denominator between different visions of degrowth is a vague, and often ambiguous, anti-capitalist stance. Questioning economic growth as an end in itself means opposing a basic aspect of capitalism, because there is no continuous capital accumulation of value if there is no concomitant rise in resource extraction. But it is much more difficult to translate this negative idea into a positive alternative.

There are also differences among exponents of degrowth on the alternative. Some authors, such as Serge Latouche, are directly hostile to the idea of socialism, given the past experiences of the former bureaucratised workers’ states, and accuse all Marxists of being productivist. Others argue that a steady-state capitalist economy (in which some sustained measures avoid growth while guaranteeing reproduction at a stable rate) may be possible, and that therefore degrowth and capitalism are not inherently antagonistic. There are also those with more anti-capitalist views, such Jason Hickel or Kohei Saito, the latter of which explicitly advocates for degrowth communism.

Notwithstanding these nuances, what characterises all these visions is their focus on a kind of minimum or immediate program, which may vary a little but is basically conceived as demands on the state. They include some interesting issues we can agree on — such as reducing the working day — but are not combined with a transitional perspective, or something resembling a strategy to transcend capitalism.

Standing opposed to these positions — in an almost mirror-like fashion — is ecomodernism. From this perspective, the answer to the ecological crisis lies in accelerating technological development. Its central diagnosis is that, under capitalism, innovation is unable to fulfil its full potential, as it gets harder to translate it into profitable business models that justify investments. Aaron Bastani’s book Fully Automated Luxury Communism is a prime example. In Bastani’s view, freeing technological development from the constraints imposed by capitalist relations of production would make it possible to fully automate production processes.

In this sense, ecomodernism is opposed to reducing metabolism. On the contrary, they argue the need to continue pursuing growth, and perhaps even growing faster, in order to come up with innovations that can solve environmental problems. The problems capitalism generates are simply reduced to a lack of planning. Ecomodernism envisions forms of consumption intrinsic to this mode of production continuing beyond capitalism, thus contributing to their naturalisation and dehistoricisation. Technology is also fetishised. It tends to be given an aura of neutrality, when in fact all new developments and innovations are shaped by class relations.

For ecomodernists, there is almost no limit to the so-called decoupling of the economy from the environment — that is, ensuring the least possible impact in terms of resource extraction and waste production. The expansion of what Bastani defines as “fully automated luxury communism” can therefore apparently occur without encountering any sustainability problems. They base this on the claim that this has been occurring for a long time under capitalism in the more developed countries.

The problem is that, despite undeniable efficiency gains in terms of material impacts, statistics on so-called decoupling mostly leave out the fact that, due to changes in the global division of labour, such countries depend much more on material processes occurring outside their borders; namely, industrial processes in developing countries that are controlled by multinationals based in imperialist countries. What we have is less decoupling than the offshoring of production processes to third countries, through which environmental impacts are “outsourced”. Once we take this “offshoring” into account when looking at ecological footprints, the scale of decoupling is largely reduced, if it does not disappear altogether.

Putting faith in an automated luxury communism based on such weak assumptions can only lead to ruin. Precisely because they do not want to put all their eggs in one basket, they often hedge their bets, saying that if we cannot achieve enough decoupling, then the answer lies in space mining (the extraction of metals from asteroids) and using outer space as a dumping ground for the trash accumulating in increasingly unsustainable ways across much of the planet.

Lastly, ecomodernists think more in terms of eliminating labour than transforming it. Dave Beech views this current as essentially anti-work. This shows itself in the absence of the working class as a subject with any role to play in its emancipation or establishing a different social metabolism. They hope that the system’s contractions, worsened by the kind of accelerationism they propose, will produce a post-capitalism that enables planning, along with the “democratisation” and extension of the consumption patterns of the rich to the rest of society.

Given these patterns cannot be made universal within the finite limits of the planet, it is not surprising they have to conjure up intergalactic solutions to environmental challenges. What we are left with are proposals such as Bastani’s, that offer a (luxury) “communist” variant of the kind of space ravings of Elon Musk or Jeff Bezos.

Against these currents, you argue the case for an “ecommunist” perspective? What is ecommunism? Why and how does it differ from ecosocialism?

The term ecomunismo comes from the title of Ariel Petruccelli’s latest book, which was published in Spanish almost at the same time as mine. I adopted the term because it foregrounds the central issue that ecological Marxism or ecosocialism must emphasise. Instead of debating whether “solutions” will come from technology or reducing metabolisms, we need to organise the needed social forces to attack the foci of ecological destruction: capitalism and the relations of production this exploitative social order engenders.

For many critical ecologists, including even some ecosocialists, the relations of production are a kind of “black box”; a terrain left unexplored or only tangentially mentioned. They miss the centrality of ending alienated relations between the great producing class — the waged labour force — and the means of production. Ecomodernists and degrowers both talk about reducing the working day, albeit for different reasons and motivated by different logics, but what is missing from both is the protagonism of labour — exploited by capital — as an agent in its own emancipation and in the qualitative transformation of society’s relationship with nature.

Ending the monopoly of private ownership over the means of production implies expanding workers’ democracy — the democracy of those who produce and also consume a great part of what is produced — into a sphere currently dominated by capital. Under capitalism, production-consumption is a differentiated unity mediated by the process of exchange, in which social need can only be expressed as a financially-sound demand (and can only appear as the choice of one or another commodity that capitalists have previously decided to produce and sell). As such, only by socialising the means of production can we re-establish a genuine unity of both processes, in which production is based on satisfying social needs — the first step towards any kind of planning. This is a key aspect that can help us break free from the polarised debate between “more” or “less” that has dominated discussions among ecosocialists.

Rationally mastering society’s metabolism with nature by collectively deciding what to produce (based on which social needs should be prioritised) does not mean we can avoid difficult decisions around capitalism’s legacy of environmental destruction. But rather than these decisions being made by the private power of capital — backed by governments whose central function is reproducing capitalist relations of production — it will be the producing class as a whole, having regained control over the means of production, which will work out proposals to settle these questions. They will do so while ensuring that three different objectives are met: fully satisfying fundamental social needs; democratising production; and seeking to establish a rational metabolism with nature. Moreover, “expropriating the expropriators” will allow us to recover a broader notion of wealth, which breaks with the idea that abundance must translate into the kind of limitless consumerism that capitalism has promoted to sell ever increasing numbers of commodities.

Post-capitalist ecomodernist mirages envision the end of labour through automation, where machines, the ultimate embodiment of capital, appear as divine incarnations, but nothing is said about how, what and who will decide what is produced. In contrast, communism, as we understand it, has at its heart the transformation of labour and its relationship with nature. This is the cornerstone for recovering all the potential denied to labour by the alienated relations imposed on it by capital and, at the same time, for ending the abstraction of nature. These are the preconditions for moving from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom, which presupposes a balanced social metabolism.

I am not proposing any magic bullet for dealing with the dangerous ecological crisis that capital will leave behind for any society emerging from its abolition. Achieving new relations of production based on collective decision-making will not mean being able to fix overnight the ecological disaster capitalism has produced. The more sober proposal I am making is that there is no need to delude ourselves with the techno-optimistic prometheanism of “fully automated luxury communism”, or resign ourselves to the hardships advocated by degrowthers. On the contrary, achieving a society based on the democratic deliberations of all workers and communities, and on planned social production through socialisation of the means of production in the hands of a minority of exploiters, can create the conditions to allow us to meet the twin objectives of (re)establishing a balanced social metabolism while fully satisfying social needs.

https://climateandcapitalism.com/2025/0 ... communism/

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When ‘Coexistence’ Is Co-Opted in Conservation Practice
Posted on July 19, 2025 by Yves Smith

Yves here. This post, while it offers many important observations from the frontlines of the efforts to protect endangered species, oddly skips over the big issue of habitat loss due to seemingly unending demands by humans for more calories or income, as in more farmland or more hunting (or more poaching so as to sell animal parts for vastly more than their value as food). So viable coexistence given that would mean retreat of humans, an option I have yet to see discussed seriously.

Consider in the US: many of you have seen the famous video of how the reintroduction of wolves at Yellowstone led to great changes in its ecosystem, including the paths of rivers and streams. But wolves have large hunting ranges. They can’t be “reintroduced” much in the absence of that. A particular change visible even in suburban America is the corresponding increase in the coyote population, which wolves eat. The rise in number of coyotes has thinned out foxes, which coyotes prey upon, save (less successfully) the tree-climbing gray fox.

By Ashraf Shaikh, a wildlife biologist and conservation researcher based in India. His work focuses on human-wildlife interactions in the Central Indian landscape, with an emphasis on conflict resolution, community engagement, and the socio-ecological dynamics of shared spaces. Originally published at Undark

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Between 2013 and 2023, some 300 people were attacked by tigers in the district, with close to 150 fatalities, according to forest department records. According to my research, most of these attacks occur not inside forests; they are sudden maulings in agricultural fields or early morning ambushes when people go out to defecate. Often, the victims are elderly men, doing everyday chores that require venturing into the periphery of forested areas or tending to their fields.

Our team has repeatedly flagged the need for responsive systems: adaptive risk communication, strategic fencing, decentralized early-warning mechanisms, and emergency response teams. But what we encounter more often than policy is placation. At meetings and informal discussions with forest officials and local researchers, a single phrase recurs like a lullaby: “People here are used to it.”

That phrase, seemingly benign, is chilling. It represents weaponized tolerance, a way to reframe tragedy as resilience, to turn recurring trauma into a cultural norm. It absolves the state of responsibility and silences the voices of those living in fear. It reduces death to data, and grief to a shrug.

Yet coexistence here is not just failing people. It’s failing tigers too. Big cats implicated in fatal encounters are often tranquilized and held in captivity for life. Others are relocated to forests they’ve never known, where they either wander confused or return to human settlements. Some are killed. Ironically, the very framework meant to protect tigers becomes the excuse for mishandling them.

In Chandrapur, coexistence has stopped being a shared ethic. It has become a mirage, suggesting harmony where there is imbalance, implying choice where there is compulsion.

Travel eastward, and the story deepens in the Sundarbans, the world’s largest mangrove forest, straddling India and Bangladesh. Here, water, forest, and predator form an intricate web of life. Tigers swim through channels. Humans venture into forests for fishing, honey, and firewood. The danger is omnipresent, and yet, so is devotion.

The region’s cultural narrative is anchored in the worship of Bonbibi, a local forest goddess revered for offering protection from tigers. Before entering the forest, honey collectors and fishers pray at her shrines, offering flowers, chants, and whispered hopes. This spiritual framework fosters a kind of psychological resilience that helps people navigate risk.

But it has also been conveniently co-opted by the state and conservation organizations. Officials and NGOs often refer to the community’s cultural bond with tigers as a reason to explain away inadequate infrastructure, poor compensation for those affected, and lack of preventative measures. When someone dies in a tiger attack, particularly if their forest entry was deemed unauthorized, their family may receive no support.

The loss is not just emotional. Widows of victims are often stigmatized as swami khejos, literally “husband eaters” in Bengali, and face social exclusion. Many are pushed further into economic precarity, unable to find work or remarry.

Again, wildlife fares no better. Problem tigers are rarely addressed through proactive measures. They’re tracked only after multiple incidents, and often face either botched relocations or lethal control. Coexistence here becomes a mask, used to justify state apathy, erase community suffering, and treat cultural endurance as a substitute for institutional support.

The Sundarbans are home not only to tigers with unique traits, but also to some of the most marginalized, climate-vulnerable communities in South Asia. Reverence is not relief. Culture is not compensation.

This narrative distortion isn’t unique to South Asia. In Zimbabwe’s Hwange National Park, a strikingly similar dynamic has unfolded, this time involving elephants.

Hwange is home to an estimated 45,000 elephants, about triple the area’s ecological capacity. Droughts and scarce resources are pushing herds out of the park and into nearby villages, where they trample fields, destroy homes, and sometimes injure or kill residents.

In response, authorities and NGOs have turned to technology. Last year, the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority, in partnership with the International Fund for Animal Welfare, rolled out EarthRanger — a GPS tracking system that sends real-time alerts when collared elephants approach human settlements. Local “community guardians” receive early warnings and post them on WhatsApp groups or deliver them to households via bicycle messengers — a promising but limited-scale intervention.

Yet only 16 elephants have been collared, a tiny fraction that limits the system’s reach. Beyond this tech, villagers continue to rely on rattles, chili fences (pieces of string infused with chili oil), and watchtowers. Meanwhile, compensation remains weak or inconsistent; funeral support is typically meager, and human fatalities continue with minimal redress.

Nevertheless, coexistence remains prominent in conservation messaging. Workshops still preach patience, and NGOs promote tolerance, even when farmland is lost and communities receive scant support. Meanwhile, in the first quarter of 2025 alone, 158 animals involved in conflicts were culled following 18 human deaths.

In Hwange, as in Chandrapur and the Sundarbans, coexistence has too often become a slogan, not a strategy, a comforting distraction that allows institutions to showcase moral intention while sidestepping material responsibility to humans or wildlife.

When interventions are delayed in the name of tolerance, wildlife begins to adapt in problematic ways. Predators grow bolder, losing their fear of human spaces. Ungulates raid crops, developing habits that put them at risk of retribution. Over time, these behaviors increase both the frequency and severity of conflict.

One common response is translocation, removing animals from high-conflict zones and placing them in safer areas. But this often fails. Leopards released into forests far from their capture sites frequently return or die. Elephants moved in Sri Lanka and northeast India have starved, been attacked, or failed to integrate into existing herds.

These failures reveal a painful truth: Wildlife is not just part of the landscape; it is part of a narrative ecosystem, shaped and sometimes scarred by human decisions. Animals are not passive icons of nature. They are sentient participants, whose lives are altered by every policy misstep and every delayed intervention.

It’s tempting to discard coexistence as another failed ideal. But doing so would be a mistake. The problem is not with the concept but with its instrumentalization. A more grounded and ethical form of coexistence is still possible. But it must be reclaimed, not romanticized.

A just model of coexistence must recognize and define thresholds of acceptable risk, for people and wildlife. It must acknowledge that tolerance is not innate but rather built through trust, fairness, and dialogue. It should ensure rapid, fair compensation and mental health support after conflict incidents. Finally, it must accept that in some landscapes, coexistence may require serious ecological or social restructuring, and treat coexistence not as a badge of cultural resilience, but as a shared, negotiated, and constantly evolving pact.

Communities don’t need poetry. They need policy. Wildlife doesn’t need abstraction. It needs security.

If conservation is to retain its ethical integrity, we must stop using coexistence as a moral curtain to hide behind. True coexistence is not a slogan to print on posters or a checkbox for funding proposals. It is a living, breathing, uncomfortable negotiation that demands humility, responsiveness, and shared responsibility. It means engaging with complexity, not avoiding it. It means acknowledging that sometimes, people are tired of being tolerant. And that sometimes, even wild animals pay the ultimate price for our institutional indifference.

Coexistence can still be a powerful ideal, but only if we stop using it to mask harm and start using it to repair trust. It’s time we stop hiding behind words, and start showing up with action.

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2025/07 ... ctice.html

(If we remove capitalists like Gates and Soros from these land the situation might be less problematic.)
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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Wed Jul 30, 2025 2:49 pm

China’s progress shows socialism is the only way to save the planet

Despite countless international consortiums aimed at addressing the issue over the decades, capitalist nations have proved unable to handle climate change.

Carlos Martinez

Tuesday 1 July 2025

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China’s economic system is structured in such a way that political and economic priorities are determined not by capital’s drive for constant expansion but by the needs and aspirations of the people.

It was reported in late June 2025 that China has reached a historic milestone in its energy transition: the country’s cumulative installed solar capacity has surpassed one terawatt (TW). This represents approximately 45 percent of the global total, and is several times higher than the figure for the USA (177 gigawatts (GW)) and the European Union (269 GW).

According to the latest figures released by China’s national energy administration (NEA), the nation’s total installed capacity of wind and solar photovoltaic power has reached 1.5 TW, outstripping thermal power for the first time. This achievement solidifies China’s status as the world’s only renewable energy superpower, and reflects its firm commitment to phasing out its use of fossil fuels.

Ecological civilisation
This progress is a manifestation of China’s programme of ecological civilisation, which promotes balanced and sustainable development directed towards the harmonious coexistence of humanity and nature, and which has led to China emerging as the undisputed global leader in renewable energy, biodiversity protection, forestation, pollution reduction and sustainable transport.

