The Soviet Union

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Fri Jul 19, 2024 3:40 pm

Discussion on the problems of the slowdown of the Soviet economy in the 60s and 70s
July 18, 19:29

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Discussion on the problems of the slowdown of the Soviet economy in the 60s and 70s

Another video by Safronov about the USSR economy: "Reasons for the slowdown of the Soviet economy in the 60s and 70s". This video is much weaker than Safronov's other videos. In fact, he simply lists everything he could find on the topic. And then makes a rather helpless conclusion.



By the way, a funny thing: Safronov says that the growth rate began to fall in the late 1950s, but he provides a graph showing that the growth rate has been falling since the late 1960s. Probably a slip of the tongue.

Safronov says that stability is a serious obstacle to identifying problems. In fact, it's the other way around: everything is more visible on a plateau. Of course, the graph doesn't exactly show a plateau, but rather a gentle slope, but there is no fundamental difference. It's one thing to understand the reasons for certain peaks and troughs in the economy when the economy is in turmoil due to accelerated development, due to preparations for war, due to the war itself, due to the consequences of the war, etc. But it's a completely different matter when there is quiet, gradual development. Here, any problems in the economy, even very minor ones, are clearly visible. Fewer surges mean less to study. That's why stable periods are much easier to study. Simply because there is less material to study. Yes, and this point is clearly visible in the graph provided by Safronov. He himself names the years (the end of the 60s?), when it all began. Actually, the graph itself:
image_2024-07-10_014831320.png

It suggests itself that these years, the end of the 60s, should be carefully studied in order to find the problem of the slowdown in the growth rate of the Soviet economy. But instead of the obvious search for the reason for the economic slowdown, Safronov then lists and describes all the possible (!!) problems in the USSR economy. Making a simple manipulation, equating problems and reasons. Or maybe he is simply making such a mistake. There can be many problems, but the reason is always specific. That is, if a plant stopped, then it stopped for a specific reason, not every problem becomes a reason. In general, a plant can have many problems. Most often, there are many problems. This in itself does not mean anything. Because the reason is always some one problem. In any economy of any country, in any part of it, there are many problems. By the way, Khrushchev was removed in 1964, and the recession began according to schedule in 1968.

I think I understand why Safronov doesn’t like stability. He thinks that the entire period of stability should be studied to understand why the economy was slowing down. But what should be studied during a period of stability, he doesn’t really understand. Everything is stable! He thinks that during stability something is maturing, it’s not visible because of the stability, and then suddenly, it collapses the economy. That’s why you can’t find it at peaks and recessions, only during periods of stability. Ohhh. A PhD doesn’t understand that you need to study peaks and recessions to find the causes, not plateaus. This is such an absurd mistake… Even for an ordinary economist, it’s unforgivable. Perhaps the mistake is due to the fact that Safronov had little practice. At least he should have worked as an accountant. If only he had known that the economy immediately responds to intervention. More precisely, everything is immediately visible in the reporting documents. Not after five or ten years, but immediately!

In general, Safronov is once again selling the hackneyed tale of a multitude of problems, also known as the "perfect storm", as a reason for something. I repeat, a multitude of problems as a reason is always with those who do not want to look for the real reason, or cannot. Many modern empty talkers-economists love it very much. He named a multitude of problems, and then you can list everything that comes to mind. By the way, not only economists, historians also love it.

In principle, we could have finished here, because an error in setting the problem makes the entire study meaningless. Safronov made a mistake in setting the question itself, starting to look for the reasons for the slowdown of the Soviet economy in the 1960-1970s in the recession that had begun. The only thing he covered in his study was the problems of the Soviet economy, which, although they negatively affected the economy, could not in themselves be the reasons for the "stagnation". According to the most ordinary formal logic: you cannot find the reason for anything after the beginning of this very something. The reason is always found before! Before, not after!

Nevertheless, let's see what problems that matured during Brezhnev's rule are named in the video:

1. The calculation argument. But in essence, Safronov is talking about the complexity of the economy for a planned system, calling it a modification of the calculation argument. That is, the impossibility of preparing effective plans for a complex economy due to the impossibility of taking into account all categories of the economy. The complexity of the economy for planning is also an argument that Wasserman (awas1952) likes to cite. Nevertheless, the argument about the complexity of the economy seems inappropriate. Just now, both Stalin and Khrushchev coped well with the complexity of the economy, demonstrating confident economic growth. But under Brezhnev, they suddenly stopped coping. And so abruptly. If they had shown how much some complexity of the economy grew under Brezhnev, maybe the argument would have been more convincing. But this is precisely not the case. Because in reality, there was no such sharp increase in the complexity of the economy in 1968-69 either. Neither after the 70s did the complexity of the economy grow in leaps and bounds. Safronov also mentions the introduction and development of ASPR (automated system of planned calculations), i.e. the use of computers in state planning, which discredits the argument about the growth of the complexity of the economy. Since although the complexity of the economy grew, the planning methods also developed.

But the organization of production in the USSR, and not only in the USSR, refutes this modification of the calculation argument. No Gosplan needs to pick through the product range, since during the reporting period the enterprise receives applications from consumers of the enterprise's products, where all the necessary product range is indicated. The enterprise's employees only need to have time to summarize all the applications in the production plan for the next reporting period.

2. "Val" and the preservation of the commodity nature of production. Here Safronov formulated the name of the problem unsuccessfully. If the nature of production was previously commodity, then why did its preservation suddenly ensure a decline in the economy? Before, it ensured growth, and now it suddenly ensures a decline. What nonsense is obtained: nothing changes, but the economy suddenly begins to fall instead of growing. By the way, here Safronov is either lying or mistaken. Production in the USSR did not have a commodity nature. The commodity nature of production is, in fact, a capitalist economy! Here, in point 3, I discussed in detail why Trotskyists are confused about the concept of commodity nature.

Nevertheless, Safronov says here that the indicators in state planning increasingly poorly reflected the needs of the economy. That is, the fulfillment of the indicators planned by Gosplan did not give the planned economic effect. Thus, here Safronov speaks of a calculation argument. That the planned indicators do not reflect the needs of society, since they can be wound up. He confused himself for no reason.

The calculation argument is easy to beat. Under Stalin and Khrushchev, the planned indicators somehow reflected the needs of society. After all, the economy grew according to these planned indicators. Why did it suddenly stop under Brezhnev? Maybe it is not the planned indicators that are the issue, but something else? The conclusion suggests itself.

3. Deficit. Here it is necessary to clarify that we are not talking about a deficit of consumer goods, but about a deficit in production. Safronov explains its presence by the fact that the state gave loans to production. But here, as in describing the deficit of consumer goods, Safronov does not understand that if the state budget is balanced, then even if you douse yourself with loans, there will be no deficit. The government simply will not be able to give loans for a larger amount than it has in the budget. Yes, economic growth may slow down if the loans are not used properly, but there will be no deficit. A deficit appears with a budget surplus! When more money is printed than the state has goods. Safronov does not fully understand the nature of deficit. Or maybe he is confused.

Then his words about the psychological causes of deficit are very difficult to listen to. A candidate of economic sciences is looking for the causes of deficit in psychology. Allegedly, there was no one to limit the "wants" of departments. The "wants" of departments should be limited by the budget! You can't give out more money than is in the budget. Because in this case, more money is given out than is available. And money is a reflection of goods. That is, with a budget surplus, more resources are divided between departments than are available. Here, of course, there will be a shortage, aka deficit, of resources, because in reality there are fewer resources.

Then Safronov says that "deficit created deficit", i.e. deficit created even more deficit. In fact, deficit cannot create deficit. If we draw an analogy, it is like saying that foam creates foam.

By the way, the deficit in the economy also appeared in 1968-69. Earlier I wrote about the reasons for the deficit with evidence: here. In short, the deficit in the USSR appeared due to the adoption of surplus budgets. And from the production sphere, the deficit flowed into the consumer goods sphere, because these two spheres (some also call them contours) were not isolated. There were a number of opportunities to cash out the money allocated for production, thereby introducing them into the consumer goods sphere. More about this here, here and here.

4. Insufficient volumes of reconstruction. I don’t know why Safronov chooses such unfortunate names, especially since in the video he uses understandable, generally accepted expressions in economics. Here he means that the renewal of fixed assets was delayed. I would call it “Insufficient renewal of fixed assets.”

Someone Popov believes that it was due to the deficit. If there is a deficit of production capacity in the economy, then it will be difficult to stop any enterprise for modernization.

And someone named Khanin believes that due to underfunding of the renewal of fixed assets, although he does not provide facts, he explains the process through hidden inflation. But hidden inflation is a deficit!

Here we go! It turns out that both economists are talking about the same thing, and Popov clearly understood the topic better, and Safronov did not understand what Khanin was saying, which is why he put it in a separate point. But in essence, this should be attributed to the previous point, and not singled out as a separate one, because this is a manifestation of a deficit.

5. Shortage of labor. The influx of labor from the villages has been exhausted. Population growth has slowed down. And it was no longer possible to ensure economic growth in an extensive (by increasing the number of workers) way. Only intensive (by increasing labor productivity). For the intensive method, it is necessary to increase the mechanization of production. And what's the problem? During the Great Patriotic War, the mechanization of industry in the USSR was ahead even in Europe. For example, in the USSR, automatic welding was used in the production of tanks, while in Germany, only manual welding was used.

