December 19, 11:14

Regarding the question at https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/10253029.html
1. The fact is that the Tsar was effectively overthrown by the State Duma and generals of the Russian Imperial Army, with the support of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church. In fact, it was state structures that launched the dismantling of the Russian Empire, which had been legally destroyed before the Bolsheviks under the Provisional Government.
2. The Bolsheviks, despite their best efforts and recognition of the talents of Lenin, Stalin, and Trotsky, could not have overthrown the Tsar on their own in February 1917. In fact, and legally, the Bolsheviks destroyed those who had destroyed the Russian Empire in February–September 1917. Naturally, the Bolsheviks did not seek to save the Russian Empire, which was being destroyed by the Februaryists—they had their own historical and civilizational project.
3. The Bolsheviks undoubtedly took advantage of the incompetence of those who replaced the Tsarist regime, which eased their path to power. From the standpoint of statecraft, Lenin, Stalin, and Trotsky proved more talented and successful than Kerensky, Lvov, Guchkov, and others.
4. On November 7, 1917, the Bolsheviks overthrew those who came to power on the wave of the Tsar's overthrow. Those in 2025 who claim that the Bolsheviks overthrew the Tsar are, at best, perplexing. At worst, they provoke regret about the abolition of punitive psychiatry.
5. During the civil war, the Bolsheviks defeated those who overthrew the Tsar in the struggle for power. In this struggle, the Russian people were free to choose whom to support. Experience has shown that the Russian people chose the Bolsheviks as the spokesman for their aspirations. And it is quite logical that those supported by the Russian people won, because in a heated war, which the Russian people perceive as a personal matter, the Russian people are invincible. It was the Russian people who ensured the victory of the Bolsheviks.
6. The Bolsheviks proved by their actions that they were better for Russia than those they defeated in the civil war. The military and political defeat of all opponents of the Bolsheviks on the military, political, economic, and cultural fronts was complete. This was largely because the Russian people were on the side of the Bolsheviks.
7. Of all the possible options for Russia at that time, the Bolsheviks were the best, especially after the Bolsheviks got rid of Trotsky and Co. in the 1920s.
8. The brilliant Bolshevik revolutionary Joseph Stalin became Russia's best leader in the 20th century. His merits outweigh his shortcomings. Thanks to the Bolsheviks, despite all their obvious shortcomings, Russia became a superpower and a true social state, and under them, it reached the peak of its development, which, I hope, we will yet reach and surpass.
9. Modern Russia is the direct successor of the USSR, so it is not surprising that many vestiges of the Soviet state are with us to this day. Just as the USSR carried within itself vestiges of the Russian Empire. The Russian Empire, the USSR, and the Russian Federation are different iterations of Russia. Confrontation between them is pointless, especially now.
10. Everything positive that the USSR and the Bolsheviks brought to the country and its people can and should be used for the development of a sovereign Russia, especially since many of the problems of Bolshevik Russia in the 1920s and 1930s were identical to those of bourgeois Russia in the 1920s and 1930s. The Bolsheviks demonstrated how to build a sovereign, self-sufficient country, and ignoring this experience in today's reality would be a mistake, especially in a context where blindly copying Western practices and groveling before the West has been officially recognized as erroneous. The USSR also experienced this under Stalin, when illusions about the West were also cruelly shattered.
https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/10254124.html
Ukrainian version of Kerenskyism
December 18, 5:07 PM

Trotsky on Ukrainian diplomacy during the negotiations in Brest-Litovsk in 1918.
"In the final period of negotiations, the main trump card in the hands of Kühlmann and Chernin was the independent and hostile action of the Kiev Rada to Moscow. Its leaders represented a Ukrainian variety of Kerenskyism. They differed little from their Great Russian model. Perhaps only they were even more provincial. The Brest delegates to the Rada were created by nature itself to be led by the nose by any capitalist diplomat. Not only Kühlmann, but also Chernin dealt with this matter with condescending disgust. The democratic simpletons did not feel the ground under them at the sight of the respectable firms of the Hohenzollern and Habsburg taking them seriously. When the head of the Ukrainian delegation, Golubovich, having made another remark, sat down on a chair, carefully pushing aside the long tails of his black frock coat, one feared that he would melt on the spot from the admiration seething within him.
Chernin incited the Ukrainians, as he himself recounts in his diary, to speak out against The Soviet delegation made an openly hostile statement. The Ukrainians overdid it. For a quarter of an hour, their speaker piled rudeness on insolence, embarrassing the conscientious German interpreter, who had a hard time tuning in. Describing this scene, the Habsburg count recounts my confusion, pallor, convulsions, beads of cold sweat, and so on. Exaggerations aside, it must be acknowledged that the scene was truly one of the most harrowing. Its gravity, however, did not lie, as Chernin believes, in the fact that our compatriots insulted us in the presence of foreigners. No, what was unbearable was the frenzied self-abasement of these, after all, representatives of the revolution, before the arrogant aristocrats who despised them.
High-flown baseness, servility choking with delight, gushed forth from these unfortunate national democrats who had momentarily gained power. Kühlmann, Chernin, Hoffmann And the others breathed in greedily, like bettors at the races who have placed their bet on the right horse. Looking back at his patrons after each phrase of encouragement, the Ukrainian delegate read from his piece of paper all the curses his delegation had prepared over 48 hours of collective labor. Yes, it was one of the most vile scenes I have ever witnessed. But under the crossfire of insults and malicious glances, I never doubted for a moment that the overzealous lackeys would soon be thrown out the door by the triumphant masters, who, in turn, would soon have to vacate the positions they had occupied for centuries.
Pictured: the Ukrainian delegation in Brest-Litovsk, from left to right: Nikolai Lyubinsky, Vsevolod Golubovich, Nikolai Levitsky, Lussenti, Mikhail Polozov, and Alexander Sevryuk.
https://t.me/Varjag2007/134392 - zinc
However, Trotsky himself did not behave much better in Brest, as Comrade Stalin later described quite clearly.
https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/10253029.html
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