China’s strategy is based on an understanding that, in the words of president Xi Jinping: “Humankind can no longer afford to ignore the repeated warnings of nature and go down the beaten path of extracting resources without investing in conservation, pursuing development at the expense of protection, and exploiting resources without restoration.”

China is therefore working feverishly towards its ambitious long-term emissions targets, announced at the United Nations general assembly in 2020: to peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030, and to achieve carbon neutrality before 2060.

According to a detailed analysis by Carbon Brief, the goal of peaking emissions has already been reached. China’s emissions were down 1.6 percent year-on-year in the first quarter of 2025, even as overall electricity demand continued to grow.

In an essay for the New York Times, David Wallace-Wells, prominent journalist and author of The Uninhabitable Earth, described China’s role in the global green-tech supply chain:

“China produces 84 percent of the world’s solar modules … It produces 89 percent of the world’s solar cells and 97 percent of its solar wafers and ingots, 86 percent each of its polysilicon and battery cells, 87 percent of its battery cathodes, 96 percent of its battery anodes, 91 percent of its battery electrodes and 85 percent of its battery separators. The list goes on.” (America is losing the green tech race to China, 22 May 2024)

The necessary counterpart to the rise of clean energy is the steady decline of coal’s share of China’s power mix. At the beginning of the 21st century, around 80 percent of China’s electricity was generated from coal; by May 2024 it was down to 53 percent, and is falling fast.

While it’s true that China continues to build new coal-fired power plants, these tend to be modern, cleaner and more efficient replacements for existing plants. US-based analysts KJ Noh and Michael Wong have noted that the bulk of China’s coal plants are now advanced supercritical or ultra-supercritical plants, “which means they are much more efficient and cleaner than many of the industrial-era legacy plants of the USA”. (China offers solutions to climate change, Asia Times, 12 November 2021)

Furthermore, many of the coal plants planned or under construction will act in a reserve capacity to ensure reliability of supply from solar and wind power plants. A 2023 Telegraph article noted that the approval of new coal plants “does not mean what many in the west think it means. China is adding one GW of coal power on average as back-up for every six GW of new renewable power. The two go hand in hand.” (China’s CO2 emissions may be falling already, in a watershed moment for the world by Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, 21 November 2023, our emphasis)

China’s sustained investment in renewable energy has meant a global reduction in costs, such that in much of the world, solar and wind power are increasingly price-competitive with fossil fuels. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), China’s huge investment in green energy has “contributed to a cost decline more than 80 percent, helping solar PV [photovoltaics] to become the most affordable electricity generation technology in many parts of the world”. (Solar PV global supply chains, a special report by the International Energy Agency, July 2022)

Global crisis
It is by now almost universally understood that humans need to transition away from fossil fuels and adopt renewable energy if we are to avoid catastrophic levels of climate change. As Hannah Ritchie, deputy editor and lead researcher at Our World in Data, put it:

“Global temperatures are rising. Sea levels are rising; ice sheets are melting; and other species are struggling to adapt to a changing climate. Humans face an avalanche of problems from flooding and drought to wildfires and fatal heatwaves. Farmers are at risk of crop failures. Cities are at risk of being submerged. There’s one main cause: human emissions of greenhouse gases.” (Not the end of the world, 2024)

The science is clear and widely accepted: human activity, most importantly the burning of fossil fuels, has increased the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere to an unprecedented level. This has led to more heat being trapped within the Earth’s atmosphere (that is, less heat is being radiated back into space), resulting in a global heating effect, which leads to more frequent and severe weather events, rising sea levels, and shifts in ecosystems.

Greenhouse gas concentration will continue to increase, and the corresponding ecological problems will get significantly worse, unless we either reduce our consumption of energy to an extraordinary degree or we switch to non-emitting forms of energy. The idea of reducing humanity’s overall energy consumption is obviously not plausible in a global context where billions of people need to consume more energy in order to meet their development needs.

The only realistic option for preventing climate breakdown is to undertake a massive global transition to green energy: to meet humanity’s energy needs without releasing greenhouse gases into the atmosphere and without causing permanent damage to the environment.

Why China?
Since the early 1990s there has been a global consensus on the need to urgently transition to green energy, and yet the advanced capitalist countries have made precious little progress in this regard. Indeed, these countries maintain fossil fuel subsidies, they continue to expand drilling for oil and gas, and of course they engage in ecologically ruinous military activities. Inasmuch as they have reduced their greenhouse gas emissions, it has been achieved largely through exporting industry to manufacturing powerhouses abroad – principally China.

According to economic anthropologist Jason Hickel: “The past half-century is littered with milestones of inaction. A scientific consensus on anthropogenic climate change first began to form in the mid-1970s … The UN framework convention on climate change (UNFCCC) was adopted in 1992 to set non-binding limits on greenhouse gas emissions. International climate summits – the UN congress of parties – have been held annually since 1995 to negotiate plans for emissions reductions. The UN framework has been extended three times, with the Kyoto protocol in 1997, the Copenhagen accord in 2009, and the Paris agreement in 2015. And yet global CO2 emissions continue to rise year after year, while ecosystems unravel at a deadly pace.” (Less is more: How de-growth will save the world, 2020)

For decades they have told us that mysterious ‘market forces’ will fix the environmental crisis. When the dynamics of supply and demand fail to perform their magic, the capitalist class attempts to shift blame on to individual consumers, who are expected to reduce their domestic energy consumption, to avoid flying, to recycle, to take shorter showers, to drive electric cars, to eat less meat and so on. The crisis is thereby, in typical neoliberal fashion, individualised, and the capitalist system is absolved of all responsibility.

What China’s leadership in environmental matters shows is that socialism is the only viable political and economic framework for saving the planet.

Public ownership, China’s democratic planning system, the absence of any meaningful fossil fuel lobby, and the location of political power in the working people have all allowed China to make far more rapid progress than the other major powers in relation to environmental protection and sustainable development.

China’s economic system is structured in such a way that political and economic priorities are determined not by capital’s drive for constant expansion but by the needs and aspirations of the people. President Xi has pointed out several times that, in economic terms, the great advantage of China’s socialist system is that it allows the country to mobilise tremendous resources in order to accomplish major initiatives.

The government, state-owned enterprises, cooperative and private companies all work together in the shared ecosystem of a socialist market economy, regulated by the state and adhering to a high-level plan. The largest banks are state-owned, meaning that the most important decisions concerning allocation of capital are made in the long-term interests of the people, not in the short-term interests of capital.

The USA, Britain, European Union and Canada are talking the talk; China is walking the walk. As John Bellamy Foster has observed:

“While China has made moves to implement its radical conception of ecological civilisation, which is built into state planning and regulation, the notion of a Green New Deal has taken concrete form nowhere in the west. It is merely a slogan at this point without any real political backing within the system. It was talked about by progressive forces and then rejected by the powers that be.” (Why is the great project of ecological civilisation specific to China? by John Bellamy Foster, Jianren Guo, Zhang Haiyan and Fan Meijun, MR Online, 1 October 2022)

To reiterate: the fundamental reason China has emerged as the undisputed leader in the fight against climate breakdown is its socialist system. However, the whole world, and particularly developing countries, can benefit from China’s innovations in renewable energy and electric transport.

And for those of us in the advanced capitalist countries, where political power is dominated by a decaying bourgeoisie, China’s example can be used to help create mass pressure to stop our governments and ruling classes from destroying the planet, and to encourage sensible cooperation with China on environmental issues.

https://thecommunists.org/2025/07/01/ne ... te-change/

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| Flooded roads in downtown Houston 2015 Photo by Elliot BlackburnFlickr | MR OnlineFlooded roads in downtown Houston, 2015. (Photo: Elliot Blackburn/Flickr)

When climate becomes class war
By John Clarke (Posted Jul 30, 2025)

Originally published: Canadian Dimension on July 23, 2025 (more by Canadian Dimension) |

There is a widespread and not completely unjustified perception on the left that movements that struggle for socially just solutions to the climate crisis have a disproportionately middle-class base. To the extent that this perception has been accurate, it has perhaps reflected the fact that climate change has been approached as a crisis in the making and a “cause,” without sufficient attention to the devastating class-differential impacts of a changing climate and its exacerbation of social and economic inequality.

This view of things, however, is being decisively superseded by events. We have clearly entered a period when global heating poses immediate threats, even if the unfolding climate disaster is still at a relatively early stage, with plenty of room to deteriorate.

Incontrovertible evidence
Powerful and irrefutable evidence of the enormity of the climate crisis confronts us at every turn. The online journal Climate and Capitalism reports that the University of Exeter in the UK recently hosted the first ever Global Tipping Points Conference. Participants discussed a number of irreversible shifts occurring across the planet and concluded that “every fraction of additional warming dramatically increases the risk of triggering further damaging tipping points.”

Among the dangerous transformations that the conference considered were the “collapse of deep-water formation in the Labrador-Irminger Seas triggering abrupt climate changes that reduce food and water security in northwest Europe and West Africa.” They warned that the possible collapse of the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC) “would plunge northwest Europe into prolonged severe winters, while radically undermining global food and water security.” They also raised the alarm about the Amazon rainforest, which is in danger of “widespread dieback from the combined effects of climate change and deforestation.”

A final statement noted, “Global warming is projected to exceed 1.5°C within a few years, placing humanity in the danger zone where multiple climate tipping points pose catastrophic risks to billions of people.” In this desperate context, “global greenhouse gas emissions must be halved by 2030 compared to 2010 levels, requiring an unprecedented acceleration in decarbonisation.” Climate change has gone from being a dire prediction to a pressing reality, with people coughing and wheezing as the cities in which they live are shrouded in wildfire smoke, suffering through heat waves and droughts, and facing catastrophic extreme weather episodes.

The significance of these searing impacts can hardly be exaggerated. In 2023, UN Secretary-General António Guterres stated flatly that “climate change is out of control” and asserted that “we are moving into a catastrophic situation,” in response to what was then the hottest week on record.

I write this in the wake of devastating and lethal flash floods in Texas that have left the climate-denying Trump administration scrambling to formulate a coherent response to charges that it has undermined, as an article on the Center for American Progress website puts it, “critical research aimed at making precipitation forecasting more accurate and timely.” We have reached the point where even the loyalist servants of fossil fuel capitalism must reckon with the terrible consequences of their actions.

However, those consequences will not be borne by the people responsible, at least not in the short and medium term. Climate impacts that people across the planet are facing run along the fault lines of social, racial and global inequality that the present world order generates. During the pandemic, a Canadian government statement acknowledged, “The burden of COVID-19 isn’t shared equally among Canadians. Some people are more likely to get sick or die because of their social and economic conditions.” These same determinants apply to climate change to an even greater degree on a global scale.

The intensifying depredations of the changing climate, coupled with their disproportionate effects on poor and working class people, have very major implications when it comes to the shape and directions of the class struggle. Climate change requires that workers and working class communities respond, to a much greater degree than in the past, with demands and forms of action on a scale that corresponds to the threat of climate collapse and the certainty that the dominant class will abandon poor and working class people to their fate in the face of it.

Last year, I co-authored a booklet with Sarah Glynn entitled Climate Change is a Class Issue. In the first chapter, Sarah argued for the central role of working class struggle in challenging fossil fuel interests and winning both the immediate measures and transformational changes that the climate crisis demands.

She stressed that today,

survival demands revolutionary change to the economy, and the backbone of the economy is its workers. When workers take action together, including planned and strategic withdrawal of their labour, they have the power to make continuation with existing practices impossible: the power to force change.

Moreover,

the urgency of our current predicament should fuel the forces of change, which will not come from sleep-inducing mission statements but from the pressure of workers en masse. The power of organised labour can force changes from both industry and government.

In the third chapter, I pointed out that “a social and economic system that wilfully compounds a planetary climate disaster is unlikely to place any more emphasis on keeping the mass of people safe in the face of that disaster than it is compelled to do. All that lies between us and social abandonment is our ability to challenge those in power with sufficient strength and determination to ensure our demands are met.”

I also argued that “the class struggle that we take up must be based on an active solidarity for survival.” This must mean linking practical struggles to ensure communities are protected in the face of climate impacts to the goal of transition to a just and sustainable society. I concluded that “in the face of the existential crisis that we are now confronting, there is simply no other way forward.”

Climate denial
In 2025, it has become even clearer that climate change is a pressing working class issue and that those responsible for its intensification must be challenged in the streets and on the picket lines. The second Trump administration has signalled a strategic shift on the part of the fossil fuel companies and their political enablers so that nods to “green capitalism” are now giving way to a renewed and reckless climate change denial.

Mother Jones reported in March on a speech that Trump’s Energy Secretary, Chris Wright, delivered to a gathering of “oil and gas bigwigs.” He assured his audience, “We are unabashedly pursuing a policy of more American energy production and infrastructure, not less.” He also told them that “the Trump administration will treat climate change for what it is, a global physical phenomenon that is a side-effect of building the modern world. Everything in life involves trade-off.”

The preliminary effects of that “trade-off” have just been seen in the catastrophic flooding in Texas. That disaster has exposed not only the refusal of the Trump administration to take global warming seriously but also its readiness to gut the systems that are needed to protect communities in the face of extreme weather and other climate impacts. As Associated Press journalists Michael Biesecker and Brian Slodysko noted,

Former federal officials and outside experts have warned for months that President Donald Trump’s deep staffing cuts to the National Weather Service could endanger lives.

But it’s not just the crude climate deniers around the Trump administration who are propelling the drive to maximize fossil fuel extraction regardless of its destructive consequences. In Canada, former UN Special Envoy on Climate Action and Finance, Prime Minister Mark Carney, is leading the charge.

Last month, the Ecology Action Centre issued a statement in response to the Liberal’s Building Canada Act (Bill C-5). It noted that this legislation “would give the Government of Canada the power to bypass crucial checks and balances contained in the Impact Assessment Act (Bill-69) for projects deemed to be ‘nation-building projects.’” This “could fast-track risky energy and resource extraction infrastructure, undermine Canada’s duty to consult with First Nations and give government the power to avoid necessary impact assessments for potentially harmful projects.” The centre reasonably concluded that the “consensus is absolutely clear: with devastating wildfires, biodiversity loss and more frequent and severe storms already at our doorstep, we simply cannot afford the fast-tracking of environmentally disastrous, short-sighted projects.”

Yet the Carney government, supported by a virtual consensus among the provinces, has clearly decided that the response to U.S. protectionism must be the removal of whatever limited constraints on fossil fuel and mining interests exist. In effect, the federal and provincial governments, including those headed by the NDP, are taking an approach that is little different from the one proposed by Trump’s energy secretary.

Clearly, political directions are now being set that will make capitalism’s broken relationship with the natural world even more irreparable. At the same time, climate breakdown is affecting poor and working class people more and more severely. This is true even in the historically privileged countries, but more catastrophically throughout the Global South.

As the effects of global heating disrupt our working lives and threaten our communities with devastating incidents of extreme weather, the fight for climate justice has become a vital component of the class struggle. Our unions, social movements and community organizations need to incorporate the immediate task of ensuring that populations aren’t abandoned in the face of intensifying climate impacts and the longer term objective of a just and sustainable society into their perspectives and plans. Our very survival requires nothing less.

https://mronline.org/2025/07/30/when-cl ... class-war/
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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Sat Aug 09, 2025 5:20 pm

Consumers Are Footing the Bill for AI’s Insatiable Appetite for Energy
Posted on July 31, 2025 by Yves Smith

Yves here. Perhaps most readers were aware, but I have to admit that even with all of the considerable alarm about the energy staggering demands of AI, I had missed a key point. I had thought the ginormous energy-eating was due to needing to training set demands, that it was generally understood that the widespread LLM implementation like ChatGPT still had marked gaps, and so feeding more data into their maw was an ongoing activity, with accompanying large power needs. It turns out that using these AI models also has an extremely high energy price tag.


In all seriousness, all of you need to stop using AI. Immediately. We’ll provide some examples below of the simply grotesque energy costs of using AI even for seemingly small task. You are directly and greatly contributing to the acceleration of climate change and other resource degradation, like increased use of water, by using AI at all. If you drive an EV out of environmental concern but elect to use AI, you are either ignorant or a hypocrite.