Safronov does not say what the problem is with mechanizing industry and agriculture, or rather, he reduces everything to a deficit. But he gives an interesting example. In 1973, a program was adopted to develop the mechanization of warehouses, loading and unloading, but after 7 years, not a single new lifting and transport equipment plant, with the help of which it was planned to mechanize, was put into operation. I am the only one here who is tormented by the question: "Who was shot for this?" Either no one, or Safronov is not interested in this. Personally, I see the problem here far from being a deficit. I will note that Khrushchev carried out even his idiotic economic plans, i.e. brought them to fruition. Not Stalin, of course, but he managed without executions. And Brezhnev could not even build lifting and transport equipment plants in 7 years.

It should also be noted that the graph above shows an indicator of the number of workers that stands out from the others in terms of dynamics: it shows a constant decline, while the others first show growth and only then a decline. This means that the number of workers did not affect the slowdown of the USSR economy in the 60s and 70s. Let me clarify that, in general, the shortage of labor has a negative impact on the economy, but the graph shows that this slowdown of the Soviet economy was not due to it. That is, it is a problem, but not a reason.

6. Insufficient sales market for innovation and the Cold War. Safronov is talking here about the problem of the small sales market of the Soviet economy. A small sales market means little money from the sale of goods, which means we can allocate little money for innovation. Although he said above, and even gave examples, that money was found for innovation. Yes, and in general he talks about the failure to build a common economic space with the Warsaw Pact countries. It would be more appropriate to call the problem that way.

The leadership of the USSR was unable to organize the CMEA (Council for Mutual Economic Assistance) countries into a single economic space with a division of labor. Justifying this failure with some kind of group egoism surprised me as an economist. The common economy is built on common interests. If someone does not want to interact with you economically, it means that you ignore their interests. In economics, everything is very simple and banal. Economics implies the egoism of each participant. Each participant in the common economic space follows their own private interests. Therefore, in order to build a common economic space, it is necessary to take into account the interests of each participant. Each one! Safronov as an economist cannot help but know this! What egoism? What does egoism have to do with it? Does Safronov really think that capitalists do not have egoism? But for some reason they were able to create a common economic space. Even today's capitalist Russia is creating a common economic space: BRICS, the customs union. Or is modern capitalist Russia not an egoistic state? But the USSR could not! Egoism allegedly prevented it! Instead of inventing egoism as the reason for the failure, it would be better to find the real reasons for the failure to build a common economic space. It would be fine if it was written by a journalist, but a candidate of economic sciences found the reason for the failure to build a common economic space in egoism! At least not in astrology.

7. Departmental egoism. It seems that this is one of Safronov's favorite "economic" terms. And by the way, he named a number of economists of the same opinion. Did I miss something? Is this some kind of new trend in economics? Various departments (military-industrial complex, agro-industrial complex, heavy industry, etc.), as well as regional authorities of individual republics in the USSR, promoted their interests to the detriment of the overall economy. Safronov says that this did not happen under Stalin, because the tyrant, they say, kept everyone in check. Forgetting that, according to his own words at the beginning of the video (!), this did not happen under Khrushchev either. That is, even Khrushchev somehow kept everyone in check. But in general, pulling the budget away from departments and regions is not such a problem, because it only creates distortions in the development of regions and departments. Those departments and regions that promote their interests better receive more resources for development. This is the norm for any state. Obviously, such "localism" cannot influence more or less global projects (for example, the construction of a hydroelectric power station), as well as the distribution of shares in general. Therefore, this is a struggle for the remains, for percentages of shares. For example, to allocate not 15% of the budget to the military-industrial complex, but 16%. That the budget is sawed into parts can be said about the distribution of the budget in any country. Yes, the budget is sawed into parts in all countries. Each department and agency gets its piece of the budget. This is normal! Why should this destroy the economy?

Of course, in capitalist countries only the state budget is distributed, and some part of the economy is not distributed, because it is in private hands. In the USSR, the entire economy is in the hands of the state. But what does this fundamentally change? The budget is distributed based on plans. Plans are made with scientific and technical justification. They are audited in many government agencies, including the State Planning Committee. So unified management of the entire economy is only a plus for the Soviet state. It is impossible to seriously upset the balance of the economy with such input data. Actually, there are no examples of anything in the USSR economy going to hell because of the fight for budget allocation. Neither our own nor other economists.

8. Technological heterogeneity of the Soviet economy. Despite the pompous title, this is simply a retelling of the previous point at a lower level. Safronov says that departmental egoism led to a deliberate overspending of resources even at the design stage. No facts are provided. It sounds fantastic. It sounds very much like a retelling of some industrial tale. Allegedly, departments that constantly received low-quality resources began to include in their projects an allowance for low-quality resources. I have not seen a single GOST for low-quality resources. I cannot imagine how it is possible to include in a project an allowance for the fact that there will be low-quality steel. Design is based on steel grades. There is no such grade as "low-quality". This is a criminal offense! If you include more steel than necessary, what does that mean? It means you want to steal the extra steel! Please, to prison. I repeat, there are no examples.

GOSTs even include an excess. That is, if according to GOST a grade of steel or concrete or brick can withstand a certain load, then in reality it can withstand more. The reserve is included at the GOST level. So that when engineers design exactly right, there will be no collapses later. Any use of more durable grades of materials must be justified, because this affects the price of the project towards an increase in cost. Of course, one can assume that some project with excess of material durability will pass. But this is not the rule, it is the exception. And you can’t build a trend on exceptions. And

if by low-quality resources we mean low grades of steel, then what does some kind of egoism have to do with it? Well, one department snatched up more high-grade steel for itself. So what? That’s not the problem! The problem is that a lot of low-grade steel is produced. We need to improve the quality of the steel produced. If a country produces a lot of low-grade steel, someone will still have to design using such steel. What difference does it make in principle, which department will have to design using such steel? The problem here is in setting up production of high-grade steel. A purely production problem. Not even an economic one.

The funniest thing is that Safronov does not understand this, he thinks that engineers actually designed using low-quality materials, laying them in excess so that they can withstand loads. That's what he says. He thinks that steel comes in according to documents of one grade, but in fact it is supposedly steel of a lower grade. That's why he talks about overspending of materials. Like, they take more of it, because the real properties do not correspond to the documented ones. That is why there is overspending of steel. He does not know about acceptance. Well, or forgot.

Safronov also gives many examples of minor errors of an economic nature. Which exist in any country. At the level of considering the entire economy of the USSR, this is equivalent to looking for fleas. It does not say anything. For example, instead of implementing more advanced engines, they spent resources on producing fuel for more imperfect engines with worse efficiency. Or failure to improve the level of technical culture due to the requirement for high resource injections at the initial stage. Here Safronov in some way contradicts what he said at the beginning of the video. I described this in the same article in paragraph 5, which talks about the mechanization of work in warehouses. Thus, according to Safronov himself, money was allocated to improve the level of technical culture. Another thing is that the project, at least in terms of deadlines, failed. I think he did not even see the contradiction. Because there is no analysis of the problems he listed. He is simply retelling what someone said somewhere.

And the answer to the question "Why were there not enough resources?" is easily found in the financial documents, which I wrote about earlier here and here. This is a discrepancy between funds and material resources. That is, money was allocated, but the resources themselves were not enough. Why? Because of the printing press. The budget plans were surplus.

9. Social problems. The deficit affected the motivation of workers. Women's active work interfered with childbearing. The shortage of labor leads to loyalty to the violation of labor discipline and the poaching of employees from each other, etc. In general, about nothing. What has already been digested once is brought out in a separate point, and told again. If Safronov, without putting it in a separate point, simply talked about the social aspect of various economic problems in the USSR, it would be okay. But as a separate problem, this is no good.

Safronov's conclusions, let's say, are strange: incorrect investment decisions led to a slowdown in the growth of the Soviet economy. Where are the wrong ones? Safronov himself gives a number of examples of investment decisions made by the Soviet government: mechanization of warehouse work, as well as loading and unloading, purchase of ready-made production lines. Are these wrong? Why are they wrong? Which ones are right? And how does it follow that it's all about erroneous investment decisions? From what's said in the video, this doesn't follow!

Well, okay, let's assume. Investments in the USSR in the 60s and 70s were distributed with errors. Because of this, the economy slowed down. But there is the example of Khrushchev! How were his investments? Corn, virgin lands, soybeans. How was the level of Khrushchev's investment errors? Higher or lower? No one else could bury investments in the "hole" as well as Khrushchev could. But under Khrushchev, the Soviet economy not only grew, the rate of economic growth increased. This is clearly visible from the graph at the beginning of the article! It turns out that Khrushchev's wrong investment decisions did not prevent the economy from moving forward, but suddenly they began to hinder Brezhnev. Why? That's how Khrushchev put a spanner in the works for Safronov's conclusions.

Safronov also says what he thinks should have been done to stop the slowdown in the USSR economy. Considering what Safronov has said up to this point, I would not listen to his advice.

https://smertnyy.livejournal.com/63105.html - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9273701.html

On the Vatican's Goals in World War II
July 15, 14:26

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On the Vatican's Goals in World

The Presidential Library collection has been expanded with an electronic image of a declassified intelligence message from London to Moscow, which reported on the Vatican's goals in the final stages of World War II.

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Pope Pius XII saw the preservation of German military traditions as the only defense against Soviet Russia.