This article fails to point out that, as far as the US is concerned, we’ve chosen to intensify the damage. Silicon Valley and its bought-and-paid-for political allies have lashed themselves to the mast of these so-called generative AI models, when DeepSeek has already proven to be more efficient in terms of power needs. From Energy Digital, summarizing a study by Greenly which compared ChatGPT-4 with DeepSeek:

Building and running large language models (LLMs) such as ChatGPT-4 and DeepSeek requires substantial computing power

This involves not only high electricity use but also dependence on water for cooling and energy-intensive chip manufacturing.

AI hardware production involves mining rare earth minerals, a process that can result in soil erosion, water contamination and wider pollution.

ChatGPT-4, for example, operates with 1.8 trillion parameters – 20 times more than earlier versions…

In a scenario where an organisation relies on ChatGPT-4 to answer one million emails per month, Greenly calculates the yearly emissions at 7,138 tCO₂e – equivalent to 4,300 round-trip flights from Paris to New York.

Even small tasks carry energy costs.

According to research from Carnegie Mellon University and Hugging Face, a single text-based prompt consumes as much energy as charging a smartphone to 16%.

Under routine conditions, the same email use would still produce 514 tCO₂e per year.

Greenly found that text-to-image models like DALL-E produce up to 60 times more CO₂e than standard text generation.

Amid concerns about AI’s energy demands, DeepSeek offers a potential way forward.

The Chinese-developed model employs a Mixture-of-Experts (MoE) architecture, meaning it only activates relevant sub-models for each task rather than the entire model.

This drastically reduces the power required per operation.

Whereas ChatGPT-4 was trained using 25,000 NVIDIA GPUs and Meta’s Llama 3.1 used 16,000, DeepSeek used just 2,000 NVIDIA H800 chips.

These chips also draw less power than previous models.

As a result, DeepSeek consumed a tenth of the GPU hours compared to Meta’s model.

This not only brings down its carbon footprint but also lessens the load on servers and reduces water usage needed for cooling.

See this Q&A from The Grainger College of Engineering for more technical detail on the merits of DeepSeek.

By Haley Zaremba, a writer and journalist based in Mexico City. Originally published at OilPrice

The rapid growth of data centers, particularly due to AI, is significantly increasing energy demand and jeopardizing clean energy initiatives by extending the life of fossil fuel plants and promoting new ones.
The issue is compounded by “phantom data centers,” which inflate projected energy demand and give utilities leverage to expand fossil fuel infrastructure.
This surge in energy demand and the resulting infrastructure projects are projected to lead to higher energy bills for consumers, especially in the Southeast United States.
As data centers place more and more demand on global power grids, policy and economic priorities are shifting from creating more clean energy to creating more energy, period. Projected clean energy additions are simply not enough to meet the runaway demand of the global tech sector, meaning that climate goals could be at risk.

The proliferation of artificial intelligence is causing massive increases in energy demand from data centers, and the areas that host them are struggling to keep up. A 2024 study from scientists at Cornell University found that generative AI systems like ChatGPT use up to 33 times more energy than computers running task-specific software. As a result, it is estimated that each AI-powered internet query consumes about ten times more energy than traditional internet searches. But these numbers are just our best guess – we don’t really know how much energy AI is sucking up, because the companies who are piloting AI platforms aren’t sharing those numbers.

But we know that the overall picture is pretty grim. Last year, Google stated that the company’s carbon emissions had skyrocketed by a whopping 48 percent over the last five years. “AI-powered services involve considerably more computer power – and so electricity – than standard online activity, prompting a series of warnings about the technology’s environmental impact,” the BBC reported last summer. While Google hasn’t publicly revised its goal of becoming carbon neutral by 2030, the tech firm has admitted that “as we further integrate AI into our products, reducing emissions may be challenging.”

Already, the uptick in energy demand from data centers is causing new plans for gas- and coal-powered plants as well as extending the life of existing fossil fuel operations across the United States. Utility Drive reports that “at least 17fossil fuel generators originally scheduled for closure [are] now delaying retirement” due to data center demand, and that “utilities in Virginia, Georgia, North Carolina and South Carolina have proposed building 20,000 MW of new gas power plants by 2040” for the same reasons.

The issue is particularly acute in the Southeast. Major utilities in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia project that they will collectively add 32,600 MW of electrical load over the next 15 years. The Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis reports that in Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia, “data centers are responsible for 65% to more than 85% of projected load growth.”

However, it could be the case that this projected demand growth is overblown, and that states will add extra gas power capacity – and therefore extra greenhouse gas emissions – unnecessarily. Because the competition for energy sources is so fierce between data centers, the project managers of new centers are likely to reach out to many different power providers at once with speculative connection requests, creating redundancies and a compounding issue of “phantom data centers.” This inflates demand and makes accurate projecting extremely difficult.

A study published last year by Lawerence Berkley National Lab calculated exactly how big the phantom data center issue might be, and they found that projected energy demand could be as much as 255 terawatt-hours of energy higher than real energy demand. That’s enough energy to provide power to more than 24 million households.

However, it’s not in utilities’ interest to simplify interconnection processes and ferret out phantom data centers. In fact, the panic over rising energy needs from data centers is giving them great leverage to expand their businesses and push through huge fossil-fuel powered energy projects. Plus, while building new plants and extending the lives of old plants is costly, those costs will be borne by the ratepayers.

Consumers across the U.S. – and especially in the data-center-laden Southeast – can expect their energy bills to rise in response. “We are witnessing a massive transfer of wealth from residential utility customers to large corporations—data centers and large utilities and their corporate parents, which profit from building additional energy infrastructure,” Maryland People’s Counsel David Lapp recently told Business Insider. “Utility regulation is failing to protect residential customers, contributing to an energy affordability crisis.”

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2025/07 ... nergy.html

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Fox News shields EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin as he promotes the most destructive climate rollback in EPA history
Originally published: Media Matters for America on July 31, 2025 (more by Media Matters for America) | (Posted Aug 02, 2025)

Fox News’ America Reports hosted Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lee Zeldin and Energy Secretary Chris Wright to discuss the Trump administration’s proposal to repeal the EPA’s 2009 endangerment finding, which affirmed that greenhouse gases endanger public health and welfare and which has served as the legal foundation for regulating emissions under the Clean Air Act.

Zeldin and Wright used the appearance to frame the repeal as a return to scientific integrity and regulatory restraint, ignoring the harms that this repeal would have on vulnerable communities. Fox anchor Sandra Smith did not challenge the claims and made no mention of the public health implications or regulatory consequences of revoking the finding. The exchange typified Fox’s pattern of amplifying Trump administration narratives about climate and energy while downplaying their real-world impacts.



The segment typified Fox’s role in obscuring the consequences of climate deregulation
During their appearance, Zeldin and Wright were not pressed on the public health, environmental, or legal implications of the proposal to reverse the endangerment finding. Instead, the host framed the discussion around economic themes and legal processes, asking whether repeal would make it easier to “undo a lot more of the Biden-Obama era climate rules.” Viewers heard nothing about the policy’s real-world impacts, but they did hear climate advocates characterized as ideological or extreme. Zeldin referred to them as “climate zealots,” while Wright framed the repeal as a return to “rationalism”–signaling to Fox’s audience that those who defend public protections are unserious.This approach mirrors Fox’s longstanding pattern of covering regulatory actions through the lens of efficiency, growth, and personal freedom, while sidelining the communities most affected by the Trump administration’s harmful actions. The result is a consistent minimization of climate risk and a distorted narrative in which climate and environmental outcomes are treated primarily as a political liability rather than a public necessity.
By allowing unchallenged repetition of misleading claims, and by omitting the central consequences of the policy under discussion, Fox News once again advanced a message strategy that serves to normalize and obscure the dismantling of basic climate and environmental protections.

Zeldin and Wright advanced a series of unsupported or misleading claims
During their appearance on the July 29 episode of Fox News’ America Reports, Zeldin and Wright made a series of unsupported or misleading claims about the endangerment finding and what its repeal would mean for Americans.Zeldin, for example, asserted that repealing the endangerment finding would yield “$1 trillion in savings”—a figure with no grounding in published EPA analyses or historical regulatory assessments. In contrast, EPA data has consistently shown that rules issued under the endangerment finding and the broader Clean Air Act generate substantial net benefits.
The agency’s Second Prospective Study of the Clean Air Act found that “the central benefits estimate exceeds costs by a factor of more than 30 to one,” with most benefits stemming from reduced mortality linked to particulate pollution. By 2020, Clean Air Act programs were projected to prevent over 230,000 premature deaths, as well as millions of asthma attacks, heart attacks, and lost workdays annually.

More recently, the EPA’s Regulatory Impact Analysis for vehicle greenhouse gas standards projected net societal benefits of $272.7 billion between 2022 and 2050, with annualized gains of more than $14 billion, driven by fuel savings, reduced emissions, and avoidance of climate damages. These figures underscore that, far from being a financial burden, regulations grounded in the endangerment finding generate substantial and enduring public and economic value.

Similarly, Wright’s claim that the repeal reflects a return to scientific rigor collapses under scrutiny, relying on a report authored by a small group of contrarian scientists, including Steven Koonin and John Christy, who reject the well-established conclusion that greenhouse gas emissions from human activity are driving global warming and endangering public health. Their views stand in opposition to the broader scientific community, which includes the consensus positions of federal agencies such as the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, as well as the Fifth National Climate Assessment, which was produced by the U.S. Global Change Research Program.

Beyond economic distortions and scientific misrepresentation, Zeldin and Wright also ignored the far-reaching legal consequences of repeal–including for the fossil fuel industry itself.

As Grist reported, rescinding the endangerment finding would not only eliminate the federal government’s core authority to regulate greenhouse gases, it could also expose fossil fuel companies to a wave of climate liability lawsuits previously blocked by federal preemption. Some industry groups have reportedly urged the administration not to proceed, warning that repeal could unravel their legal defenses and leave them vulnerable to a patchwork of state regulations and courtroom challenges.

Fox viewers heard nothing about how repeal would harm the very communities most at risk
Zeldin and Wright also failed to mention what rescinding the endangerment finding would mean for public health, environmental protection, or the EPA’s ability to respond to pollution that threatens the air we breathe, the water we rely on, and the land we depend on to live and work. Viewers were not told that the standards targeted for repeal are central to reducing industrial emissions that worsen heat, flooding, and wildfire risk–or that dismantling these protections would increase illness, displacement, and hardship for older adults, children, low-income households, and rural communities, including many in Fox’s own audience.

https://mronline.org/2025/08/02/fox-new ... a-history/

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As the Colorado River Slowly Dries Up, States Angle for Influence Over Future Water Rights
Posted on August 8, 2025 by Yves Smith

Yves here. This article describes the complex arrangements among the managers and users of the Colorado River’s water supply, and how over-commitment of its output combined with the effects of global warming is set to produce conflict and probable court battles. Per treaty, Mexico gets at least 1.5 million acre feet a year. I’m surprised, given Trump’s addiction to legal overreach, that he hasn’t made a go at that.

The history and current status of the main agreements takes a bit of unpacking, so the article is light on the implications. However, there’s a rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic feel to these issues. My layperson understanding due to regular comments in the media is that agriculture is the biggest user. Admittedly, this is true world-wide:

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The related article from Schroeders describes how this problem can be alleviated:

The growing global population also puts pressure on the food system. Irrigation is one way to solve this; agricultural yields double when irrigation is used, rather than relying on rainfall. But the challenge is to ensure that this is done efficiently so that water is not wasted.

This is where technology has a crucial role to play. Greater investment is needed in irrigation and drainage systems. It’s not enough just to build such systems; making sure they are adequately maintained is crucial to keeping them running efficiently.

Meanwhile, investment in desalination plants is also critical given the limited supply of fresh water in many regions globally.

Then there are more advanced technologies. For example, soil moisture sensors can be used to check exactly how much water is needed, and when, for crops.

The whole water management system is one where we expect demand to increase substantially. Recycling the 45% of water that is currently wasted will help the global food and water system become more sustainable.

And it’s not just water that is wasted. Food waste is a huge problem and, of course, when food is wasted, the water that was used in its production is also wasted. Around 44% of harvested crops are lost before they reach the consumer. Again, technology is a crucial enabler in reducing that waste.

Another way is to try to encourage production of less water-hungry crops (although it seems vanishingly unlikely that any government would have the guts to apply taxes to have them better reflect their true resource cost). Even so, how to measure that?

One approach, illustrated by Pacific Institute in an analysis of California Department of Water Resources data, is to normalize by acre-feet of water per acre of land. As summarized in the Press Democrat

1. Pasture (clover, rye, bermuda and other grasses), 4.92 acre feet per acre
2. Almonds and pistachios, 4.49 acre feet per acre
3. Alfalfa, 4.48 acre feet per acre
4. Citrus and subtropical fruits (grapefruit, lemons, oranges, dates, avocados, olives, jojoba), 4.23 acre feet per acre
5. Sugar beets, 3.89 acre feet per acre
6. Other deciduous fruits (applies, apricots, walnuts, cherries, peaches, nectarines, pears, plums, prunes, figs, kiwis), 3.7 acre feet per acre
7. Cotton, 3.67 acre feet per acre
8. Onions and garlic, 2.96 acre feet per acre
9. Potatoes, 2.9 acre feet per acre
10. Vineyards (table, raisin and wine grapes), 2.85 acre feet per acre

But water cost per an end use metric seems a better way to compare usage. Keep your eye on the green bar in the table below for water:

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By Sarah Porter, Director of the Kyl Center for Water Policy, ASU Morrison Institute for Public Policy, Arizona State University. Originally published at The Conversation

The Colorado River is in trouble: Not as much water flows into the river as people are entitled to take out of it. A new idea might change that, but complicated political and practical negotiations stand in the way.

The river and its tributaries provide water for about 5 million acres of cropland and pasture, hydroelectric power for millions of people, recreation in the Grand Canyon, and critical habitat for fish and other wildlife. Thirty federally recognized Native American tribes assert rights to water from the Colorado River system. It is also an important source of drinking water for cities within the Colorado River Basin, including Phoenix, Tucson and Las Vegas, and cities outside the basin, such as Los Angeles, San Diego, Salt Lake City, Denver and Albuquerque.

The seven Colorado Basin states have been grappling with how to deal with declining Colorado River supplies for a quarter century, revising usage guidelines and taking additional measures as drought has persisted and reservoir levels have continued to decline. The current guidelines will expire in late 2026, and talks on new guidelines have been stalledbecause the states can’t agree on how to avoid a future crisis.

In June 2025, Arizona suggested a new approach that would, for the first time, base the amount of water available on the river’s actual flows, rather than on reservoir level projections or historic apportionments. While the proposal has been praised as offering “a glimmer of hope,” coming to agreement on the details presents daunting challenges for the Colorado Basin.

[interactive graphs at link.]

The Colorado River Compact

The 1922 Colorado Compact divided the 250,000-square-mile Colorado River Basin into an Upper Basin – which includes parts of Colorado, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming, as well as the northeastern corner of Arizona – and a Lower Basin, encompassing most of Arizona and parts of California and Nevada. The compact apportions each basin 7.5 million acre-feet of water from the river each year. An acre-foot of water is enough to cover 1 acre in water 1 foot deep, which amounts to approximately 326,000 gallons. According to a 2021 estimate from the Arizona Department of Water Resources, 1 acre-foot is sufficient to supply 3.5 single-family households in Arizona for one year.

Anticipating a future treaty with Mexico for sharing Colorado River water, the compact specified that Mexico should be supplied first with any surplus available and any additional amount needed “borne equally” by the two divisions. A 1944 water-sharing treaty between Mexico and the U.S. guarantees Mexico at least 1.5 million acre-feet of Colorado River water annually.

The compact also specified that the Upper Basin states of Colorado, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming “will not cause the flow of the river … to be depleted below an aggregate of 75,000,000 acre-feet for any period of 10 consecutive years.”

The Lower Basin states of Arizona, California and Nevada contend that this provision is a “delivery obligation,” requiring the Upper Basin to ensure that over any 10-year period, a total of at least 75 million acre-feet flows to the Lower Basin.

By contrast, the Upper Basin states contend that the language merely creates a “non-depletion obligation” that caps their collective use at 7.5 million acre-feet per year in times when additional use by the Upper Basin would cause less than 75 million acre-feet to be delivered to the Lower Basin over a 10-year period.

This disagreement over the compact’s language is at the heart of the differences between the two basins.

A Small Source Area

Nearly all of the water in the Colorado River system comes from snow that falls in the Rocky Mountains in the Upper Basin. About 85% of the Colorado Basin’s flows come from just 15% of the basin’s surface area. Most of the rest of the basin’s lands are arid or semi-arid, receiving less than 20 inches of precipitation a year and contributing little to the flows of the Colorado River and its tributaries.

Rain and snowfall vary dramatically from year to year, so over the course of the 20th century, the Colorado Basin states – with the assistance of the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation, the agency of the Department of the Interior responsible for operating federal water and power projects in the U.S. West – developed a complex system of reservoirs to capture the extra water in wet years so it could be available in drier years. The most notable reservoirs in the system are Lake Mead, impounded by Hoover Dam, which was completed in 1936, and Lake Powell, impounded by Glen Canyon Dam, completed in 1966.

Over the past 25 years, the quantity of water stored in Lake Mead and Lake Powell has declined significantly. A primary driver of this decline is a lengthy drought likely amplified by climate change: One study estimated that the region may be suffering its driest spell in 1,200 years.

But human errors are also adding up. The Colorado Compact’s original negotiators made unrealistically optimistic assumptions about the river’s average annual flow – perhaps knowingly. In their book “Science be Dammed,” Colorado River experts Eric Kuhn and John Fleck document how compact negotiators willfully or wishfully ignored available data about the river’s actual flows. Kuhn and Fleck argue the negotiators knew it would be decades before demand would exceed the river’s water supply, and they wanted to sell a big vision of Southwestern development that would merit massive federal financing for reservoirs and other infrastructure.

In addition, the current Colorado River system accounting does not factor in the roughly 1.3 million acre-feet of water lost annually from Lake Mead due to evaporation into the air or seepage into the ground. This accounting gap means that under normal annual releases to satisfy the apportionments to the Lower Basin and Mexico, Lake Mead’s water level is steadily declining.



Stabilization Efforts

The seven Colorado River states and Mexico have taken significant steps to stabilize the reservoirs. In 2007, they agreed to new guidelines to coordinate the operations of Lake Mead and Lake Powell to prevent either reservoir from reaching catastrophically low levels. They also agreed to reduce the amount of water available to Arizona and Nevada depending on how low Lake Mead’s levels go.

When the 2007 guidelines proved insufficient to keep the reservoir levels from declining, the Colorado Basin states and Mexico agreed in 2019 to additional measures, authorizing releases from Upper Basin reservoirs under certain conditions and additional cuts to water users in the Lower Basin and Mexico.

By 2022, projections for the reservoir levels looked so dire that the states started negotiating additional near-term measures to reduce the amount of water users withdrew from the river. The federal government helped out, too: $4 billion of Inflation Reduction Act funding has helped pay the costs of water-conservation measures, primarily by agricultural districts, cities and tribes.

These reductions are real. In 2023, Arizona, California and Nevada used only 5.8 million acre-feet of Colorado River water – their lowest combined annual consumption since 1983. The Lower Basin’s total consumption in 2024 was slightly higher, at 6.09 million acre-feet.

A New Opportunity?

With the 2007 guidelines and additional measures expiring in 2026, the deadline for a new agreement looms. As the Colorado River states try to work out a new agreement, Arizona’s new proposal of a supply-driven approach offers hope, but the devil’s in the details. Critical components of that approach have not been ironed out – for instance, the percentage of the river’s flows that would be available to Arizona, California and Nevada.

If the states can’t agree, there is a chance that the secretary of the Interior, acting through the Bureau of Reclamation, may decide on his own how to balance the reservoirs and how much water to deliver out of them. That decision would almost certainly be taken to court by states or water users unhappy with the result.

And the Lower Basin states have said they are fully prepared to go to court to enforce what they believe to be the Upper Basin’s delivery obligation, which, the Upper Basin has responded, it is prepared to dispute.

In the meantime, farmers in Arizona’s Yuma County and California’s Imperial County cannot be sure that in the next few years they will have enough water to produce winter vegetables and melons for the nation. The Colorado River Basin’s municipal water providers are worried about how they will meet demands for tap water for homes and businesses. And tribal nations fear that they will not have the water they need for their farms, communities and economies.

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2025/08 ... ights.html
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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Thu Aug 14, 2025 2:50 pm

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Red or Green-or both? Marxist ecology from the metabolic rift to ecological civilization the Marxist interpretation of the Public Library: Part One
Originally published: Communist Review on August 6, 2025 by Richard Hebbert (more by Communist Review) (Posted Aug 12, 2025)

Introduction
Of all the issues currently facing humanity, there is none so existential as the climate and environmental crisis. Its effects are everywhere; drought, flooding, crop failure, soil erosion, forest despoliation, food and water shortages, economic dislocation, surges in food prices and forced migration. Yet, despite warnings over decades, the world’s political, economic and business leaders have consistently failed to take action sufficient to adapt to or mitigate the environmental changes which now present a major threat to life on earth as we know it.

It is not hard, for those who care to look, to see why there is such a lack of will to tackle the issue. Since the 18th and early to mid-19th centuries’ explosion of industrialisation, the developed world has become addicted to economic growth and the capitalist demand for profit holds the world in what John Bellamy Foster called the capitalist system’s “…destructive creativity”, adding, “Capital’s endless pursuit of new outlets for class-based accumulation requires for its continuation the destruction of both pre-existing natural conditions and previous social relations.1 To change from a full-on drive for profit to an economic model which might question the need for incessant growth, and work to mitigate the effects of production on the environment, requires change of a magnitude which poses a threat to ‘business as usual’ and so also to profit.

The effects of environmental and climate change are felt by everyone—but not equally. Generally, the Global North, having been most responsible for the industrialisation which has led to environmental degradation, feels the effects less than the countries of the Global South. The latter have suffered centuries of capitalist, colonialist and imperialist exploitation, and their later and poorer development is the result of the distortion of agricultural production, the exhaustion and theft of raw materials, the exploitation of cheap labour and the structuring of their economies in the interests of Western capital. This role of colonialism in climate change was acknowledged in the sixth report of the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 2022.2

As such, the environment is a profoundly political issue—a class issue—and yet many see climate and environmental action as in some way beyond politics, as something which transcends political analysis because the survival of the planet is too important to be left to politicians. There may be arguments, for example in Rupert Read, Liam Kavanagh and Rosie Bell’s The Climate Majority3,to say that, in order to raise mass consciousness and stimulate mass action, political differences should be set to one side; but any serious analysis of ‘how we got here’ must concern itself with the political and productive causes of the current crisis.

Communists naturally look for a Marxist analysis of environmental change. This article attempts to trace a line of Marxist ecology and to suggest where such analysis can be found, from Marx and Engels’ acknowledgement of the effect on nature of industrialised production to current ideas on de-growth communism and ecological civilisation. It doesn’t claim to be comprehensive, but looks at some of the key Marxist ecological writers through whose work that line can be traced.

The Marxist ecologist John Bellamy Foster wrote in 2010;

It is impossible to exaggerate the environmental problem facing humanity in the twenty-first century. Available evidence now strongly suggests that, under a regime of ‘business as usual’ with no substantial lessening of the drivers of environmental destruction, we could be facing, within a decade or so, a major ‘tipping point’ leading to irreversible and catastrophic climate change…The moment of truth for the earth and human civilization has arrived.4

Marx and Engels: ecologist or productivist?
For many years it was the opinion of many political/environmental commentators—including some Marxists—that Marx had, at best, only marginal insight into environmental questions. The focus of his work was on unremitting industrialisation and the social and political conditions which flowed from that; his political outlook was ‘productivist’ or ‘promethean’. Indeed some argue that Marx couldn’t have had ecological insight because, at the time he was writing, ecology was not then an issue. The Communist Manifesto talked about the proletariat using its supremacy to control the means of production in order to “increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible.”5

Fingers are also pointed at Engels who in his Dialectics of Nature wrote, “in short, the animal merely uses his environment … man, by his changes makes it serve his ends, masters it”,6 but in fact both Marx’s and Engels’ writings display considerably more ecological insight than they were, for many years, given credit for.

At the time Marx and Engels were writing The Communist Manifesto, Marx was considerably influenced by Justin von Liebig. Writing in 1840-62, von Liebig claimed that British agriculture amounted to a “robbery system” requiring the transportation over long distances of food and fibre from the country to the cities, with no recirculation of soil nutrients such as nitrogen, phosphorus and potassium. The result was that Britain, along with other imperialist nations, simply stole the resources of other countries, for example, guano from Latin America and, most egregiously, raking through the former Napoleonic War battlefields for the bones of the dead.7 It is no surprise then that we find in The Communist Manifesto, where it lists measures which the proletariat must take in order to revolutionise the modes of production,

…the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.8

In Capital Marxwent on to develop his theory of ‘metabolic rift’—the idea that capitalism, by its drive for profit through the industrialisation of production, had created an irreparable rift between human beings and the earth. Marx argued that the growth of industrialised production, large-scale agriculture and long distance trade extended the rift and that all of this was an expression of an antagonistic relationship between town and country under capitalism. A systematic restoration of that metabolism was required as a “regulative law of social production”, along with a demand for a rational regulation of the metabolic relationship between human beings and the earth pointing beyond capitalist society to socialism and communism.9

Despite the earlier quote, Engels’ writing also shows ecological insight—not least in Dialectics of Nature. Indeed almost immediately after talking of how man ‘masters’ nature, he goes on to say;

Let us not, however flatter ourselves overmuch on account of our human victories over nature. For each such victory nature takes its revenge on us. Each victory, it is true, in the first place brings about the results we expect, but in the second and third places it has quite different and unforeseen effects which often cancel the first.6

He talks of how nothing in nature takes place in isolation and that everything affects and is affected by everything else. Engels also makes the link between humanity’s productive activity and its effect on nature:

… we are getting to perceive both the more immediate and the more remote consequences of our interference with the traditional course of nature. In particular, after the mighty advances made by the natural sciences in the present century, we are more than ever in a position to realize and hence control, even the more remote natural consequences of at least our day-to-day production activities.10

Finally, Engels directly addresses the link between profit and environmental degradation. The industrial capitalist, he says, is only concerned with production and exchange for immediate profit and cares little or nothing for the natural effects of the production required to generate the profit. He cites Spanish planters in Cuba who burn down forests in the production of coffee exposing the soil to be washed away by tropical rainfall.11

The basis for Marxist analysis is of course historical materialism and dialectics, where the dialectic is drawn from the historicity of material conditions. There has been debate as to whether dialectics can be applied to nature—particularly in relation to the works of Engels. We will see this later when looking at the work of Gyorgy Lukacs. The debate centres on whether dialectics applies to social conditions, but not to nature because nature stands apart from human practice. Marx’s work however is not confined to society alone, but very clearly considers the interaction (the metabolism) between society and nature and, in considering the effects of the capitalist mode of production, sees both the ‘rift’—the damage caused to nature and the restrictions nature is capable of imposing on production.

In the same way, Engels too demonstrably considers the relationship between humankind and nature—a dialectics of nature and society as can be seen from the passages quoted above from Dialectics of Nature.

Some modern Marxist ecology writers, most notably Kohei Saito, propose an idea of ‘de-growth communism’. Saito claims that recent examination of Marx’s writings on the natural sciences shows that, in later life, Marx himself proposed some ideas for future de-growth economic models. The idea has been the subject of debate as we shall see when we return to this later on.

Clearly both Marx and Engels saw that the capitalist drive for profit through increased production had an effect on nature, they were not however the only ones looking at the relationship between industrialised production and natural resources. In 1865 William Jevons provided a pioneering insight into ecological economics, in his book The Coal Question—a work concerned with the potential economic consequences of a shift from mining cheap coal to more expensive deep seam mining.12 In what became known as the ‘Jevons Paradox’ he explained that increased efficiency in using a natural resource did not, as might have been expected, mean that less of the resource would be required, rather that the increased efficiency generated a demand to increase productivity requiring more, not less, resource—so increased efficiency leads to increased demand for resources and increased effect on the natural world from their use.

Of course, Marx and Engels were writing in a time of industrial expansion, the shift from town to country, increased productivity and the ascendency of capital, but there is a clear thread of ecology where both Marx and Engels addressed their minds to the effects on nature of the huge changes in agriculture and industry. Marx’s theory of metabolism reappeared, as we shall see, in the work of later Marxist ecological writers, who were to take up the idea of a dialectical relationship between society and nature.

Beyond Marx: the late 19th and early 20th centuries
In the immediate aftermath of the publication of The Communist Manifesto, it would, of course take time for the ideas of its writers to filter through and generate response; however, there were those whose scientific work reflected some of the ideas that Marx and Engels had articulated on the relationship between humanity and the earth.

E Ray Lankester and Arthur Tansley, both socialists (though not Marxists), produced work which addressed the relationship between historical materialism and materialist ecology. Lankester was a zoologist and biologist, lecturing at University College London and Oxford, he was a friend of Marx and was later to attend Marx’s funeral. Lankester was a Darwinian scientist and so a materialist and his work was concerned with degeneration, the idea that evolution did not simply go forward. He was very much concerned with ecology and wrote essays on species extinction due to the influence of human endeavour, and pollution in London.13

Arthur Tansley was a plant ecologist, much influenced by Lankester, a socialist and materialist. He was the architect of the idea of ecosystem and, in later life, was concerned with conservation, formulating policy on nature reserves. Tansley wrote against ideas of evolutionary ecology as being non-materialist.

For a continuation of Marxist thought in the early twentieth century we need look no further than Rosa Luxemburg and Accumulation of Capital. In her work Luxemburg attempts to bring together ecology and political economy and we see there some ideas we have seen elsewhere—the colonial robbery of important means of production and the effects of capitalist expansion, not just on labour, but also on nature. She saw that the unrestricted use of natural resources in capitalist production caused problems in nature, but acknowledged that capital would accept no limits on its expansion:

… the very condition of continuous improvements in labour productivity as the most important method of increasing the rate of surplus value, is unrestricted utilisation of all substances and facilities of nature and soil. To tolerate any restriction in this respect would be contrary to the very essence of capital, its whole mode of existence.14

Luxemburg goes on to develop an idea of globalisation and colonialism in the pursuit of the means of production. She says that capital expansion would be restricted if it were only to rely on the resources of its own part of the world and so capital is impelled to look abroad where, for the means of production and, for the purposes of exploitation it “ransacks the whole world, it procures the means of production from all corners of the earth, seizing them, if necessary, by force .…”15

Luxemburg argues here against Marx, who she claims saw English capitalism as unique, and her argument is that the metabolism is the same wherever capital seeks to accumulate:

Accumulation is more than an internal relation between the branches of the capitalist economy; it is primarily a relationship between capital and a non-capitalist environment.16

Finally, Luxemburg suggests that there might be a limit to capital where it depends on an unequal exchange with the non-capital system of the country from which it plunders labour and resources. Capital seeks to expand over the whole of the earth and will not tolerate any other system of political economy, and yet it drives “the non-capitalist” to exhaustion, which leaves the non-capital country unable to be capitalist. The progressive disintegration of non-capitalist organisations makes the accumulation of capital possible; however,

As soon as this final result is achieved—in theory of course because it can never actually happen—accumulation must come to a stop.17

Of course, over the period in which Rosa Luxemburg was writing, the Bolshevik revolution took place in Russia led by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. So what, if anything, did Lenin and the Soviet Union have to say on ecology and the environment?

In truth Marxian thought on the natural consequences of production and accumulation were lost in the need to produce in order to modernise the newly-created nation. It may be that this perception of communism’s productive drive is responsible for the view that Marxism had little to say about the natural world, but there were some green shoots amongst the red.