The original document is kept in the archives of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service. It is dated May 20, 1943. The resident reported that he had managed to obtain information from well-informed German sources about the Vatican's attitude to the global armed conflict that was taking place at that time. The

Vatican's intentions and goals were set out in detail in the coded telegram. It was reported, for example, that the Vatican was seeking to conclude peace through negotiations between the Allied countries and the "Axis powers."
The Vatican was doing everything it could to prevent the Anglo-American armies from invading Europe, so as not to turn Europe into a field of bloody battles. There was a "special attitude" toward the Soviet Union. "At any cost and under any circumstances, prevent the penetration of Russian influence into Europe and isolate the Soviet Union" - this was goal number three.

At the same time, the Vatican itself wanted to take on the role of the main mediator between the warring parties. However, this noble goal had another side. As the resident reported, the Vatican planned to use the difficult situation that had arisen to strengthen the power of the Catholic Church in the world.

"The Vatican believes that the powerful fascist movement has reduced the danger of socialist ideas," follows from the cipher telegram. "Schismatic activity and, as a result, the strong weakening of the influence of Protestantism have created a situation for the Vatican in which it claims to become the only moral force and the decisive factor in influencing the political forms of state structure."

It was also stated that the Vatican would do everything possible to keep the German military machine from complete collapse, helping not only Germany, but also its allies, and opposing any other political combinations that would have a democratic character or pro-Russian positions.

According to a declassified document, the main supporter of this idea was Pope Pius XII, who "saw the preservation of German military traditions as the only defense against Soviet Russia."
"The Vatican aims to create a European federation without including Russia and England," followed from the secret report. "Thus, to create a bloc of European states comprising 250 million Catholics in addition to 100 million Protestants and followers of the Greek Orthodox Church."

The basis of this new bloc, according to the plan, was to be the German General Staff, the Habsburg monarchy and the Vatican.In the area of ​​world politics, this new Europe could exert its influence on Latin America through the Madrid "Hispanidad".

The resident also noted that the Vatican had developed active activities to "make peace", sending its messengers to different countries. For example, Archbishop Spelman went to New York, where under his leadership the first group was created, which, as the resident claimed, took over the Republican Party

https://rodina-history.ru/2024/07/13/va ... ossii.html - zinc

On the issue of the current "mediation efforts" of the Vatican. These "peacekeepers" have extensive experience working in the interests of European fascism.

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9266918.html

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Mon Jul 22, 2024 2:44 pm

REVIEW OF STALIN’S GAMBLE
ON JUNE 27, 2024 BY PATRICK ARMSTRONG

Stalin’s Gamble: The Search for Allies against Hitler, 1930–1936 by Michael Jabara Carley

Submitted to Canadian Kindle 27 Jun 2024

Essential reading about the lead-up to World War Two. But beware! Your illusions will be hurt.

The book is a long read but that is because it is the fruit of a long time: Carley has spent thirty years in the archives of the countries involved. Stalin’s Gamble is the first of a trilogy that covers the period from Hitler’s seizure of power in 1933 to his invasion of the USSR in 1941, This volume takes us to 1936 and the signing of a France-USSR pact (much weakened by the French apparat and, in the end, ineffective) and Hitler’s occupation of the Rhineland. Because of his labours in the archives, Carley has command of all sides of the issue.

The central theme and, no doubt, a complete surprise to most of its readers, will be that the the conventional story has got it exactly backwards: Stalin was not Hitler’s co-conspirator. He understood four things: 1) the previous good Moscow-Berlin relations were gone forever, 2) Hitler was a threat to all around him, 3) Hitler would break any agreement as soon as he could, 4) the only response was an agreement of Germany’s neighbours to block him. “Collective security” they called it: only together could Hitler be stopped; individual agreements just encouraged him to push somewhere else. This volume retails, meeting by meeting, the efforts of Soviet diplomats to get their interlocutors to grasp this and to construct an anti-Hitler resistance arrangement. They were not unsuccessful: important people in France, Britain (even the anti-Bolshevik Winston Churchill who met the Soviet Ambassador often), Romania and Czechoslovakia agreed with Stalin’s appreciation of the situation but they could never quite push their governments over the finish line.

The last flicker of Moscow’s attempts would be extinguished with an absurdly lethargic and powerless French-British military mission to Leningrad in August 1939; Stalin now understood that his Plan A was dead and the USSR was on its own. So, to buy time, he accepted Hitler’s offer of a non-aggression pact, grabbed territory to the west and buckled up for the inevitable war. But his timing was wrong and Hitler attacked, as David Glantz has observed, at exactly the worst time for the Soviets.

Hard as it may be for many in the West to admit, Stalin’s appreciation of the situation was completely correct and the alliance that could have deterred Hitler never happened.

This interview with Carley describes the trilogy. https://www.thepostil.com/of-collective ... ra-carley/

ADDENDUM 1 July 2024. Received this from Kindle. The only true thing in this list was “links to other sites”. So I removed the last para and resubmitted. I must say that I have no great expectations.

https://patrickarmstrong.ca/2024/06/27/ ... ns-gamble/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Fri Aug 30, 2024 1:39 pm

Solovetsky "Old Martyrs"
August 29, 5:18 p.m

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Solovetsky "Old Martyrs"

I read: “On August 23, the day after the feast of all Solovetsky saints, the Russian Orthodox Church established the memory of all the new martyrs and confessors who suffered on Solovki and preserved their faith in Christ in the harsh conditions of the Solovetsky special-purpose camp.

The camp existed on Solovki in 1923-1933, after which a prison continued to operate on the islands until 1939. Most of the prisoners were Orthodox believers and clergy. Many of them ended their lives in the camp.”

However, why does the Russian Orthodox Church forget that a prison in this place, and a terrible prison at that, existed for several centuries of Russian history?

Moreover, this prison was in an active Orthodox monastery!

And we need to start with the fact that back in the 17th century, during the schism, the Solovetsky Monastery, for purely religious reasons, refused to accept Nikon’s innovations. An uprising began.

The tsar's army was sent to suppress the uprising, and the siege of the fortress began. In retaliation for the stubbornness of the brethren, all the ships, hay, firewood, and fishing and hunting property were burned around the monastery. That is, the Orthodox army used the scorched earth tactic.

Then, after the monastery was taken, the monks were beheaded, set on fire, hung on trees and crossbars, drowned in ice holes, and frozen alive on the ice. Only fourteen were spared, but even they, in order to finally put an end to the sedition, were sent to various monasteries.

Does the current Russian Orthodox Church remember these monks who died for their faith? The Orthodox faith, by the way...

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Even in the summer, the former monastery prison is cold and uncomfortable. Photo by the author.

But the main thing is that for 300 years, since the reign of Ivan the Terrible, this Orthodox monastery was a prison! It is worth noting that there were many such monastery prisons, but it was Solovetsky that was widely known.

Even before the revolution, a book about it by A.S. Prugavin, "Monastic Prisons in the Fight against Sectarianism (on the Issue of Religious Tolerance)", was published. It can be found and downloaded on the Internet.

Several excerpts from it: (Image of text in Russian at link.)

From Prugavin's book. Image from open sources

Since the 18th century, prisoners began to enter the monastery by decision of the Synod and the Secret Chancellery. Old Believers, sectarians, and freethinkers were imprisoned here.

(Image of text in Russian at link.)
From Prugavin's book. Image from open sources

The regime in Solovetsky Prison was so harsh that in 1835, during the cruel time of Nicholas I, the government ordered a special audit of this prison, since society was talking a lot about the inhumane conditions of detention of prisoners there!!!

But the prison continued to exist. For example, in the second half of the 19th century, workers Yakov Potapov and Matvey Grigoriev were held in the Solovetsky prison; they were convicted for an anti-government demonstration on December 6, 1876, on Kazan Square in St. Petersburg.

As Prugavin writes, even the reforms of Alexander II did not greatly affect the cruelty of the Solovetsky regime.

(Image of text in Russian at link.)
From Prugavin's book. Image from open sources

And even after the official closure of the prison, the Solovetsky Monastery continued to serve as a place of exile for guilty clergy. However, as Prugavin writes, even after 1903, people like this poor archimandrite were exiled to Solovki without any trial or investigation.

(Image of text in Russian at link.)
From Prugavin's book. Image from open sources

Exiled for love... However, these were already "humane" times.

And what to do with all these "old martyrs" who languished and died in Solovki under the rule of the Russian Orthodox Church? Doesn't the current church leadership want to remember them too?

And if not, then why?

POSTSCRIPT. The fact that already in the twentieth century, the "democratic" White Guards were the first to create a concentration camp on Solovki is also not customary for us now. My publication about this - Beware, “miracles” from Wikipedia ( https://dzen.ru/a/ZIgEIOlZqQ4Ht2qQ)!

(c) A. Stepanov

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9351040.html

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Tue Sep 03, 2024 2:45 pm

Robert Rozhdestvensky. Poems about clocks and dad from NKVD[
September 3, 14:57

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Robert Rozhdestvensky. Poems about clocks and dad from NKVD

In August, Karelia remembered Robert Rozhdestvensky. In connection with the 30th anniversary of his death. The poet was closely connected with Karelia - he met his first wife in Petrozavodsk, and it was here that he was accepted into the Writers' Union of the Karelo-Finnish SSR. And of course, one of his poems surfaced somewhere on social networks:

Old clocks.

Young nights...

Half the country are sycophants.

Half the country are informers.

In the fields, thawed patches,

free will breathes...

Half the country are

prisoners. Half the country are escorts.

Patent leather shoes.