Karl Kautsky wrote in his The Agrarian Question about the exploitation of the country by the town and the impoverishment of the land of its nutrients;18 and Nikolai Bukharin wrote about ecology in a chapter entitled ‘The Equilibrium Between Society and Nature’ in his book Historical Materialism. In it Bukharin adopts Marx’s use of the term “metabolism” in speaking of the transfer from nature to society and the consequences if the balance is wrong.19

As for Lenin himself, like Marx before him he is predominantly thought of as a productivist, forever associated with Soviet industrialisation, whereas in fact he had some insight into the balance of humankind and nature and had a personal role in promoting conservation. In 1917 the Soviet government issued the decree, ‘On Land’, which declared all forests, waters and minerals to be the property of the state; and in reaction to the destruction of forests a further decree, ‘On Forests’, was followed by a meeting chaired by Lenin which divided ‘Forests’ into zones of exploitable forests and protected ones, the purpose being to control erosion, protect water basins and the preservation of ‘monuments of nature’.20

Following discussions with agronomist Nikolai Podiaposki and others such as VI Vernadsky, Lenin approved the creation of zapovedniki—nature preserves which were intended for ecological study and as ecological havens for all species of flora and which would preserve a “natural equilibrium, crucial to nature”.

After Lenin’s death productivity became the priority for the USSR under Stalin, which, while we might regret the abandonment of ecological endeavour, was itself a product of the material conditions in the Soviet Union and elsewhere at the time (the same could be said for Mao’s China).

But important work was being done, as Bellamy Foster has outlined:21 in the 1940s Vladimir Nikolaevitch Sukachev developed a concept of biogeocoenosis—a rival to Tansley’s theory of ecosystem − and from the 1960s onwards the Soviet Union saw some significant advances in scientific thinking about the relationship between humanity and nature. These advances were nowhere more apparent than in climatology, in the work of EK Federov and Mikhail Ivanovich Budyko in relation to the Arctic and the melting sea ice and Greenland ice sheet. Federov’s 1972 book Man and Nature addressed the issue of natural resource limits to economic growth, in particular the challenge represented by climate change. Soviet climatologists, primarily based on the work of Budyko and GS Golytsin, first developed the nuclear winter theory; and Budyko, in his 1980 book, Global Ecology, indicated that all economic analysis was modelled on metabolism,

the process of material exchange between life and environment.

The advances were not only scientific, but also philosophical. There were important contributions in the 1970s and 80s from Ivan T Frolov who, Bellamy Foster says, began once again to place “ecological and humanistic values into dialectical materialism”; and from PG Oldak, who, at the same time was calling for the replacement of economic growth as the basis of economic calculations by an idea of “gross social wealth”.

Bellamy Foster goes so far as to claim that:

It was in the Soviet Union, based on the theories of the biosphere and biogeocoenosis, that the analysis of accelerated climate change began, and it was in Moscow and Leningrad, not Washington and New York, that the first warnings of runaway global warming and the theory of nuclear winter emanated.

The advent of environmentalism: the mid to late twentieth century
Many writers on ecology and the environment see the 1962 publication of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring as the start of a modern environmentalist movement. Carson’s book was concerned with the effects on the environment of the widespread practice in the United States of spraying crops with pesticide; and although it would be false to claim that Carson was successful in that campaign, we can say that her work (not just Silent Spring) represented an important trigger for the articulation of growing concern about the effects of humankind’s activities—including the dangers of the testing and spread of nuclear weapons—on nature.

Carson was not a Marxist, but she did show some insight into the relationship between accumulative capital and ecological degradation, and also into the hegemony which suppresses dissent. In Silent Spring she points to “an era dominated by industry, in which the right to make a dollar at any cost is seldom challenged”; and she goes on to say that:

When the public protests, confronted with some obvious evidence of damaging results of pesticide applications, it is fed little tranquilising pills of half truth.22

In another work she claims that environmental decline is caused by “the gods of profit and production.”23

It is worth diverting for a moment to pick up on Carson’s comment about “tranquilising pills of half truth”. It raises the issue of the suppression of dissent by the cultural hegemony of the ruling class, in a clear example of Gramsci’s theory. In the mid-twenty-first century, we can see the same thing happening: what Robert Bolt, in his play A Man for All Seasons, called “the canvas and the rigging of the law”, is used as an anti-dissent tool (the excessive sentences given to Just Stop Oil and other protestors) and the media are used to stir up anti-environmentalist sentiment, for example in working to reduce support for net zero.

For Marxist ecology in the mid-twentieth century we turn to the work of György Lukács. In his History of Class Consciousness there are three significant ideas on Marxism and nature. Firstly, in a footnote,Lukács questions the place of using dialectics in the consideration of nature, arguing that the crucial determinants of dialectics—the interaction of subject and object, the unity of theory and practice and the “historical changes in the reality underlying the categories as the root cause of changes in thought etc” − do not feature in the knowledge of nature.24 The result of this is that dialectics can only be used in the consideration of social issues. So, specifically Lukacs criticised Engels’ dialectics of nature.

The natural result of this was that there were two methods; one for natural science and one for social analysis—a dualism which was opposed by other Marxist thinkers. They argued that this dualism was incompatible with Marxian materialism and that its effect was to allow Marxism to avoid the question of nature where any concept of ‘labour’ was absent, and it allowed Western Marxism to concentrate on analysis of society. Lukács was later to alter his view on the issue in his later work Tailism and the Dialectic.

Lukács’ second idea was to extend the theory of metabolism. He argued that knowledge of nature is not only materially but also socially and historically mediated, ie that there is a social context arising from capitalist society, which forms the basis of the metabolism between humanity and nature which underpins the material basis of natural science.

Thirdly, there is a need to consider how nature is mediated by society − social relations organise the metabolism between humans and nature. Under the capitalist mode of production the metabolism is set by capital’s drive for profit; and, as we saw earlier in Rosa Luxemburg’s analysis of the limits of capitalism, capital seeks to expand over the whole of the earth and will not tolerate any other system of political economy. In so doing, it exhausts nature which becomes a tool of capital without any acknowledgement of its own purpose. This contradiction leads to crisis—which the world is now experiencing increasingly day by day.25

Another Hungarian Marxist writing on ecology in the the twentieth century was István Meszaros. In the 1970s, he had discussed environmental issues, warning of the nuclear threat and ecological destruction under capitalism. He wrote:

Another basic contradiction of the capitalist system of control is that it cannot separate ‘advance’ from destruction nor ‘progress’ from waste—however catastrophic the results.26

In his two main works, Philosophy, Ideology and Social Science (1986) and Beyond Capital (1995), Mészáros noted that the earth is finite and so there are natural limits to capitalist accumulation—but that capital is unable to acknowledge this nor to limit itself. He used the Marxian idea of metabolism to analyse the degradation and destruction of nature by capital. Capital is incapable of distinguishing “natural necessity”—what is actually required as the means of production—from its own historical requirements. Natural necessity is limited by “universal metabolism”, but capital behaves as if it can go beyond these natural limits, possibly with the help of science and technology, in order to extract further value; and the result is damage to the environment and the exhaustion of resources.

In Beyond Capital and The Nature of Social Control (2014), Meszaros, following Lukács, went on to look at “social metabolism” (a term used by Marx) as a way of analysis to allow reorganisation of the metabolism between man and nature. He says that man can reflect and adapt, but if we ignore the limits of nature as a material condition in production, the result is ecological contradictions such as pollution, resource scarcity and exhaustion:

Capital’s limits can no longer be conceptualized as merely the material obstacles to a greater increase in productivity and social wealth and so a brake on development, but as a direct challenge to the very survival of mankind.27

By the end of the twentieth century few could doubt that the environment was in a rapidly escalating crisis. Warnings as to the effects of the unrestricted use of fossils fuels were made to the U.S. government as long ago as 1972;28 however, it was evidence in the 1980s and 90s of the damage to the ozone layer from chlorofluorocarbons which raised mass consciousness that there was a growing threat to the environment from the activities of humans. But raising general awareness of the threat to the planet raised consciousness of another threat—that to the profits of the polluters; and so the battle lines were drawn for the twenty-first century struggle between those seeking to rescue the environment and those in whose interests it is to carry on with what became known as ‘business as usual’.

The race against time: the twenty-first century fight to save the Earth
The fight in the twenty-first century to save the planet is framed by ever more pessimistic global warnings (for example, the reports of the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and, in the UK the Climate Change Committee) as to the what will happen if we continue to do too little to adapt to and mitigate the effects of climate change. Alongside that we can see on a daily basis the effects of global inaction; drought, wildfires, floods, winds, crop failure, food chain disruption, water shortage and forced migration. We can also see the inequality of environmental damage, where these effects are felt predominantly in the Global South − in areas of the world which have contributed least to the causes of environmental breakdown.

The task of modern Marxist ecology is to look beyond ‘business as usual’ to how to organise a new metabolism between humankind and nature which might mitigate or even reverse the damage done to the Earth by the productive forces of capitalist accumulation. We will look at the ideas of four Marxist ecologists writing at the end of the twentieth and into the twenty-first century: James O’Connor, Paul Burkett, John Bellamy Foster and Kohei Saito. All of these writers sought to re-establish Marxist ecology’s contribution to the discourse around accelerating climate and environmental change and to link Marxist thought to the current crisis.

In 1991 James O’Connor introduced his theory of the “second contradiction” of capitalism. His argument was that the first contradiction arose from the juxtaposition of the exponential increase of capitalist productivity and profit against the poverty of the proletariat, leading to overproduction and crisis in the capitalist system. He went on to say that there was a second contradiction which arises from the relationship between capitalist production and nature where, as production increases, the resources of nature become exhausted leading to rises in the cost of materials, energy and labour, resulting in a decline in the rate of profit and capital accumulation is thrown into crisis.29

There was some criticism of the theory—not least from Paul Burkett—which argued that O’Connor underestimated the “elasticity” of capital, its ability to adapt to circumstances so as to continue to generate profit. The issue goes to the question of ‘limits to growth’, a discussion since the publication of The Limits to Growth in 1972.30 Marx’s view was that contradiction “drives further technological progress and modifications in the production and circulation processes.”31

Paul Burkett in Marx and Nature (1999) was perhaps the first twenty-first century voice to attach the necessary importance to answering the often made criticism that Marx was a productivist or ‘promethean’, concerned only with the social relations of production and with little or nothing to say on the relationship between the social relations of production and nature. It was a key intervention and Burkett’s arguments would later be taken up by others as the basis for a new perspective on Marx and ecology.

Burkett made three points in defence of Marx. First, that Marx demonstrated that human wealth was not simply reducible to labour and that nature was an “inherent component of human wealth”. Secondly that Marx saw that human production—not only under capitalism—is restricted by natural, physical, biological and ecological laws and that natural laws shape the material and social forms of production and wealth. Finally, Marx was aware that the human development of productive forces had had a destructive impact on natural wealth.32

Beyond these points, Burkett claimed two major shifts in his analysis. One was that, whereas Marx’s idea of class struggle envisioned the politicisation of the proletariat, resulting in socialist revolution, Burkett saw working class struggle involving many popular movements running counter to the power of capital and that this was consistent with ecology as a key part of socialist revolution. The other was to return to Marx’s emphasis on communism as a system of human development which “recognised the centrality of struggles against private ownership and exploitation of natural conditions (‘the land’) to this revolutionary process.”33

Burkett’s lead was taken up by John Bellamy Foster over a number of publications, in which he effectively reviewed Marx’s work in its roots and its detail, to provide the evidence to sustain the idea that Marx did indeed have insight into the relationship between capitalist production and nature, and that Marxist ecology has much to say on the modern climate and ecological crisis.

Beginning by looking at the influences on Marx, such as the agrarian revolution and von Liebig’s writings, Bellamy Foster arrives at the metabolic rift as the cornerstone of Marxist ecology, and from there develops an analysis of capitalism and ecology. He concludes that there must be an eco-social revolution “which draws on alternative technologies where necessary, but emphasises the need to transform the human relation to nature and the constitution of society at its roots within the existing social relations of production.”34 This calls for a move towards “egalitarian and communal forms of production, distribution, exchange and consumption … breaking with the logic of the dominant social order.”

Bellamy Foster acknowledges that this means finding a way beyond the capitalist system of production—the present period of destructive human civilisation. Others were to come up with some ideas.

In his Marx in the Anthropocene: Towards the idea of degrowth communism, Kohei Saito takes up the twenty-first century analysis of Marxism and ecology. He says that the climate and environmental crisis provides an opportunity for Marxism to demonstrate its relevance after its marginalization following the collapse of the European socialist states, if:

… it can contribute to enriching debates and social movements by providing not only a thorough critique of the capitalist mode of production but also a concrete vision of post-capitalist society.35

Saito too identifies the metabolic rift theory as a vital tool for a critique of contemporary capitalism, but his main claim is that examination of Marx’s later work, specifically the Marx Engels Gesamtausgabe (MEGA), shows that Marx’s position shifted from ‘productivist’ to de-growth. Saito argues that Marx came to consider pre-capitalist society where co-operative production and communal property gave a more sustainable metabolic relationship between man and nature. Taking this idea and the context of the current ecological crisis, Saito argues for a shift away from growth as the measure of a successful society to a model of ‘steady-state economy’ which provides and renews rather than produces and grows—degrowth communism.

However Saito’s theory has faced criticism, notably from Brian Napoletano. He makes a number of points. Firstly, that Saito fails to define what he means by growth, whereas growth may not necessarily be bad and indeed may be needed in certain conditions. Secondly, no other “current of Marxism” has ever claimed that Marx’s view of post-capitalist society was characterised by a rejection of growth—de-growth and growth are not absolutes, but strategies dependent on material conditions. Thirdly, Napoletano argues that Saito’s claim of a radical break in Marx’s thought is in effect a repudiation of historical materialism; that specific parts of Marx’s writings and thought cannot be analysed in isolation; but taken in the context of the totality of his work. Finally he has concern at the relationship between ecosocialism and Saito’s degrowth communism where he says Saito views ecosocialism as no more than a step towards de-growth, missing the “social rift in response to the metabolic rift.”36

Theory and practice
What is abundantly clear is that humanity cannot, if it wants to survive, carry on with ‘business as usual’ and that capitalism is incapable of saving us from catastrophe. Here a number of Marxist thinkers have interpreted Marxist ecology’s ideas for the world in various ways; but, as someone once said, the point, however is to change it, so finally let us consider an example of the synthesis of theory and action—modern China.

In his article The Dialectics of Ecology and Ecological Civilisation37 Chen Yiwen considers some of the criticisms of the dialectics of nature, concluding that Marx’s dialectics is not confined to social history and that Engels saw dialectics as a “practical guiding framework for understanding and transforming the world”38 and thus the two were aligned, offering a view of nature and society.

Chen then goes on to consider the dialectics of ecology, arguing that for materialist dialectics to evolve it must provide both a theoretical approach and practical wisdom to deal with the Anthropocene crisis. He says that the dialectics of ecology “aims to achieve a revolutionary reconciliation between humanity and nature, advocating for a social-ecological revolution that opposes capitalism.”39/sup> He then sets out three tasks: to change the exploititative system of capitalism; to reconstruct the socioeconomic base towards a social and ecological transformation; and to identify the subjects of change. Class action, he says, is vital in challenging capitalist domination, while defending the environment is a key aspect of class struggle.

Chen offers “ecological civilisation”—a “state of peaceful coexistence and harmony between humanity and nature”,40 an idea which grew through ecological Marxism, most notably in socialist countries such as China. He then looks at how the theory becomes practice in China, arguing that ecological civilisation can only be achieved by socialism:

China’s progress in ecological civilisation reflects the dialectics of ecology, as it demonstrates a socialist state’s effort to achieve the dialectical unity of environmental protection and civilisational development, as well as the organic integration of social justice and ecological sustainability.41

Carlos Martinez provides a view of that theory in practice in modern China in his article ‘China at the Forefront of the Green Energy Revolution’.42 While China is endlessly characterised as the world’s biggest contributor of carbon emissions, Martinez points out that its per capita emissions are about half those of the United States, Canada and Australia, and that China is a developing country where its industry drive is improving living standards rather than luxury consumption. The increased focus on ecology is partly because China has experienced the effects of climate change in droughts, floods, heat waves and air pollution, but is chiefly at the initiative of the governing Communist Party of China. Martinez paints a detailed picture of China’s ambitious drive towards reducing the use of fossil fuels (peak carbon emissions by 2030—possibly already reached—and carbon neutrality by 2060) and of how China is the world’s biggest producer of renewables, to the benefit of not only the Chinese economy, but also the global one.

Martinez makes the point that “China’s crucial advantage is its political system”—the same point made by Chen Yiwen −and he cites Bellamy Foster, as having pointed out that China is implementing ecological civilisation while the West talks about a Green New Deal, but does nothing.43 In the New Cold War and, more recently, the U.S. trade war, China faces constant economic and other reaction from the U.S. and its allies to suppress its economic and technological rise. But, as Martinez points out:

All countries, and developed counties in particular, face a critical challenge of decarbonising their economies and it will be impossible to meet that challenge without intense global cooperation.44

To which one might add that, in the bigger picture, it will be impossible to meet the challenge of the environmental and climate crisis without socialism.

(Notes and References at link.)

https://mronline.org/2025/08/12/red-or- ... arxist-ec/

Green is implicitly part of Red. It can be summed up in the phrase "meeting human need". No amount of Science or Idealism can change our trajectory without social and political leadership.

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The Green Zone of Controlled Opposition (Or, How The U.S. Climate Network Became Agents of Climate Inaction)
Anthony Karefa Rogers-Wright 06 Aug 2025

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The U.S. climate movement claims to fight for change while systematically silencing radical action. This isn’t resistance. It’s controlled opposition dressed in green.

“The democratic petty bourgeois, far from desiring to overturn the whole of society for the revolutionary proletarian, strives for a change in social conditions which will make the existing society as endurable and comfortable as possible for him.” - Karl Marx


In three weeks, many in the Gulf South and across the country will commemorate the 20th anniversary of Hurricane Katrina, which resulted in over 1,800 deaths and was responsible for over $100 billion in damage (un-adjusted 2005 dollars) . At a time when the climate crisis has only been exacerbated as the global capitalist dictatorship’s insatiable appetite for profit is only matched by its insatiable need to extract resources (including people and their labor), the United States, in particular, continues to move in ways that are antithetical to and completely dismissive of the science that tells us we must rapidly reduce greenhouse gas emissions and transform the way we develop, distribute, and make decisions about energy. While both “major” political parties are complicit in inadequately acting to address the climate crisis at scale and dismantle it, recent actions by the Trump Administration have elucidated the extent to which the U.S. government, under the thumb of corporations and billionaires, prioritizes capital and profits over people and planet.

In the last three weeks the Trump Administration has taken a hatchet to renewable energy development and production and signaled its preference for an increase in fossil fuel exploration, extraction, and emissions. In late July, Trump ordered the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) to rescind all of the previously designated Wind Energy Areas (WEAs ), which ends a federal designation of over 3.5 million acres of federal waters that were sited for offshore wind development. Two weeks prior, Department of Interior Secretary, Doug Burgum, announced a new directive requiring his personal sign off prior to approval of any solar or wind energy project located on federal lands or federal waters. Many believe this move will stifle the rapid development of renewable energy infrastructure and reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. And Burgum signed another directive last week that compounds the Trump Administration’s assault on renewable energy and all but assures that there will likely be little to no renewable energy projects breaking ground anytime soon in the U.S. On top of all of this, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) administrator, Lee Zeldin, recently announced that the agency will revoke the “endangerment finding,” which he described as, “the largest deregulatory action in the history of the United States.” Doing so essentially ends the federal government’s ability to regulate and reduce toxic emissions from vehicles, power plants, and other major emitters, most situated in Black, Brown, Indigenous and poor communities.

One would think that the Trump Administration’s latest moves would amount to casus belli for the U.S. climate network and a clarion call to build an actual movement furnished with independent social and political power necessary to confront any and all initiatives that increase fossil fuel extraction and emissions and otherwise interdict the development of renewable energy infrastructure. To this end, according to a report prepared by Indiana University’s Lilly Family School of Philanthropy, U.S. based nonprofits spend approximately $7.8 to $9.2 billion annually to address climate change, which is more, in some cases significantly, than the gross domestic product (GDP) of entire nations including, but not limited to, Sierra Leone, Fiji, Grenada, and the Marshall Islands.

The Lilly Family School report includes other key findings such as the following: of the total spending amount reported in the study, an estimated 49% went to mitigation efforts, 14% went to adaptation, and 34% was not clearly specified as falling into either of these two categories; the majority (53.7%) of climate change spending by the U.S.-based nonprofits responding to this survey was used for efforts in the U.S. and Canada. An additional 22% focused on climate issues in other parts of the world. Just under 15% was spent on global-level strategies and programs; policy-based approaches were the most common tactic nonprofits employed to support their work on climate change, comprising 30% of reported climate expenditures; and when viewed by sector of focus, survey respondents allocated the largest portion of their spending toward energy, including both energy use (35%) and energy supply (32%). Land-use-centric approaches received a total of 23% of spending.

To put this into perspective, U.S. nonprofits spent between approximately $2.3 and $2.8 billion in 2022 when the Biden administration ratified the so-called Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) that many liberal climate and environmental groups heralded as a “historic climate bill,” with one group even characterizing it as one of the most “ambitious environmental laws in U.S. history.” This despite the fact that the IRA includes provisions that fossil fuel cartels and other polluters support because they allow them to continue slashing, drilling, and burning relatively unabated and, in many cases, being paid by U.S. tax dollars to continue polluting public air, land, and water. In fact, these are among the only IRA provisions that survived Trump’s so-called Big Beautiful Bill. When it comes to the expansion rather than reduction of fossil fuel dominance, it’s less that the Trump Administration is rescinding and more that it’s building off environmental and climate policies of the former Biden administration and the Democrat Party - policies U.S. nonprofits spent as much as almost $3 billion to get passed. Why U.S. nonprofits would spend this much money to support status quo climate policy that, even if left fully intact, would never have adequately addressed the climate crisis is a question of who is providing the funding and what they are actually funding.

INCITE-LA’s landmark book, “The Revolution will Not be Funded” discusses the state of the U.S Left that is largely sustained by a philanthropic cabal with no interest in revolutionary or transformative initiatives that would challenge and upend the capitalist dictatorship through establishing independent social and political power. The authors indicate, “If anything, this [political] culture [of the U.S. Left] is generally disciplined and ruled by the fundamental imperative to preserve the integrity and coherence of US white civil society, and the “ruling class” of philanthropic organizations and foundations may, at times, almost unilaterally determine whether certain activist commitments and practices are appropriate to their consensus vision of American “democracy.” This is important as the Lilly Family School report also indicates that, “Philanthropic sources, including foundations, individual donors, and corporations, provided the majority (approximately 88%) of the funding nonprofits spent [in 2021],” which in itself provides firm evidence on what these sources are actually investing in.

Controlled opposition refers to a tactic where an established power structure, like a government or organization, creates or co-opts an opposition group to appear as if there is genuine dissent or alternative viewpoints, while in reality, they are manipulating the situation to maintain their control. This often involves allowing limited, superficial challenges to the status quo while ensuring that the core power structure remains unchallenged. There are numerous examples of how the U.S. climate network has, for some time but more recently than not, been an instrument of controlled opposition, which has rendered it into agents of climate inaction. This is demonstrated by the policies the U.S climate network advocates for, the issues it prioritizes and supports and the issues it chooses to be silent on (like an ongoing genocide in Palestine despite its clear nexus with climate change and environmental racism), the candidates and lawmakers it supports, and the political party (the Democrats) it’s most associated with.

Many of the policies, candidates/lawmakers, and the Democrat party itself, supported by the U.S. climate network have too often been more likely to exacerbate climate impacts than reduce them and limit their damage to people and property alike. For instance, one “leading” environmental organization once referred to fracked (natural) gas as a “bridge fuel” and conceded that it will continue to be a major driver of the U.S. economy. Additionally, another global environmental group that advocates for the commodification of the sky to reduce emissions through carbon market schemes that have proven to be both ineffective and actually worsening global warming. These two examples demonstrate that the U.S. climate movement hasn’t recently become controlled opposition but has been so for some time. Worse yet, even well intentioned actors and institutions within the climate and environmental justice (CEJ) sector have been inculcated by philanthropists, lawmakers, and elements of the petty bourgeois into a culture of controlled opposition in ways that mimic conditions discussed by Robert L. Allen in his book, “Black Awakening in Capitalist America,” where he notes, “In these machinations there is no intention of effecting a transfer or real power…The intent is to create the impression of real movement while actual movement is too limited to be significant.”

As we observe some actors/institutions of the CEJ sector support extractive policies like the IRA and extractive political entities like the Democrat Party, it both vindicates Allen’s analysis while also proving that even well meaning people can be manipulated into becoming controlled opposition by forces who have no concern for the material conditions of those most impacted by the climate crisis. And like far too many within the larger U.S. climate network, elements of the CEJ sector have also been seduced by the promise of achieving and maintaining petty bourgeois status through sustained philanthropy and political “access” under condition of protecting the status quo and marginalizing, if not altogether ostracizing, more radical movements and formations. But political “access” without independent political power is akin to having an automobile without wheels and tires. You can sit in it, take and send pictures of it in emails to demonstrate “success” and “influence”, but in the end it can’t deliver you or anyone anywhere - only act as a symbol of status and an illusion of action. Or, in the context of the climate crisis, a symbol and illusion of climate and environmental liberation.

This is not to say that everyone within the U.S climate network is, in the words of the band Fugazi, “In on the Kill Taker.” Nonetheless, it still must be held that any semblance of controlled opposition within the U.S. climate network climate spaces is dangerous and deadly, and must be deracinated if we are to prevent a massive die off of people, species, and the necessary resources to sustain both. This will be a difficult but requisite task. Amilcar Cabral referred to this as, “the struggle against our own weakness,” which he describes as a “battle against ourselves” that he contends is, “the most difficult of all, whether for the present or the future or our peoples.” What steps must be taken in order to take on this struggle and transform the U.S. climate network such that it shifts from a praxis of controlled opposition and climate inaction and becomes a transformative force that addresses the climate crisis at scale?

First and foremost the U.S. climate network must decide, and quickly, if it will take the necessary step of becoming an independent social and political formation, or sets of formations, that prioritizes the people over any political party. As the North South Project founder Ajamu Baraka recently remarked to me, “the saying is Power to the People, not Power to the Party.” And this will require understanding and exercising what Lenin meant when he stipulated, “People always have been and they always will be the stupid victims of deceit and self-deception in politics, until they learn behind every kind of moral, religious, political, social phrase, declaration and promise to seek out the interests of this or that class or classes.” Moreover, the U.S. climate network would also have to comprehend the solution to this tartufferous trend, which Lenin notes includes not being fooled by “defenders of the old regime.” This, he suggests, requires an understanding that every old institution that upholds the status quo, “is sustained by the forces of this or that dominant class or classes.”

Independent social and political power is the only way that the U.S. climate network will ever be in a position to advance an ecosocialist framework that includes full public control and democratization of the U.S. energy sector, which is necessary to facilitate the rapid phase out of fossil fuels and rapid development of renewable energy infrastructure as we have seen in intentionally underdeveloped nations like Uruguay that was running on 98 percent renewable energy in 2019 . It’s clear that no transformation like this can occur in the U.S. without independent political power. Both Democrats and Republicans continue to accept financial largesse from polluters (albeit the Republicans receive a higher percentage of these payouts) that expect massive returns on their political investments in the form of deregulation, federal subsidies, and federal contracts to continue extracting and emitting in an effort to maintain the capitalist dictatorship.

Breaking from these political parties, the duopoly is a requisite step for establishing, building, and maintaining independent social and political power. Moreover, the U.S. climate network will never be fully independent until it eviscerates all elements of its elitism and petty bourgeois tendencies. Karl Marx reminds us that there can be no controlled opposition without the willing participation, knowingly and, in some cases, unknowingly of the petty bourgeois. While addressing the Communist League in 1850 he proclaimed, “The democratic petty bourgeois, far from desiring to overturn the whole of society for the revolutionary proletarian, strives for a change in social conditions which will make the existing society as endurable and comfortable as possible for him.” Far too many in the U.S. climate network still believe that we can tinker with capitalism and sprinkle some reforms here and there without any sacrifice of the petty bourgeois lifestyle - in short there is no desire to give up a perceived level of class status which they believe places them proximate to the ruling class. But this perceived comfort and proximity cannot endure in the epoch of the climate crisis that has the entire planet on a fast tracked trajectory of climate barbarism where more draconian immigration policies and human rights violations are possible and likely due to disputes over who deserves access to rapidly dwindling resources such as freshwater, that are necessary to sustain life and entire ecosystems.

Building and sustaining independent social and political power will also require shifting the focus of the U.S. climate network to the needs and demands of the masses and the methods necessary to improve their material conditions. Moreover, independent social and political power is the only way to fend off agents of controlled opposition who will undoubtedly attempt to co-opt principled movements that are directly accountable to the people. Allen reminds us that sustaining independent social and political power is dependent on strategies designed to counter anticipated responses of opposition forces, admonishing, “Any strategy that does not meet this condition - no matter how militant, nationalist, or revolutionary it may be - is almost certainly doomed to failure.”

At this moment it’s clear the U.S. climate network is not prepared to take the steps to remove itself from forces and actors that render it into more of a successful tool for controlled opposition than a force for climate and environmental liberation. To this end, before moving away from these forces can even commence the U.S. climate network must first answer a salient question - independent social and political power or climate barbarism?

No Compromise

No Retreat

https://blackagendareport.com/green-zon ... e-inaction

******
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Sat Aug 16, 2025 2:11 pm

Microsoft versus the planet
August 11, 2025

Ex-employees highlight how Microsoft’s work for the fossil fuel industry is exacerbating the climate crisis.

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“Finding and extracting more oil is one of the biggest use cases of AI today”

by Chris Lang
REDD-Monitor, August 11, 2025

Will Alpine joined Microsoft in 2020, a few months after Microsoft announced that it would remove more carbon from the atmosphere than it emits by 2030. The company also promised that by the year 2050, it would remove all the greenhouse gases from the atmosphere that it had ever emitted since 1975.

“Will Alpine had every reason to believe he was about to help save the planet,” Emily Atkin writes, in a recent article for Heated

Alpine worked as a product manager working on Microsoft’s artificial intelligence platform. “AI is an essential tool for accelerating sustainability,” states a Microsoft report, co-written by Alpine and published in November 2023.

Alpine told Heated that at first, “we were heads down doing good sustainability work”. But after about 18 months, he started to realise “who was really using the AI that I was helping to build”.

Will Alpine met his wife Holly while they both worked at Microsoft. Holly had joined the company in 2014. In January 2024, she resigned from Microsoft and in her resignation email she wrote that, “This work to maximize oil production with our technology is negating all of our good work, extending the age of fossil fuels, and enabling untold emissions.”

Microsoft’s climate bullshit

In March 2020, I wrote about Microsoft’s climate targets under the headline “Microsoft’s climate bullshit”. There are two obvious problems with Microsoft’s climate goals. The first is that the company is relying on carbon removal and tree planting on a massive scale. Both are a dangerous distraction from the need to leave fossil fuels in the ground.

Microsoft has bought a huge number of carbon credits in recent years. Allied Offsets reports that in 2024, Microsoft was the second largest buyer of carbon credits — behind Shell.

The second problem with Microsoft’s climate goals is that the company works very closely with the oil industry.

The day before Microsoft made its “carbon negative” announcement, the 12th International Conference on Petroleum Technology closed in Saudi Arabia. Microsoft was the event’s “digital transformation partner”.

Microsoft works with a series of oil corporations, including Chevron, Shell, Equinor, BP, Schlumberger, and ExxonMobil.

Holly and Will tried to change Microsoft from the inside

Heated reports that in September 2019, Microsoft employees asked the company’s CEO Satya Nadella about Microsoft’s contracts with the oil industry. Nadella argued that working with oil companies would help them transition to clean energy. “Give them that productivity boost so they can help themselves and help the world,” Nadella said.

A month later, Nadella once again defended working with Big Polluters: “If we stop engagement, what’s the benefit? Who benefits? Nobody benefits. It’s not as if you can stop producing oil tomorrow, because the world would stop. The question is, how can we contribute to an energy transition plan?”

But increasing the productivity of oil companies inevitably increases greenhouse gas emissions. It also increases oil companies’ profits. Which they reinvest in extracting more oil.

In 2021, Holly and Will Alpine wrote an 8-page memo to Microsoft’s leadership. They pointed out that none of the 50 oil and gas companies that Microsoft was working with claimed to be using Microsoft’s cloud computing or AI technology to transition away from fossil fuels.

“In fact, it was just the opposite,” Heated writes.