Grandma's gingerbread...

Half the country are criminals

. Half the country are guards.

The lieutenant is looking out the window.

He drinks - he won't stop...

Half the country is already in jail.

Half the country is getting ready.

(c) 1973

In 1991, a song based on these verses by Robert Rozhdestvensky was performed in the Column Hall of the House of Unions, and it was sung by Iosif Kobzon himself. The video can be found on the Internet. However, everyone very soon forgot about this "masterpiece" ...

What prompted the author to compose these verses? It's hard to say. After all, at that very time, in the very "stagnation" Robert Rozhdestvensky received:

the Order of Lenin;

the Order of the October Revolution;

the Order of the Red Banner of Labor;

two Orders of the Badge of Honor;

and a lot of awards, including the USSR State Prize;

There is typical hypocrisy and conformism, so characteristic of even the most talented representatives of the liberalizing Russian intelligentsia.

Moreover, this poem serves as a wonderful example of anti-Soviet lies. That same Goebbels lie, which the more monstrous it is, the faster ignorant ordinary people believe.

What "half the country is sitting"??? Russian historian Viktor Zemskov also popularly explained and showed that 97.5% of the population of the USSR who lived in 1918-1958 were not subjected to political repression in any form. And each of us, using our own family as an example, can cite a huge number of our ancestors who lived, studied, worked honestly, raised children and defended their country in those distant years. And did not sit and guard. In fact, the poet Rozhdestvensky insulted an entire generation with these verses, creating a completely false image. And to put it simply - by writing absolutely monstrous, wild and shameful nonsense.

And finally, the situation with the poet Rozhdestvensky once again clearly demonstrates a very strange situation. Which consists in the fact that the more a person condemns the "Stalinist repressions", the greater the likelihood that one of his ancestors served in the NKVD. Just from the biography of the poet:

He was born on June 20, 1932 in an Altai village. Father - Stanislav Nikodimovich Petkevich, worked in the OGPU-NKVD from 1929 to 1938. In 1941 he was drafted into the Red Army, took part in battles on the Leningrad Front. He died in battle in 1945.

Robert Rozhdestvensky's dad spent the entire "Yezhovshchina" in the organs! It is not known what he did there, although in any case, since 1945 all claims against this man can be dropped. But I wonder if the poet himself repented for his dad? It is unlikely. After all, in 1993, after the shooting of the legally elected Russian parliament, this man signed the "Letter of Forty-Two". The title of the letter itself was significant - "Crush the reptile". Just a quote:

"And the "witches", or rather the red-brown werewolves, growing insolent from impunity, pasted their poisonous leaflets on the walls in front of the police, filthily insulting the people, the state, its legitimate leaders (This is about Yeltsin, if anyone did not understand), voluptuously explaining how exactly they will hang us all ... What is there to say? Enough talking ... It's time to learn to act. These stupid scoundrels respect only force. So isn't it time to demonstrate it to our young, but already, as we have once again become convinced with joyful surprise, sufficiently strengthened democracy? "

Everything written here does not at all cancel the fact that many of Robert Rozhdestvensky's poems are remarkable and will forever remain in our memory. It's just that, as Akhmatova wrote, "if only you knew from what rubbish, poems grow, without knowing shame." The talented poet Robert Rozhdestvensky had a lot of choice garbage in his head. Initially, it was unnoticeable, but during "perestroika" this garbage began to fall out on the readers' heads... However, not only he.

(c) A. Stepanov

https://dzen.ru/a/ZtSKcM_dT0xs9icH - zinc

He suffered so much from the Bloody KGB, he suffered so much...

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9360542.html

Kalnins and the USSR
September 2, 19:08

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(Well, seems like the intelligentsia defaults to liberal as it is all about individualism. They were miffed that they were not rewarded in the manner of their Western counterparts but were only treated as honored workers.)

Kalnins and the USSR

One day, Georgy, albeit belatedly (everything dawns on him like a giraffe), saw a statement by Latvian actor Ivars Kalnins that the USSR owed him money. Kalnins reported this in an interview, saying, “They tell me you owe the Soviet Union for everything. I say, you owe me, you haven’t paid enough! Who owes whom else!” Then, Ivars complained that his fees were a joke, and he agreed to film purely out of love for art. The poor boy was starving, so to speak. Georgy, of course, was glad about this. As it turns out, a whole cohort of actors and singers from the Baltics supported the USSR, and only thanks to them did it not collapse – remember Laima Vaikule, yeah. Georgy even wonders where the Latvian special services are looking, why they don’t arrest Kalnins and Vaikule for maintaining and totally financing the terrible USSR, because it was only thanks to them that it lasted for twenty years longer.

Of course, actors in the USSR did not receive as much money as they do now. It’s stupid to even deny it. For example, Demyanenko starred in “Kidnapping, Caucasian Style” for a year and a half and received 5,520 rubles. This is 306 rubles a month. For an actor of his level, this is very little, but for an ordinary Soviet person of that time, it is quite decent. Nikulin received 5,188 rubles for “The Diamond Arm,” the film was shot for six months – 864 rubles a month, the salary of an academician or an astronaut. But it is clear that by this time Nikulin was already a superstar. And the one who received extremely little in “Kidnapping, Caucasian Style” was Varley as a novice actress – only 1,200 rubles, 66 rubles a month. Now that, I understand, is filming for the love of art. Svetlichnaya was paid 350 rubles for a short role – I think she was happy with that. The actors received apartments out of turn (not super, I visited those apartments), and earned extra money with concerts, at a rate of 10 rubles per concert. There was no luxury, right.

At the same time, Kalninsh played in a tough ideological film, like “TASS is authorized to declare”, and a KGB officer at the embassy. Also, apparently, for the love of art. And a film about the Chekist Peters. And in “Red Diplomatic Couriers”. And “I Do Not Guarantee Personal Safety”, where he played a graduate of the party school fighting bandits in Western Belarus in 1946. And the farm laborer Ignatka in “White Dance”. And in “The Secret of the Villa Greta”. He could have refused, of course, no one forced him. But he didn't refuse. But now Kalnins is ranting about how his parents raised him to dislike the USSR. It's understandable that the man was vying with each other to get into any movie that glorified socialism and communists, just to get ahead: but now he says - no-no-no. It's the USSR that owes me money for my great roles, and not me for creating my career and gaining star status. And here the question arises - if you are such a great actor, how did things work out for you after the collapse of the USSR?

Not at all. After 1991, Kalnins acted almost exclusively in Russian films and TV series. A few failed attempts to enter the West, like one talentless Norwegian-Swedish film where he had a cameo role - and that's it. Neither Hollywood nor European cinema needed the Latvian star. The same thing happened with Laima Vaikule, who was unable to fill stadiums in the US or the EU. All of them are popular only in the former USSR, and nowhere else. It was the USSR, which paid them so little, that made them idols. You know, Georgy also had a falling out with one newspaper that paid a ridiculous amount of money and was stingy about every ruble. But, firstly, Georgy could have quit, no one was holding him by the throat. And secondly, there were interesting business trips and interviews that made Georgy who he is now. Kalnins could have easily fled abroad (he went on foreign trips), stayed there and played in Hollywood as much as he wanted. But he didn’t do that, and now he suffers, as the USSR robbed him. Well, yes, attention needs to be attracted.

All this self-aggrandizement reminds Georgy of a conversation with a drunken acquaintance.

- I won’t give it to that one, and I won’t give it to this one, and neither will that one. Let them not even think about it!
- Ir, actually, no one is asking.

* In the picture - Kalnins and the USSR.

(c) Zotov

https://vott.ru/entry/641721?cid=7835212 - zinc

He suffered and took money from the communists. And now he complains that the communists didn’t pay him enough. As you can see from his gut, you can even say he was significantly overpaid.

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9358771.html

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Wed Sep 04, 2024 1:56 pm

On the statistics of famine, population growth and mortality in the Russian Empire.
September 3, 19:18

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On the statistics of famine, population growth and mortality in the Russian Empire.

When you hear or read statements that no one died of hunger in the Russian Empire, it is either deliberate deceit or gross ignorance.
When you are given exact figures of those who died of hunger in the Russian Empire, it is a direct manipulation.

All the troubles here are due to the fact that statistics were cave-like, famine was not centrally studied at the state level, the word "hunger" itself was censored, and all more or less significant works were published in specialized, not mass publications.
Let's consider how things really are using the example of the largest and most famous pre-revolutionary famine of 1891-93.

How many people died from the most famous famine of the Russian Empire - no one knows exactly, and I seriously doubt that we will ever establish this. In this post, we will try to show the closest indicators that can be extracted from the available material using official imperial data.

All data presented below are taken from government and ministerial publications, such as: the yearbook "Collection of Statistical Materials", published by the Chancellery of the Committee of Ministers, the yearbook "Statistics of the Russian Empire", published by the Central Statistical Committee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, yearbooks of the Department of Trade and Manufactures, "Works of the Commission for the Study of the Handicraft Industry in Russia", as well as works on the consolidation of budgets of peasant farms in individual provinces by Anuchin, Gryaznov, Smirnov.

The data were compiled by professors F.A. Shcherbina, V.N. Grigoriev, V.I. Pokrovsky in the collection "The Influence of Harvests and Grain Prices on Some Aspects of the Russian National Economy", Volume II, St. Petersburg, 1897. Let

us begin not with the mortality rate itself and the process of impoverishment of the population of the Russian Empire, but with its growth.