“BP was using Microsoft AI technology to ‘invest in more oil and gas;’ Chevron was using it for ‘new unconventional [fracking] wells,’ and Exxon was using it to ‘improve exploration success.’

In December 2021, Will and Holly had a meeting to present their recommendations to Brad Smith, Microsoft’s President, and Lucas Joppa, then-chief environmental officer at Microsoft.

They didn’t recommend that Microsoft should stop working with the fossil fuel industry. Instead, they recommended a “principled approach” and accounting for the carbon impacts of using Microsoft’s technology. They also said the company’s Responsible AI Principles should include environmental impact.

Microsoft did not adopt Will and Holly’s recommendations. “Four years later,” Heated writes, “Microsoft’s Responsible AI principles still don’t include environmental impact.”

“From what I saw, I believe that finding and extracting more oil is one of the biggest use cases of AI today,” Will told Heated.

He found it very difficult to find companies that were actually using the “climate-friendly AI tools” that he was working on. He concluded that Microsoft was using his work to distract from the company’s destructive work with the oil industry.

Microsoft’s moonshot

Climate writer Ketan Joshi wrote a great piece in May 2025 about the life and death of Microsoft’s climate goals. Back in 2020, at the launch of Microsoft’s climate goals, Brad Smith described the goals as a “moonshot”:

“Reducing carbon is where the world needs to go, and we recognize that it’s what our customers and employees are asking us to pursue. This is a bold bet — a moonshot — for Microsoft. And it will need to become a moonshot for the world.”

In 2024, Smith was still using the moonshot metaphor, but he told Bloomberg that the moon was getting further away:

“In 2020, we unveiled what we called our carbon moonshot. That was before the explosion in artificial intelligence. So in many ways the moon is five times as far away as it was in 2020, if you just think of our own forecast for the expansion of AI and its electrical needs.”

By May 2025, Smith had binned the moonshot metaphor:

“As we remain focused on sustained progress towards our 2030 goals, it has become clear that our journey towards being carbon negative is a marathon, not a sprint.”

“Okay, it’s a marathon now,” Joshi comments.

“But the same problem exists: on a journey towards a goal, you should be heading towards the goal, not away from it (whether that’s the moon, or a finish line). This is really the absolute basics of running a marathon. For every step the company takes towards the end, they take another 500 backwards. Microsoft is rocketing / marathon-running / whatever-ing in the wrong direction.”

Joshi takes a detailed look at how Microsoft’s and other Big Tech companies’ electricity consumption is accelerating as its use of AI is increasing. He concludes that the increase in Microsoft’s emissions since 2020 is more like 55.4%, rather than the 23% increase that Microsoft claims.

Enabled Emissions

When they left Microsoft, Will and Holly Alpine set up an organisation called Enabled Emissions. Holly told Heated that she sees Enabled Emissions as complementary to No Tech for Apartheid — a group of Google and Amazon workers protesting against the companies’ US$1 billion Project Nimbus cloud computing contract with the Israeli government and military.
Microsoft is also complicit in Israel’s genocide of Palestinians. Microsoft is a major provider of cloud services and AI to the Israeli military. And Israel’s use of Microsoft technology has increased during its brutal war in Gaza.

No Azure for Apartheid is part of the No Tech for Apartheid network, and is a group of Microsoft workers demanding that Microsoft terminate all Azure contracts and partnerships with the Israeli military and government.

Holly told Heated that, “You don’t get to call yourself the company of peace if you’re the number one cloud provider for Lockheed Martin. And you don’t get to call yourself the company of climate action if you’re the number one cloud provider for the fossil fuel industry.”

In a letter to the Financial Times last week, Holly and Will highlighted the disastrous climate impact of Big Tech’s fossil fuel deals:

“To illustrate the scale, we and organisations like Global Witness, Greenpeace and the Green Web Foundation have sought to quantify the real climate impact of Big Tech’s fossil fuel contracts. Using publicly available data, we calculated emissions from just two Microsoft contracts with Exxon and Chevron. We estimated an increase equivalent to 300 per cent of Microsoft’s annual emissions — including data centres.”

https://climateandcapitalism.com/2025/0 ... he-planet/

*****

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Clima Supercomputado (Photo: Realidad Media Pura)

Inequality worsens Planetary heating
By Jomo Kwame Sundaram (Posted Aug 13, 2025)

Originally published: JOMO on August 12, 2025 (more by JOMO) |

The accumulation of still growing greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) in an increasingly unequal world is accelerating planetary heating. It is also worsening disparities, especially between the rich and others, both nationally and internationally.

Unequal emissions
In our grossly unequal world, international disparities account for two-thirds of overall income inequalities. National income aggregates and averages can mislead by obscuring significant disparities within countries.

The World Inequality Report argues that GHG emission disparities are mainly due to inequalities within countrie s. Meanwhile, GHG emissions continue to grow as their accumulation accelerates planetary heating.

Emissions disparities within nations now account for almost two-thirds of worldwide emissions inequality, nearly doubling from slightly over a third in 1990.

The bottom halves of rich country populations are already at—or close to—the 2030 per capita carbon dioxide equivalent emission targets set by their governments. Yet North America’s wealthiest 10% or decile are the world’s biggest GHG emitters.

Their average emissions are 73 times those of the bottom half of the South and Southeast Asian populations! The East Asian rich also emit high GHGs, but much less than in North America.

The bottom halves of their populations emit nearly ten tons per capita yearly in North America, around five tons in Europe, and about three tons in East Asia.

The much smaller carbon footprints of most of the Global South contrast with the GHG emissions of the top deciles in their own countries and those of the wealthiest 10% in poorer regions.

The top deciles in South and Southeast Asia emit more than double the GHG emissions of Europe’s lower half. Even sub-Saharan Africa’s top decile emits more than Europe’s lower half on average.

Inequality drives emissions
Jayati Ghosh, Shouvik Chakraborty and Debamanyu Das argue that inequality has been driving increases in GHG emissions. While the bottom halves in the U.S. and Europe reduced per capita emissions by 15-20% between 1990 and 2019, the top 1% increased theirs.

The world’s top decile alone accounts for almost half of GHG emissions. As the wealthy become even richer, their adverse environmental impacts increase.

Despite misleading rhetoric, most carbon taxation is not progressive, typically burdening middle- and low-income groups much more than those most responsible, the rich.

Policies to cut GHG emissions must curb excessive consumption by the rich as well as ‘extractivist’ production worldwide to meet their demands.

Profits trump public interest
Meanwhile, transnational corporations and Western governments have refused to honour the public health exception (PHE) to the World Trade Organization (WTO) intellectual property (IP) rights agreement, TRIPS.

The PHE compromise was agreed to in 2001 to resume WTO trade negotiations at its Doha inter-ministerial meeting after the aborted Seattle conference in 1999.

But then, rich nation governments blocked developing countries’ requests for a PHE waiver to urgently produce enough affordable tests, treatments, equipment and vaccines for the duration of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Hence, it is unlikely significant IP concessions will be forthcoming to boost developing countries’ efforts to mitigate and adapt to effectively address planetary heating.

The sources of global warming are local, while planetary heating is worldwide, albeit uneven. Effective coping policies and measures are costly and generally more burdensome to the poor and middle classes.

Alternative arrangements can enable greater equity and sustainability. However, mobilising more concerted and effective resistance to planetary heating has proved very difficult.

Climate injustice
Historical accumulation of GHG emissions is the leading cause of planetary warming. Developed countries were responsible for almost four-fifths of cumulative GHG emissions from 1850 to 2011.

Meanwhile, their adverse impacts on developing countries in the tropics are worse. The Global South is also less able to cope due to limited policy space and means.

‘Net-zero’ commitments by countries do not acknowledge the huge climate burden imposed by past GHG accumulation, thus undermining prospects for a just transition.

In international negotiations, wealthy economies have evaded historical responsibility for ‘climate debt’ by focusing on contemporary emissions and ignoring their accumulation over the last two centuries.

Ignoring this historical climate debt also serves to legitimise ignoring compensation for those most adversely impacted in low- and lower-middle-income countries, who have already suffered extensive damage and losses.

This pretence is not only unfair, but also counterproductive. It has undermined the international solidarity and cooperation needed to cope with planetary heating.

Breaching threshold
Current rich nations’ projected emissions will use up three-fifths of the remaining global warming threshold for the world’s ‘carbon budget’ until 2050, so as not to exceed the 1.5°C addition to pre-industrial levels!

However, the most optimistic recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) scenario expected the 1.5°C threshold to be crossed by 2040!

But even before U.S. President Trump re-accelerated planetary heating after his re-election, then UN Special Envoy and now Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney warned this threshold would be breached by the end of this decade!

https://mronline.org/2025/08/13/inequal ... y-heating/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Long Ecological Revolution

Post by blindpig » Sat Aug 23, 2025 2:08 pm

Recycling in the Nuclear Industry: From Tailings to Fast Reactors
Translation of 11/24/2022 Naked Science Article
Karl Sanchez
Aug 17, 2025

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General scheme of the nuclear fuel cycle.

Many people are unaware of the dramatic advances made in the world of nuclear power generation and remain spooked by unusable waste, Fukushima and Chernobyl. I’ve provided some bits on the new info but not enough and too few go to Rosatom’s website—or are kept from accessing it—to read its materials. So, thanks to longtime MoA Russian contributor known as S we have this excellent if slightly dated article published by the excellent Naked Science online journal from November 24, 2022 that discusses precisely what its title says. It provides the following preamble:
]As practice shows, nuclear fuel can be reused, and the most dangerous long-lived fission products can be safely "burned". All that is needed is unique technologies and a properly organized "life cycle" of fuel. Naked Science understands what NFC, CNFC and SNFC are, and how exactly Rosatom is going to completely transfer Russian nuclear power to fast neutron reactors.
Rosatom’s intent is to completely transform the global nuclear energy industry along with its Chinese and other national partners. This is critical until the long-postulated ability to generate fusion power is realized, which may not occur for many decades to come—it’s that challenging. Here’s Rosatom’s English language page. Rosatom also builds Russia’s wind energy generation systems, its nuclear icebreakers and produces its nuclear medicines. Let’s now explore this very informative article:
Recycling in the nuclear industry: from tailings to fast reactors by Daria Gubina

The main trend of our time is environmentally friendly long-term development in all areas: from everyday life to heavy industry. The main goal is to reduce pollution of the planet and continue to maintain a balance by using its resources wisely. In foreign literature, this transition takes place under the slogan of the "three R's": Reduce. Reuse. Recycle – waste reduction, reuse and recycling. It is a mistake to think that this applies only to ordinary people like you and me. Large companies are also trying to follow these principles, but on a completely different scale.

It is enough to ask someone which waste is the most dangerous, and the interlocutor will most likely answer that it is radioactive. Undoubtedly, radioactive waste is dangerous if mishandled and stored. But with the right approach, nuclear power is clean energy, and "waste" is a suitable resource for the production of new fuel. It is this kind of "processing" in the nuclear industry, or "recycling", that will be discussed in our material.

Recycling is the management of reprocessed nuclear materials, in which they are cleaned and reused, or returned to the production cycle. Glass bottles and cans are washed, and plastic and paper are shredded to produce new plastic and paper. Recycling is a type of processing.

With the help of specialists from TVEL Fuel Company, Naked Science has figured out the life cycles of nuclear fuel implemented today: open cycle, French model, two-component energy, closed nuclear fuel cycle, radioactive waste disposal and the use of "uranium tailings".

Fuel production

The "life" of fuel for nuclear power plants begins with uranium mining. Uranium is the heaviest chemical element found naturally on Earth. Of course, not in its pure form, but in the composition of ores and minerals. As a result of processing, pure u-uanium is obtained, which is still not suitable for the production of fuel—it is too "poor".

The most common isotope of uranium in nature is uranium-238. It accounts for 99.3% of all uranium. For the energy sector, the remaining 0.7% is valuable—uranium-235. It is the main fissile material in nuclear fuel for "conventional" thermal nuclear power plants. The problem is that for the operation of nuclear power plants, the content of "useful" uranium-235 in the fuel must be up to 5%, and not 0.73%, as on average in natural conditions. The required percentage is obtained at the enrichment stage.

The mined natural uranium is sent for conversion: from a solid state to a gaseous state. The output is uranium hexafluoride. In a gaseous state, it is sent to a centrifuge and spun up: the lighter uranium-235 "sticks" to the axis, and the heavier uranium-238 ends up on the periphery. As a result, a little uranium hexafluoride enriched to 5% is extracted, from which fuel is made. Everything else is "tails", depleted uranium hexafluoride (DUHF) with a uranium-235 content of about 0.25%.

Rosatom's uranium enrichment capabilities are kept secret. The 5% limit is accepted for power reactors. For nuclear power plants, they are usually enriched to 4.7-4.9%, it all depends on the cost of uranium and enrichment services, as well as the specific fuel cycle of the nuclear power plant. And here it is worth mentioning that Russia is a leader in centrifuge enrichment. The so-called "tails", DUHF, are poor in uranium-235, but they have also found a use. But more on this later, for now, let's return to the production of fuel.

At the next stage—the stage of fabrication—powder is made from gas and sintered into uranium pellets. Tablets are sealed in zirconium tubes with the necessary plugs and fasteners to obtain fuel elements (fuel rods). Fuel assemblies (FA) are assembled from fuel rods. The materials and design of the elements and the final assembly depend on the type of reactor.

Finished fuel assemblies are sent to nuclear power plants, where they have been operating for about five years. From the moment they leave the reactor, they are already called spent or irradiated nuclear fuel (SNF). For another five years, spent fuel cools down in the spent fuel pool at the station. Its further path is the main topic of this article.

Spent nuclear fuel can be sent to disposal, or it can continue to be useful. It depends on the fuel cycle chosen.

Open Nuclear Fuel Cycle

The simplest option, which was actively used in the past, is to load spent fuel into containers and send it for storage: either until they figure out what to do with it next, or even forever.

One of the types of "eternal" storage is geological burial. Such storage facilities are now being built in Sweden and Finland. So far, spent nuclear fuel is accumulating in containers, and when construction is completed, they will be transferred to storage facilities. Other countries cannot process it—the necessary technologies today remain only in Russia and France (previously they were still in the UK).

The French model

In France, spent nuclear fuel is sent for reprocessing: elements and zirconium shells are sawn, tablets are dissolved.

The composition of spent nuclear fuel looks something like this: uranium (96%), plutonium (1.2%) and radioactive waste. The main components of waste are the "short-lived" cesium-strontium fraction (2%), minor actinides (0.5%) and other fission products (0.3%). The main thing is that there is a lot of uranium left.

Irradiated uranium is called regenerated. In addition to the "useless" uranium-238 and the "useful" uranium-235 (2%), many other isotopes (232, 234, 236) appear in it, which will interfere with the reaction.

For the production of fuel, uranium is purified from even isotopes and radioactive waste, and enriched to the required 5%. Plutonium is left, so the fuel is already called uranium-plutonium (the French call it MOX fuel). Such fuel can be sent to the reactor once, however, only 30-50% of the reactor core can be loaded in addition to conventional fuel. And that's it—then only burial, because the ratio of uranium isotopes becomes completely unsuitable for processing, and the plutonium begins to have too much background.

The main problem of such processing is that it does not get rid of the volume of hazardous radioactive waste: the "short-lived" cesium-strontium fraction and minor actinides (americium, neptunium, curium and others). The latter pose the greatest danger because their half-life is thousands of years. However, Russia knows how to get rid of them—with the help of fast neutron reactors.

Two-component model and radioactive waste

Fast neutron reactors are the legacy of the enormous work done by Soviet scientists. On an experimental scale, many countries of the world were engaged in their development: France, the USA, Japan, Great Britain. But only in Russia it was possible to reach an industrial scale. To this day, the BN-600 reactor launched in 1980 at the Beloyarsk NPP is in operation. In 2015, BN-800 was launched on the same Beloyarskaya. And the development continues: an experimental reactor BREST-OD-300 (on MUPN fuel) is being built in Seversk, and a powerful BN-1200 is being designed for Beloyarsk. In the future plans section, we will return to this topic.

The main difference and the first feature of fast reactors from "ordinary" thermal reactors is that they do not have moderators, and therefore the neutron energy reaches high values. To start the reaction, they need plutonium in the fuel, so spent fuel from "ordinary" thermal reactors can be used for its production. Sequential fuel development first in thermal and then in fast reactors is called a two-component model of nuclear energy.