One often hears, including on TV from various official and not so official persons, a sarcastically asked and, in fact, frankly amateurish question: "Why, despite constant "famines", did the population of the Russian Empire steadily grow exponentially, huh?"

Indeed, the population of the Russian Empire increased from the end of the reign of Peter the Great to the coronation of Nicholas II almost 10 times: from 13 million in 1724 to 120 million in 1894.

We will answer the question in three points:

1. High mortality was compensated by high birth rate in the absence of contraception, abortions, etc. In years of harvest, which alternated with famine, child survival increased, as did marriage and birth rates.

2. Famines, accompanying and separate epidemics covered separate parts of the empire. Where it covered - fear and horror, where it did not cover - there is a normal increase with the addition of refugees. (In the history of the Russian Empire there was only one hellish year, when it covered the ENTIRE country - wild uncontrollable cholera, crop failure and alcoholism in 1848. This is the only year that gave a negative indicator of the growth of the Orthodox population (there are no statistics for others): -332,276 people. For comparison, in 1847 it was +494,990, in 1849 +450,246. In addition, 1813 also gave a negative indicator due to war and famine: -2,749 Orthodox people throughout the country).
Constant, even if not very rapid, growth leads, sooner or later, to such a population size that, in the absence of birth control, it begins to multiply in increasing progression simply because of its numbers (see Bangladesh, India, African countries).

3. This table shows us very well how the population of the conditionally "original" Russian Empire actually grew:
1724 - 13 million.
1762 - 19 million.
1796 - 36 million, of which 7 million lived in the new territories annexed under Catherine the Great.
1815 - 45 million, of which 14.5 million lived in the annexed territories.
1851 - 69 million, of which 22 million lived in the annexed territories.
1890 - 113 million, of which 44 million lived in the new territories (see photo 1).

The population of the Russian Empire grew not only due to the European Russian provinces, but also due to the conquered and annexed lands. From the 13 "Petrine" millions, we need to subtract about one and a half - the population of the conquered Baltics and Ingria, Siberia and non-integrated into the general economy foreigners (Kalmyks, Crimean Tatars, Bashkirs, etc.). That is, the conditional "Russians" will be plus or minus 11.5 million.
Looking at the table, we will see that the "Russians" themselves gave an increase of about 5.5 times over 170 years. The figure is quite comparable with the same French in the 18th century, who also died of hunger like flies until the middle of the 19th century - they confidently grew in number, but they were seriously undermined by the revolution and the Napoleonic wars, which gave an increase of only 2 times. Prussia gives approximately the same indicators as Russia. That is, the "Russian" population grew as an average for the hospital, without showing record indicators.

The most famous famine of the Russian Empire in 1891-93 ruined and killed a very large number of people - we can safely say this. But the country in that period still showed growth in general indicators simply due to its enormity. The famine affected to varying degrees 22 of the 50 provinces of European Russia, in which, at the end of 1891, 89 million 587 thousand people lived (with an error of several tens of thousands), at the end of 1892 - 90 million 923 thousand, at the end of 1893 - 91 million 392 thousand. Growth, albeit with a decrease, is obvious.
Therefore, we will look separately at those provinces that, as we know, were affected by an unprecedented crop failure.

We take two years for comparison - the post-harvest 1888 and the most famine-ridden 1892. We look at the ratio of births to deaths, which gives the natural population growth. First, simply in quantity, then, to be sure, the same indicators per 100 residents - the population size changed). In some provinces that were completely affected by famine, data may not be provided for all districts, since not all information could be processed (for example, there was confusion and a lack of figures for rural Tatars in the Kazan province).

Grain-producing regions (the hardest hit).

1. Don region:
1888 - 55,128 people were born (6.3 per 100 inhabitants), 32,498 people died (3.7 per 100 inhabitants);
1892 - births 54,519 people (5.6 per 100 inhabitants), deaths 68,257 people (7.0 per 100 inhabitants).

2. Voronezh province:
1888 - births 131,013 people (5.6 per 100), deaths 84,665 people (3.6 per 10);
1892 - births 106,956 people (4.4 per 100), deaths 144,105 people (5.9 per 100).

3. Kharkov province in two famine-affected counties of Volchansk and Starobelsk:
1888 - births 29,648 people (5.7 per 100), deaths 20,667 people (4.0 per 100);
1892 - births 26,311 people (4.7 per 100), deaths 28,392 (5.2 per 100).

4. Tula province in the famine-affected counties of Bogoroditsky, Epifansky, Efremovsky, Kashirsky, Novosilsky:
1888 - births 38,443 people (5.5 per 100), deaths 26,311 people (3.8 per 100);
1892 - births 34,387 people (4.8 per 100), deaths 38,186 people (5.3 per 100).

5. Ryazan province, in the famine-affected Dankovsky, Mikhailovsky, Pronsky, and Ryazhsky districts:
1888 - births 27,729 people (5.1 per 100), deaths 16,429 people (3.0 per 100);
1892 - births 23,695 people (4.2 per 100), deaths 26,550 (4.7 per 100).

6. Oryol province, in the famine-affected Yeletsky district:
1888 - births 15,670 people (7.1 per 100), deaths 10,482 people (5.7 per 100);
1892 - births 13,080 people (4.8 per 100), deaths 13,592 people (5.9 per 100).

7. Kursk province, in the Kursk and Stary Oskol districts affected by famine:
1888 - births 18,494 people (4.7 per 100), deaths 11,843 people (3.5 per 100);
1892 - births 11,843 people (4.0 per 100), deaths 18,110 people (4.4 per 100).

8. Tambov province:
1888 - births 73,610 people (5.1 per 100), deaths 49,289 people (3.0 per 100);
1892 - births 66,528 people (4.4 per 100), deaths 73,443 people (4.9 per 100).

9. Penza province:
1888 - births 66,464 people (5.5 per 100), deaths 45,147 people (3.7 per 100);
1892 - births 57,937 people (4.6 per 100), deaths 64,803 people (5.2 per 100).

10. Kazan province:
1888 - births 79,325 people (4.9 per 100), deaths 50,280 people (3.1 per 100);
1892 - births 63,721 people (3.8 per 100), deaths 84,153 people (5.0 per 100).

11. Samara Governorate:
1888 - births 155,782 people (6.1 per 100), deaths 101,773 people (4.0 per 100);
1892 - births 101,773 people (4.7 per 100), deaths 175,453 people (6.6 per 100);

12. Simbirsk Governorate:
1888 - births 53,542 people (5.4 per 100), deaths 35,651 people (3.6 per 100);
1892 - births 42,161 people (4.1 per 100), deaths 55,771 people (5.5 per 100).

13. Saratov province:
1888 - births 127,669 people (5.4 per 100), deaths 86,630 people (3.6 per 100);
1892 - births 111,418 people (4.6 per 100), deaths 145,459 people (6.0 per 100);

14. Ufa province, without the majority of the Bashkir population:
1888 - births 87,063 people (4.6 per 100), deaths 57,219 people (3.1 per 100);
1892 - births 80,021 people (4.2 per 100), deaths 92,553 people (4.9 per 100).

15. Orenburg province without the majority of the Kirghiz population:
1888 - births 83,331 people (6.2 per 100), deaths 54,606 people (4.1 per 100);
1892 - births 70,653 people (5.1 per 100), deaths 86,152 people (6.2 per 100).

16. Astrakhan province without Kalmyks:
1888 - births 30,727 people (5.9 per 100), deaths 20,755 people (4.0 per 100);
1892 - births 28,798 people (5.4 per 100), deaths 41,608 people (7.7 per 100).

Total for the grain center of Russia:
1888 - births 1,073,618 people (5.5 per 100), deaths 704,245 people (3.6 per 100);
1892 - births 922,359 people (3.6 per 100), deaths 1,156,587 people (5.7 per 100).

In quantitative terms, the natural population decline in 1892 in these provinces was -234,222 people. or -2.1 per 100. If we compare with a prosperous year, then taking the mortality rates of 1888 as normal, we get an increase in mortality of 452,342 people, or 2.1 per 100.

In addition to those indicated, the following non-black earth provinces suffered:
17. Olonets province, in the famine-affected Vytegorsky, Povenetsky, and Olonetsky counties:
1888 - births 5,399 people (4.5 per 100), deaths 4,039 people (3.3 per 100);
1892 - births 4,857 people (3.8 per 100), deaths 5,000 people (3.9 per 100).

18. Novgorod province, Belozersky county affected by famine:
1888 - births 3,326 people (2.3 per 100), died 2,125 people (1.5 per 100);
1892 - births 1,271 people (0.9 per 100), died 2,408 people (1.6 per 100).

19. Nizhny Novgorod province, in the famine-affected Knyaginsky and Semyonovsky districts:
1888 - births 11,563 people (5.3 per 100), died 9,383 people (4.3 per 100);
1892 - births 10,548 people (4.6 per 100), died 10,932 people (4.8 per 100).

20. Vyatka province for the famine-affected districts of Yelabuga, Malmyzhsky, Sarapulsky, Urzhumsky:
1888 - births 62,063 people (5.7 per 100), deaths 41,217 people (3.8 per 100);
1892 - births 54,280 people (4.7 per 100), deaths 60,960 people (5.3 per 100).

21. Perm province:
1888 - births 75,791 people (5.8 per 100), deaths 55,276 people (4.2 per 100);
1892 - births 57,728 people (4.2 per 100), deaths 68,973 people (5.1 per 100).

22. Moscow province, in the Zvenigorod and Ruzsky counties affected by famine:
1888 - births 7,586 people (4.7 per 100), deaths 6,498 people. (4.0 per 100);
1892 - births 7,527 people (4.6 per 100), deaths 7,863 people (4.9 per 100).

In total, according to the figures included in the statistics, for 22 provinces the picture is as follows:
1888 - births 1,239,346 people (5.5 per 100), deaths 822,783 people (3.6 per 100);
1892 - births 1,058,570 people (4.5 per 100), deaths 1,312,723 people (5.6 per 100).

In quantitative terms, the natural population decline in 1892 in the provinces affected by famine was -254,153 people. or -1.6 per 100. If we compare with a prosperous year, then taking the mortality rates of 1888 as normal, we will get an increase in mortality by 489,940 people or 2.0 per 100.

THESE ARE THE MOST ACCURATE NUMBERS ON MORTALITY DURING THE 1891-93 FAMILY THAT WE HAVE.
And we should operate with them with extreme caution.

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Photo 2 shows the amount of rented land after the total ruin of the peasants during that famine.

(c) Grigory Tsidenkov

https://vk.com/id6186050 - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9361008.html

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And once the Soviet government got past the worst effects of the Civil War there were no more famines.
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Thu Sep 05, 2024 1:38 pm

"Monologue of an Anti-Soviet"
September 4, 23:36

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"Monologue of an Anti-Soviet"

I often have to read comments from anti-Soviets - as a rule, these are stupid, arrogant and life-offended gentlemen, incoherently proving to themselves and the world (first of all - to themselves) that if it were not for the "sovok", they would be in chocolate (in especially clinically schizophrenic cases) - under streams of Bavarian beer. These funny people invent noble genealogies and repressed relatives; great-grandmothers who ate sausage for the first time only during the occupation. They remember the evil pioneer leaders who reigned in the vile camp "Zvezdochka". Vile chemicals with a disgusting military instructor - at school. Historical materialism and dialectical materialism at the institute. The eternal Lyudmila Zykina - from the radio. Yes! Queues for toilet paper - the main memory of their merciless childhood. So, an approximate monologue of such an Internet anti-Soviet.

My great-grandfather was a pillar of the nobility and a merchant of the 1st guild, so when the Bolsheviks came, he was immediately dispossessed and sent to the GULAG, where he died at the age of 17, leaving no descendants. That is why only cattle live around me now - the best people were killed along with their highly cultured genetics. Our family had estates and cherry orchards, in the place of which now stands an abomination of desolation in the form of a power station built by the communists in 1937. Despite the red-bellied evil spirits, it was customary in my family to make music underground and secretly go to the theater. My grandmother - a woman of exceptional education - studied at the conservatory in great secrecy, because Stalin banned music, especially classical music. As a child, I read a lot - in our house there was a huge library, collected in spite of the damned Soviet Union. In spite of it, my mother sang and danced in the Palace of Pioneers.

At school I had stupid, narrow-minded teachers who knew nothing but dialectical materialism, so I entered the institute by a miracle and graduated without any Cs, in defiance of the System. Since there was no sex in the sanctimonious Soviet Union, I never experienced the sweetness of intercourse with the handsome Edik from the neighboring group, and I had to marry Olya. I still live with her because I am afraid - what if Putin brings back the Soviet Union?! I only learned what toilet paper was on the night of August 20-21, 1991, when the State Emergency Committee fell. Before that, I constantly used burdocks, afraid to even think about newspapers - for desecrating texts with portraits of leaders in the Soviet Union they shot without trial. My grandfather was shot for making a boat out of a newspaper sheet. My grandfather was about 15 years old then... He died of scurvy in Kolyma, also leaving no descendants. Yes! One of my grandmothers ended up in the occupied territory, where she was shown fildepers for the first time. And fed chocolate. Personally, I tried chocolate only in October 1993, when the Makashov-Barkashov rabble was shot. In the USSR, food was bad - sausage was made from rats, sawdust and cellulose, and we had to fight to get even that.

We huddled in a three-room closet with a terrible separate bathroom. In a disgusting neighborhood with a view of some uncivilized crap, like a forest park. The toilet was consistently dirty. Cockroaches were in the kitchen. The dishes in the sink were piled up, always unwashed. The bed linen in the bathroom was souring. My sister's school uniform had some kind of greasy stains. That's how much the damned Soviet Union tormented and humiliated us! I was often beaten in the yard - I was the smartest and had an aristocratic body configuration. The cattle saw me as an enemy, so they regularly drove me with a thin profile on dirty, poorly made asphalt. I visited Europe, I realized that if I were driven on European asphalt, my life would be much easier. My childhood was a continuous humiliation in the form of heat in summer and snow in winter, in the form of sharp angles of Soviet architecture, a prickly New Year tree and cold ice cream. All this pricked, beat and froze me! And some creatures are still nostalgic! I'll go cry.

https://varjag2007su.livejournal.com/9538074.html - zinc

It was scary, very scary to live in the Soviet Union. Vodka, balalaika, Stalin...

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9363700.html

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"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Fri Sep 06, 2024 2:02 pm

105 years ago Vasily Ivanovich Chapaev died
September 5, 21:19

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105 years ago Vasily Ivanovich Chapaev died

On September 5, 1919, Vasily Ivanovich Chapayev (32 years old), a participant in the First World War and the Civil War, and a division commander of the Red Army, died.

"Chapayev's death, which occurred due to carelessness, was a direct consequence of his impulsive and reckless character, which expressed the unbridled elements of the people" (Ganin)

Vasily Ivanovich Chapayev (b. 1887), a hero of the Civil War, died as a result of a deep raid by General Borodin's Cossack detachment (1,192 fighters with 9 machine guns and 2 guns), which culminated in a surprise attack on the well-guarded (about 1,000 bayonets) headquarters of the 25th Division, located deep in the rear of Lbischensk (now the village of Chapayev in the West Kazakhstan region of Kazakhstan).

Chapaev's division, having broken away from the rear and suffered heavy losses in early September, settled down to rest in the Lbischensk area, with the division headquarters, supply department, tribunal, revolutionary committee and other divisional institutions totaling almost two thousand people located in Lbischensk itself. In addition, there were about two thousand mobilized peasant wagon drivers in the city who did not have any weapons. The city was guarded by a divisional school numbering 600 people - it was these 600 active bayonets that were Chapaev's main force at the time of the attack. The main forces of the division were at a distance of 40-70 km from the city.

On September 4, Borodin's detachment secretly approached the city and hid in the reeds in the Ural backwater. Aerial reconnaissance (4 airplanes) did not report this to Chapaev, apparently due to the fact that the pilots sympathized with the Whites (after Chapaev's death, they all flew over to the Whites).

At dawn on September 5, the Cossacks attacked Lbischensk. Panic and chaos ensued, some of the Red Army soldiers crowded into Cathedral Square, were surrounded and taken prisoner; others were captured or killed during the clearing of the city; only a small part managed to break through to the Urals. All the prisoners were executed - they were shot in groups of 100-200 people on the bank of the Urals. Among those captured after the battle and shot was the divisional commissar Baturin, who tried to hide in the stove of one of the houses.

To capture Chapaev, Borodin assigned a special platoon under the command of junior ensign Belonozhkin, who, led by a captured Red Army soldier, attacked the house where Chapaev was quartered, but missed him: the Cossacks pounced on the Red Army soldier who appeared from the house, mistaking him for Chapaev himself, while Chapaev jumped out the window and managed to escape.

During his escape, he was wounded in the arm by Belonozhkin's shot. Having gathered and organized the Red Army soldiers who were fleeing to the river in panic, Chapayev organized a detachment of about a hundred men with a machine gun and was able to push back Belonozhkin, who had no machine guns. However, he was wounded in the stomach. According to the story of Chapayev's eldest son, Arkady, two Hungarian Red Army soldiers put the wounded Chapayev on a raft made from half a gate and ferried him across the Urals. But on the other bank it turned out that Chapayev had died of blood loss. The Hungarians buried his body with their hands in the coastal sand and covered it with reeds so that the Cossacks would not find the grave.

This story was later confirmed by one of the participants in the events, who in 1962 sent a letter from Hungary to Chapayev's daughter with a detailed description of the divisional commander's death.

https://t.me/Morskaya_pehota_Russia/56064 - zinc

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Sat Sep 21, 2024 2:17 pm

On the national policy of the Bolsheviks
No. 9/97.IX.2024

Preface
The question is asked: “Why didn’t the Bolsheviks include Ukraine and Belarus in the RSFSR after the civil war?”

It is known that in the conditions of the development of capitalism and the formation of the national bourgeoisie, the discriminatory policy of Russian tsarism gave rise to "the deepest mistrust among the local national masses, sometimes turning into hostile relations, towards everything Russian" (Stalin). This was facilitated by the Stolypin reform, when the land of local residents was distributed among the settlers, and the subversive activities of the agents of Austro-German and Anglo-French imperialism, seeking to stir up discontent among national minorities, to tear the national outskirts away from the center, and the raising head of great-power chauvinism. Therefore, after the victory in the Civil War, in the conditions of the liquidation of the armed anti-Soviet (including nationalist) underground (as a result of the Great October Revolution, there were up to 40 bourgeois-democratic national formations on the territory of the former empire), the Bolsheviks led the process of acquiring national feelings by small nations:

"The Soviet government understood that the forced unity of Russia, supported by imperialist bayonets, would inevitably fall apart with the fall of Russian imperialism; without changing its nature, the Soviet government could not maintain unity by the methods of Russian imperialism. The Soviet government realized that socialism requires not just any unity, but fraternal unity..." (Stalin).