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BN-800 reactor

The second important feature of fast reactors is the ability to "burn out" dangerous minor actinides--curium, neptunium and americium. You can do nothing with curium, because over time it decays into plutonium. But plutonium itself eventually decays into americium. In general, they produce many half-lives, with half-lives of thousands of years.

It is possible to bury such waste, but it is difficult. Deep storage is required, for example, in an enclosed mine deep in a mountain with a suitable rock of granite that will not let anything through. The storage is concreted from above, but its condition still needs to be monitored. It is better to get rid of actinides completely with the help of fast reactors.

Fast reactors run on uranium-plutonium fuel, "burn out" minor actinides and, which has not yet been mentioned, in the process of work they produce new plutonium (on which they can work themselves). It is due to this that it is possible to build all energy on fast reactors—in fact, to create a closed cycle.

Closed cycle

In a closed nuclear fuel cycle (CNFC), uranium-plutonium fuel is reprocessed after development in a fast neutron reactor, formed into new assemblies and sent back to the same reactor.

Fabrication and processing are now being carried out by enterprises remote from the nuclear power plant. To take spent fuel there, it must first be allowed to cool down, and it will be reheated during reprocessing. This is a large investment of time and resources, so now Rosatom is building an experimental station in Seversk, where fabrication and processing will be carried out right next to the fast reactor (BREST-OD-300). This is how the on-site nuclear fuel cycle (YATC), a branch of the closed one, will be implemented, although some experts consider this format to be a "true" closed cycle.

The reactor itself, the fabrication-refabrication module and the processing module will be located at the same site in Seversk. The last two are literally across the wall from each other. And most operations are robotic to reduce the impact on personnel. Nuclear materials will be needed only to start the reactor, then only minimal replenishment. And all the main radioactive waste will be burned by the fast reactor. It is planned that the fabrication module will be launched in the coming years in order to produce fuel for the planned launch of the unit in 2026.

The accident rate of BREST is minimal—it has a lead coolant inside, which will not go anywhere in case of an accident. The most dangerous thing for nuclear power plants is the loss of coolant. This is exactly what happened in Fukushima: the water went away, and the fuel melted. In BREST, when disconnected, the lead will simply freeze. However, the nitride fuel itself (MUPN fuel) will not be able to melt there.

Even in the direst emergency scenario, all the danger will remain within the perimeter of the nuclear power plant. Lead is also a neutron absorber, so the reactor can simply be mothballed at the site. Safety is one of the main tasks of modern nuclear energy. Modern new reactors are protected from accidents as much as possible.

It turns out that fast reactors exist in Russia and will soon be in China, where Rosatom is helping to build them. In the rest of the world, reactors are "conventional" thermal reactors, capable of operating only on pure uranium fuel or on one-time reprocessed fuel (the French model). To involve them in the recycling chain, Rosatom has developed REMIX fuel.

Balanced cycle and "short-lived" fraction

The experience of handling uranium, spent nuclear fuel and MOX fuel has made it possible to create a special fuel that can be repeatedly used at full load in thermal reactors, reprocessing and refabricating at Russian plants.

Suppose a country does not have a single nuclear power plant at all, but it wants to use nuclear energy. Nuclear power plants are built in just four years. For the first ten years, it will run on traditional uranium fuel, unloading it into a spent fuel pool for cooling.

Gradually, Rosatom will take the spent fuel and reprocess it into uranium-plutonium REMIX-fuel (uranium-plutonium fuel for thermal light-water reactors) at its enterprises, returning it to the plant. From the eleventh year until the end of operation in 50 years, the station will be able to operate on such reprocessed fuel. Unlike the French MOX fuel, which can only be loaded by a third, REMIX fuel can be loaded with 100 percent of the reactor core. After each cycle of fuel irradiation, the plutonium becomes "worse", but Rosatom specialists have found a way to improve the composition and reprocess the fuel up to seven times, burning minor actinides along the way.

This approach allows you to significantly save on the manufacture of nuclear fuel, because about 80% of the cost of assembly falls on uranium and enrichment, about 15% on fabrication, and 3% on conversion. The main advantage of this approach is the absence of hazardous nuclear waste. All minor actinides will be "burned" in Russia in fast reactors. Only a "short-lived" fraction with a half-life of about 80 years remains, it can be poured into borosilicate glass (or ceramics, depending on future technologies) and placed in near-surface storage, where in a few hundred years this waste will become absolutely safe. Not much, compared to minor actinides, which take millennia.

Towards the end of the service life of the REMIX-fuel plant, it will be enough to build a small building for containers with "glass". Today, REMIX-fuel is successfully undergoing pilot operation at the Balakovo NPP.

The interaction of thermal power plants with Russian fast reactors is a balanced nuclear fuel cycle (SNFC), on the basis of which it is possible to build a global interconnected nuclear system, providing other countries with services for burning minor actinides. In the future, Russia will only have fast reactors. However, even without the influx of uranium and plutonium from thermal reactors, we have everything we need for their operation—in particular, huge reserves of DUHF.

Uranium tailings and reproduction rate

Depleted uranium hexafluoride (DUHF) remains in huge quantities after obtaining enriched uranium from natural uranium. Basically, it consists of uranium-238 with a small amount of "useful" uranium-235.

For almost a century of operation of the domestic nuclear industry, Russia has accumulated huge reserves of DUHF—more than a million tons. In order to reduce these stockpiles, Rosatom is gradually vacating disposal sites. It is planned to halve their number by 2038, and by 2057 to eliminate all reserves through processing.

First, depleted uranium hexafluoride is purified from fluorine. The resulting hydrofluoric acid and anhydrous hydrogen fluoride are sold on the chemical market. Depleted uranium is also used in industry: it is used to make containers for transporting isotopes, screens for medical equipment, and is also used in counterweights and gyroscopes in aircraft, ship ballast and other purposes. But the bulk of it, of course, goes to the production of new nuclear fuel.

In a significant part of these reserves, the percentage of uranium-235 is quite high (up to 0.4%), because in the first decades enrichment was carried out by a less efficient diffuse method. Today, these tailings can be used in the production of fuel for thermal reactors. Secondary tailings are definitely useless for the rest of the world, but for us they are excellent raw materials for fast reactors.

"Useless" uranium-238 does not interfere with fast reactors, the main thing for them is that there is plutonium. In the process, they can produce even more plutonium for themselves. And this is the third feature of fast reactors.

The capabilities of a particular fast neutron reactor depend on its initial design. If provided, the reactor will be able to operate in different modes with different reproduction rates.

With an equal unit reproduction coefficient, there will be as much plutonium in the spent fuel as it was in the original load. In this case, a suitable composition will be needed only for the first load. Further, the fast reactor will support it.

With a reproduction coefficient of less than one, a fast reactor will "burn out" excess plutonium. Such a regime is necessary for the disposal of accumulated reserves of spent fuel from thermal reactors. We can say that this is a concern for future generations—they will not have to deal with the background stocks of plutonium.

The most interesting option is when the coefficient is more than one. The percentage of plutonium addition is small, but effective— up to 1.2%—allows you to make up for the lack of plutonium over time to start a new fast reactor. This possibility is provided by fast neutrons—at high energy, they can split the "useless" uranium-238 into plutonium.

Based on this unique technology, Rosatom plans to build all Russian nuclear power plants with fast neutron reactors in the future.

The Future of Russian Nuclear Energy

Today, thermal reactors are a more advanced and proven technology than fast neutron reactors. Vast experience allows us to build new stations in just four years. However, without fast reactors, thermal reactors will use up uranium reserves at a significant rate and produce too much hazardous waste. With fast reactors, former waste becomes an almost inexhaustible source of fuel—it will last for tens of thousands of years.

Russia has an advantage: huge investments in the study and development of fast neutron reactors made in the last century make it possible to develop this area today. Rosatom plans to build only fast reactors after 2035. And by 2045, to transfer a quarter of Russia's rapidly growing energy balance to nuclear energy.

Old reactors will be gradually disabled and replaced by new fast ones. To date, 35 reactors at 11 nuclear power plants are operating in Russia. To replace them with quick ones, you first need to confirm the economic viability of the project. A fast reactor is much more complex than a thermal reactor and therefore costs significantly more. Part of the reason is that the technology is not yet fully perfected, and therefore the cost is likely to gradually decrease.

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Installation of equipment for the shaft of the fourth-generation fast neutron research reactor in Dimitrovgrad.

The lead-cooled reactor under construction in Seversk with processing and refabrication modules is a unique expensive experimental project that will test many new technologies, but it will have a small capacity. Russia's main fast reactor--BN-800 at the Beloyarsk nuclear power plant—also does not reach the performance of thermal reactors (1000-1200 MW). But a complex contour system and protection system were tested on it.

Therefore, Rosatom faces several tasks for the coming years: to optimize the design of fast neutron reactors, increase unit power and achieve the optimal price. The first example of such a "serial" fast reactor will be the BN-1200 sodium-cooled reactor at the Beloyarsk NPP. It is planned to be built and launched by 2030.

The only other country that is also going to put fast reactors into operation is China. By 2040, the country plans to achieve a target total capacity of 100 GW, that is, to maintain about a hundred reactors in operation. After 2040, they will only build fast neutron reactors. In March 2022, 54 reactors with a total capacity of 55 GW were operating in China, since then two more have already been launched. It is known that by 2025, China aims to achieve 70 GW. With the help of Rosatom, they are building their first fast neutron reactor.

The international desire for clean, renewable energy with long-term development is already becoming a reality in our nuclear industry. The introduction of large-scale operation of fast neutron reactors makes it possible to reprocess accumulated uranium tailings, reduces the amount of the most dangerous radioactive waste, both in our country and in other countries, and sparingly uses limited uranium reserves, providing "conventional" reactors with suitable fuel.


As noted, not all waste is burned, although most dangerous properties are eliminated. There will be significant political issues related to Europe allowing Russia to eliminate its highly contaminated wastes. The same issue will interfere with the European construction of fast reactors. China will want to manage its own fuel cycle, and I can see African nations combining to do the same along with India and South America. Localizing the transport of nuclear materials IMO must be done as a safety measure. Rosatom’s ease of constructing nuclear plants has much to do with its status as a publicly owned organization that’s insured by the Russian government, which is opposite of the case in North America. As mentioned in an earlier Gym article, Russia’s planned electricity production increase isn’t enough to accomodate the vast increase in energy use by AI and other coming technologies that are very high energy consumers. China currently is the only nation properly situated to deal with this increase, but it too understands that even more will be needed, thus its well-thought-out future energy plans. Generation capacity will need to expand globally as electric cars become the norm and developing nations become greater users of electricity. Direct generation of electricity would be preferred over thermal modes that are now centuries old, a method that fission and fusion energy production remains enslaved to. Rosatom’s efforts appear to have honed the method as fine as can be done. Yes, there’s the thorium reactor method, but it too is used to generate steam. Today’s youth will still face the energy challenge as the century progresses.

https://karlof1.substack.com/p/recyclin ... r-industry

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A look at Russian geoengineering

Lorenzo Maria Pacini

August 19, 2025

Russia’s approach to geoengineering is part of a complex international debate, in which competition between states is intertwined with the need for multilateral cooperation.

Modern weather control systems

Understanding the use of new widespread technologies is essential to understanding how the domains of warfare are evolving. One of the most fascinating, and often misunderstood, aspects is that of geoengineering.

The Russian government has invested over a million dollars to prevent rain on a national holiday. According to the official TASS news agency, the Kremlin has allocated nearly 86 million rubles (about $1.3 million) to ensure favorable weather conditions during the May Day celebrations and the days that follow, particularly May 9 for the big parade.

This is an event of international importance that each year marks a checkpoint for Russian culture. Cloud seeding is based on the use of chemical compounds that induce condensation and the fall of water droplets and consists of artificially modifying clouds so that they release rain ahead of schedule, causing precipitation to fall in other places or at other times to prevent it from disrupting specific events.

Special aircraft fly through ‘critical’ cloud formations and release these substances, which freeze the water particles, causing them to grow and eventually fall to the ground.

Cloud seeding has also been used in other countries, for example to promote good weather during the opening of the Beijing Olympics, in China, where it is now customary to adopt this practice before major holidays to maintain favorable weather conditions. Some companies have even started offering this service to private customers, for example to guarantee sunny days for weddings.

Russia, for its part, has maintained active weather modification programs since the Soviet era and currently conducts large-scale cloud seeding operations in several regions. The Russian Federal Service for Hydrometeorology and Environmental Monitoring oversees weather modification activities aimed at protecting agricultural areas from hail damage and increasing rainfall. Moscow regularly uses cloud seeding to prevent rain during national holidays and important events, spending around $40 million a year on weather control measures. Russian scientists at the Central Aerological Observatory have developed advanced silver iodide seeding techniques that have increased regional precipitation by up to 20% in test areas. The country’s budget for weather modification has grown significantly since 2020, with a greater focus on crop protection and water resource management in drought-prone regions.

Agricultural and environmental uses

In agriculture, one of the most important applications is the manipulation of atmospheric precipitation. Since the Soviet era, Russia has developed cloud seeding programs aimed at both increasing rainfall in drought-stricken areas and reducing hail damage in the most productive agricultural areas, such as those in the North Caucasus. These interventions are based on the use of silver iodide or other substances capable of promoting water vapor condensation. The objective is twofold: to ensure a more stable water supply to cultivated land and to protect crops from destructive weather events. Although the effectiveness of these methods is the subject of international scientific debate, they continue to be an integral part of Russian agricultural policy, especially in contexts of increasing climate vulnerability.

Another area of agricultural interest is the controlled thawing of permafrost and soil management in northern regions. Rising global temperatures are already compromising the stability of large areas of permafrost, releasing methane and carbon dioxide. Some Russian research has suggested that geoengineering could be used to accelerate or control these processes, with the aim of making areas that are currently inhospitable cultivable, but this is a controversial prospect, as the agricultural benefits could be offset by negative environmental consequences, for which scientific studies are still needed.

On the environmental front, Russia has resorted to geoengineering techniques for water and forest resource management. The best-known example is the use of artificial methods to reduce the risk of fires in the immense Siberian forests, through operations to create artificial rain or disperse chemical agents to contain the spread of fire. In addition, there have been experimental projects to partially divert rivers or lakes in order to irrigate agricultural land or maintain the navigability of inland waterways, which are crucial to the country’s economy.

Some Russian research institutes have studied solar reflection techniques (e.g., using stratospheric aerosols) as a possible response to climate change. Although these projects are still at the theoretical or experimental stage, Russia is showing strategic interest in them, both to mitigate global warming and to gain a geopolitical advantage in sensitive regions such as the Arctic.

Geopolitically speaking

From a geopolitical point of view, the use of geoengineering in Russia cannot be considered an isolated phenomenon. The ability to artificially modify the climate and manage natural resources has direct implications for international relations.

Firstly, controlling atmospheric phenomena can affect agricultural and trade balances: improved productivity in previously marginal regions would strengthen the country’s food self-sufficiency, reducing its dependence on imports and consolidating Russia’s position in global grain markets.

Secondly, the focus on the Arctic gives geoengineering strategic value. The gradual opening of polar sea routes and access to new energy resources make it crucial to be able to control climate processes in that area. The adoption of geoengineering techniques, even if only at an experimental level, is therefore perceived as a tool of soft power and technological influence.

In general, geoengineering can be used as a tool of pressure and deterrence, generating short-term but also medium- and long-term effects. The implications could have a deterrent effect similar to nuclear weapons, because it threatens to destabilize an adversary’s economy or food security, which in turn leads to political and military choices.

Nations with advanced climate or atmospheric manipulation technologies gain a significant strategic advantage over less technologically developed states. This could potentially lead to the establishment of new types of regional hegemony (a topic that certainly deserves further exploration).

Unlike conventional weapons, the effects of geoengineering can be difficult to attribute with certainty. This creates strategic ambiguity: a state could suffer significant damage without being able to prove the intervention of another power. Such uncertainty can increase tensions and suspicions, generating diplomatic or military conflicts even in the absence of a declared act of war. In fact, we are talking about forms of hybrid warfare.

In this vein, Russia’s approach to geoengineering is part of a complex international debate, in which competition between states is intertwined with the need for multilateral cooperation.

https://strategic-culture.su/news/2025/ ... gineering/

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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