As Soviet power grew stronger, separatist sentiments in the outskirts naturally weakened. In particular, the Ukrainians, the largest national minority in the USSR with a large intelligentsia that essentially held bourgeois positions of Ukrainian political emigration, underwent a noticeable evolution from Ukrainization to collectivization as a result of the Soviet policy of friendship of peoples. Considering the right of nations to political self-determination as a forced measure, as a prerequisite for the subsequent transition to a socialist state in which the national question would lose its former urgency, the Bolsheviks provided all the peoples of the USSR with the opportunity to develop in a union state entity, within the framework of a single Soviet people:

"We are for the right of a person to divorce, but does it follow that we are in favor of divorce?" (Lenin).

While suppressing counter-revolutionary uprisings, organizing the fight against hunger and devastation, and educating party and technical personnel, the Bolsheviks realized that the main thing was the centralization of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), which, after the formation of the USSR, was not accidentally renamed the All-Union Party. The fulfillment of the tasks of strengthening and developing Soviet power, solving national and all other issues depended on how centralized and competent the Communist Party was.

In order for a person to become a nationalist, a cleric or a bourgeois, it is not necessary to teach him eugenics, the dogmas of theology and so-called common sense. It is necessary and sufficient to impart to him the skills of a certain behavior. Nationalism, piety, philistinism exist precisely in the form of a certain "worldview", "attitude to life", which does not have a clear scientific explanation, but is transmitted from person to person - as one candle is lit from another.

Communism is a completely different matter. In order for a person to become a free, comprehensively developed representative of a scientifically organized society, he must know and understand the objective laws of the development of nature and society. For this, the content of social relations must direct and in every possible way promote the development of social science qualifications through the transformation of labor into the first vital need of a person, making creativity the main sphere of human activity. Only with the growth of a person's intellectual baggage on the basis of Marxism, with the development of selfless relations between people, will it become unimportant who is of what nationality, but what a person does and what are the thoughts and results of his actions will remain important. Only then will an individual feel and recognize all of humanity as his family, when he comprehends a deep and justified need for this. How can this be achieved if today we already understand that we live in an integral, i.e. connected into a single whole, world? Noting the commonality of nature, when the globe, representing the inanimate, plant, animal and human worlds, is perceived by us in a complex way as an interdependence of all its parts, humanity begins to realize that unproductive consumption, depletion of natural resources, reduction of flora and fauna diversity, growth of all kinds of pollution, etc. are the destruction of this system, leading to an inevitable catastrophe. However, the fact that a new stage of the relationship between man and nature began with the industrial revolution and continues today in the form of the "green" revolution [1], does not mean that attempts to find an ecological balance are reflected in the search for social harmony. Internationalization, or, as it is fashionable to say today, globalization of society, which already represents, in essence, a single system, is seriously stalling. Instead of acting wisely and dynamically as a single organism on the basis of public ownership of the means of production, in the fraternal unity of all nations, exploring the world's oceans, space, increasing the mutual return of man and nature, instead of rising to the highest level of communication between people, where no one can or wants to be hostile to anyone, where no one would even think of doing anything that is not in accordance with reason, honor and conscience, humanity is currently discussing the date, place and course of the next world, now a missile-nuclear war, in which capitalism threatens to bury the entire human race along with itself.

Considering that understanding the materialistic dialectic of the Bolsheviks' national policy is the key to uniting the proletariat, strengthening ties with the masses of different nationalities and the only possible = revolutionary solution to the pressing global problems of humanity, this question requires an answer that would not only illustrate the obvious superiority of Marxism over the bourgeois quirks of "healthy" nationalism, but would also involve those interested in the question "why do we live like this?" in independent work on a conscious understanding of Marxist philosophy. The only one that is capable of not only describing the world, but also changing it.

To the origins of the national question
Before the bourgeois revolutions, which destroyed the closed nature of the estates, which the nobility and the higher clergy guarded like the apple of their eye, the concept of nationality did not exist. There were “our own” and “outsiders”. For the upper classes, the main thing in this division was pedigree [2] and religious affiliation, and for the taxpayers - in community and faith. The peasants, whom the feudal master distinguished from the “talking tools” only as Christians, Muslims, etc., by and large did not care for which of God's anointed or his confidants their “community” worked for, especially since the priests in churches or the mullahs in mosques (specialists in magical “interaction” with nature) constantly repeated - all power comes from God. And when the master gives them his land to “keep,” the slaves must meekly bear the quitrent, work off the corvee, etc. It’s only bad if the infidels or pagans come and make them slaves.

Distinguishing themselves from slaves in that, while owning the means of production and not giving the master the entire product of their natural economy, the peasants were interested in labor, in increasing its results, while they also measured their own humanity by faith, and for the masters to dehumanize a representative of another faith, thereby justifying religious wars, was not difficult. At the same time, community as a more rationalized blood relationship was an important component of peasant life. Being the basis of existence, support and support in the fight against the elements, the community was not only a social, but also a labor collective, without which a person did not feel complete. Labor cooperation of peasants was necessary insofar as it represented a practical combination of private and public interest, where the latter was placed above the former. The community as an organization of producers, having a traditional way of life, a certain household and economic system, even in the time of the wildest serfdom in Russia could protect an individual peasant from the tyranny of the master. However, extreme isolation - territorial, military, guild, parish [3], etc. - as a characteristic feature of feudalism did not prevail everywhere and not always [4], allowing representatives of the upper classes not to have absolute economic and political dependence on the overlord, and members of the lower classes to feel themselves in a more or less familiar position, when the pauses between the blows of the master's whip were regarded as a completely tolerable life, not to mention the “possibility” of a posthumous existence.

Feudal relations, which emerged at a certain historical moment on the basis of the increased productive forces of the slave society, became for their time an obligatory form of further development of social production, contributing to the next improvement of productive forces. But over time, the framework of the estate-clerical society became cramped for the productive forces that had grown stronger on the basis of feudal relations. The new production relations of capitalism, which arose on the basis of the productive forces of feudalism, based on the achievements of science of that time, which made possible closer communication between people, their cooperation, etc., made it possible to create conditions for commodity production, which led to the rise of a new class - the bourgeoisie. As a reflection of the aggravated contradiction between the productive forces and production relations, the intra-class struggle of the exploiters was between the new and the old mode of production, between progressive (bourgeois) and ossified (caste) social relations.

As a result of cruel and bloody bourgeois revolutions, feudal power was overthrown, and feudal production relations were excluded from the life of society. Citizens became formally equal and free. Freedom meant that people could do whatever they wanted. But for the overwhelming majority, such “freedom” consisted of choosing a master - to whom to sell their ability to work, since the lion's share of citizens were not rentiers and did not own the means of production. This state of affairs occurred in capitalist powers that developed scientifically and technically at the expense of backward countries or peoples who did not have their own statehood. There, the law continued to secure the privilege of exploitation for the “upper” classes, and the obligation to work for the master for the “lower” classes. This is the main difference between capitalism and feudalism. The main similarity between these two formations is the appropriation of the unpaid results of the labor of people who entered into production relations.

In view of the further centralization of capital and the emergence of monopolies, the European powers also changed the content of colonial policy. Promoting the ideas of nationalism, chauvinism, and racism to the masses of “free” hired workers (who were no longer so easy to fool with religion), and brainwashing the proletariat in order to distract it from the class struggle, bourgeois ideology advanced the thesis about the exceptionalism of its own nation. They say that we (the English, French, Germans, Americans, etc.) are so civilized that we are obliged to bear the “white man’s burden.” The call for hired workers to unite with the owners of the means of production and, on the basis of propaganda of their own superiority, to rule over “inferior” peoples, found a lively response among the intellectually downtrodden masses.

“The uneven growth of labor productivity and, consequently, the unevenness of economic and political development gave rise to OPPOSITE “ vital interests ” among different peoples ” (Podguzov).

Thus, imperialism divided people into “real” and “subhuman”, which was reflected in the sorting of peoples into three worlds (today we are witnessing such a development of the weapons of class struggle in the example of the countries of the “golden billion” - centralized states that, in conditions of decay, were the first to organize capitalist relations within themselves and, as a result, make more backward countries and societies dependent).

In other words, the dependence of production relations (how people connect with each other in collective labor and, consequently, how they distribute its results) on productive forces (labor force, tools of production and objects of labor) consists in the influence of the former on the latter. Either this influence promotes a leap in science, technology, culture, interethnic relations, etc., or it hinders it. It is significant that after 1953, when Marxism-Leninism, through the efforts of bookworms, formalists and anti-Stalinists with party cards, was turning into a boring and tedious subject of cramming, those who formally “shot” at the exam forgot the memorized material with a sense of relief, carrying through life fragmentary and confused ideas about the laws of nature, society and thinking. The process of reflecting objective reality in such people became ossified at the level of common sense, when everyday thinking, based on the scanty data of everyday experience, forced them to adapt to circumstances, pushing creative = dialectical thinking to the back of consciousness.

Unfortunately, among the majority of modern leftists, who firmly believe that “social being determines social consciousness,” but do not understand that the superstructure, “in turn, has a reverse effect on the conditions and course of production by virtue of its inherent or, more accurately, once acquired and gradually developed further relative independence” (Marx), the development of the subjective factor for a revolutionary leap continues to remain a “thing in itself.”

The revolutionary factor of national liberation movements
The Great October Revolution was not only a leap in social progress, but also the starting point of a process of national liberation struggle of a fundamentally new quality. When the national independence of subordinate and colonized countries and peoples, achieved as a result of armed struggle, received an example of weakening and eliminating the causes of national hostility. When the idea of ​​the world brotherhood of workers, embodied in the USSR on the basis of a policy of consistent internationalism in material force, repeatedly strengthened the multinational state of workers and peasants. When, together with the elimination of the prerequisites for economic and cultural inequality in the public life of 1/6 of the land, the prerequisites for the prevalence of positive ideals of traditions and customs of various peoples of the Soviet Union were formed, which received scientific development in the form of fraternal cooperation.

Having marked the beginning of the end of the colonial system of imperialism, the October Revolution ideologically and morally armed the leading representatives of dependent peoples and countries to fight for their national independence and state autonomy:

"Under the influence of Marxist revolutionary theory and the experience of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia, I created the first political workers' organization in Changsha in the winter of 1920. From that time on, I consider myself a Marxist" (Mao Zedong).

This struggle, undermining the rear of imperialism, transforming “colonies from a reserve of imperialism into a reserve of the proletarian revolution ” (Stalin), showed that societies where feudal production relations slowed down the development of productive forces and which, by virtue of this, served as a food base for imperialist states, were capable of rising up and winning. However, the “threat of reddening” of colonized countries was mainly based not on Marxism as a science of revolution of the exploited masses, but on the obvious idea of ​​expelling foreigners - the idea of ​​nationalism. In order to implement it in the conditions of transition from feudalism to capitalism, it turned out to be necessary to rely not only on the peasants - the bulk of the majority of dependent countries and peoples - but also on the national bourgeoisie, concerned with the creation of a broad and united revolutionary-national front. In this regard, the example of China is indicative. From the first half of the 19th century, — since its defeat in the "Opium Wars" — the "Great Sick Man of East Asia" [5] was subjected to national humiliation by more developed countries that had put new technology and updated methods of ideological processing of the masses at their service. In 1898, the Emperor of China, under pressure from bourgeois reformers, attempted to implement progressive changes in the country, but feudal reaction suppressed them by means of a palace coup. Nevertheless, the bourgeois-national movement in the Celestial Empire was gaining momentum. In order to prevent the yihetuan (justice and peace detachments consisting mainly of peasants, partly the petty bourgeoisie and declassed elements) from preparing an organized armed struggle for independence, in 1900 the armies of eight powers (Russia, Great Britain, the USA, Germany, France, Japan, Italy, Austria-Hungary) invaded China. Vast areas of the country, industrial and cultural centers, including Beijing, were occupied. The people's uprising was brutally suppressed, the imperial government fled to Xi'an, subsequently signing a onerous peace treaty. According to it, China was obliged to pay 1.5 billion rubles in gold over 30 years and to harshly suppress any anti-colonialist uprisings within the country. Foreigners were given the right to station an army and navy on Chinese territory.

Despite this, the rising Chinese bourgeoisie, represented by the intelligentsia under the leadership of Professor Sun Yat-sen, inspired by the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, was partially able to unite the revolutionary forces and, as a result of the Xinhai Revolution of 1911-1913, overthrow the emperor. From then on, China became a republic, but in fact was a country immersed in feudal fragmentation. Power was in the hands of generals' cliques, which, maintaining the dictate of landowners and kulak usurers, restrained the socio-economic and cultural development of China, slowing down the growth of relatively progressive capitalist relations.

The main obstacle to achieving national independence were the "appanage princelings", who sometimes fought with each other, sometimes entered into alliances, but remained dependent on the large imperialist powers. Having become the temporary president of China, Sun Yat-sen understood that, despite the collapse of the Qin dynasty, no fundamental changes had occurred in semi-colonial and semi-feudal China. Society was rapidly heading for collapse. The internecine struggle of various militaristic groups was almost continuous. In addition to official taxes and fees from the constantly changing "governor-generals", there was unbridled plundering of the village. Losing land and means of subsistence, the peasants were forced to become soldiers, becoming cannon fodder for the militarists. In May and early June 1919, an anti-imperialist uprising broke out in the major cities of China - the "May 4th" movement. This was the first appearance of the Chinese proletariat on the political arena. Despite the defeat, the progressive part of Chinese society demanded and sought a way out of the impasse. Sun Yat-sen's authority gradually grew, his popularity and importance as the leader of China's advanced forces increased, consisting in the fact that his three proposed political positions: alliance with Soviet Russia, alliance with the Communist Party of China [6] and reliance on workers and peasants - reflected the objective trends of the country's socio-political and economic development, and his three people's principles: nationalism, democracy and people's welfare - expressed the common aspirations of the oppressed classes and progressive groups of Chinese society.

Since 1923, political and military advisers from the USSR invited by Sun Yat-sen began working in China. The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) supported Sun Yat-sen's Kuomintang [7], and it soon became a fully combat-ready party. Only by defeating the generals' cliques could the feudal reaction in the country be finished off and, by developing industry, China be united in order to raise the oppressed masses to resist the European, American and Japanese imperialists. The consolidating principle of the Kuomintang, which had never been a monolithic organization, was nationalism. In their desire to liberate the homeland from foreign invaders, the Kuomintang members were united, and even then, as the subsequent course of history showed, only partially. When it came to the principles of democracy, to resolving the land issue, there was no unanimity in the party, divided into right and left wings. The Bolsheviks understood that since the state is the main instrument of class struggle, the next revolutionary upsurge in China, the next fight for changing the life of Chinese society were unthinkable without the creation of a state apparatus under the leadership of the Kuomintang government. Despite the reactionary nature of the right wing of the Kuomintang, its anti-people character, the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) realized that at that time only Sun Yat-sen's party was the vanguard force capable of breaking the system of domination of the generals' cliques. The Bolshevik Party under Stalin's leadership foresaw that after the elimination of the fragmentation of the country, in the struggle with the imperialist powers, the Kuomintang would lose its vanguard, would not find in itself the strength to solve the problem of saving the nation due to group and local interests. But for the sake of the formation of the CPC, for the sake of finding a connection with the broad masses of the people, the communists had to adapt to objective conditions in order to change them in the future in the interests of the revolution. And so it happened later.

To be continued…

D. Nazarenko
09/21/2024

[1] Since 2015, the CPC has announced a course for building an ecological China. Today, the PRC is gradually switching to renewable energy sources, cleaning up and restoring polluted areas, modernizing hazardous industries, and carrying out intensive greening, including deserts.

[2] Based on the idea that personal qualities are transmitted through blood.

[3] Usually, laymen of a particular community attend only their own church, so belonging to a certain parish meant belonging to a specific community. This isolation was aptly reflected in the fable “Parishioners” by Ivan Krylov:

“What a nice gift!”

One of the listeners said to another,

What sweetness, what heat!

How strongly he draws the hearts of the people to goodness!

And you, neighbor, must have a callous nature,

Why can't you see a tear?

Or didn’t you understand?” “Well, how could I not understand!

Yes, why should I cry?

After all, I am not from this parish."

[4] The need to preserve strata had as its opposite the growing need to expand the composition of the upper castes. For example, in Spain during the Age of Discovery, even a commoner who had the means to buy a war horse had the opportunity to become a caballero.

[5] This is what Europeans called China in the 19th to mid-20th centuries, by analogy with the “Sick Man of Europe” – the Ottoman Empire of the mid-19th century.

[6] Founded by 13 delegates (including Mao Zedong) at the founding congress in Shanghai in 1921.

[7] A political party that played a progressive role in the struggle against feudalism in China, but after the death of Sun Yat-sen (March 12, 1925), under pressure from the right wing, gradually turned into a reactionary party, defending the interests primarily of the propertied classes.

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Mon Oct 21, 2024 3:16 pm

About Tsvetaeva and the White Terror

Image

About Tsvetaeva and the White Terror

October 8th marks the 130th anniversary of the birth of Marina Tsvetaeva, a Russian poet of the Silver Age, writer and translator. In this regard, I remembered my old post on VKontakte: From the diaries of M.I. Tsvetaeva, 1918:

...A knock on the door. I fly down and open it. A stranger in a papakha hat. From a coffee-colored tan - white eyes. (Then I looked closer: blue.) Gasping.

- Are you Marina Ivanovna Tsvetaeva?
- Me.
- Lenin was killed.
- Oh!!!
- I'm coming to you from the Don.

Lenin was killed and Seryozha is alive! I throw myself on your chest.
__________

The evening of the same day. The communist lodger Zak, running into the kitchen:

- Well, are you satisfied?

I lower my eyes - not out of shyness, of course: I'm afraid to offend with too much obvious joy. (Lenin is killed, the White Guard has entered, all the communists have been hanged, Zakse is the first)...

Source verified - https://www.tsvetayeva.com/prose/pr_pokushen_lenin

The refined poetess herself admits that she dreams of hanging the man she just talked to. And not just him! Well, it happens...

There is no point in moralizing about the discouraging cruelty of the best representatives of our creative intelligentsia. This is an ordinary, completely standard situation of a civil war in any country. Alas.

However, if one side of this confrontation behaves like this ("noble, educated and cultured"!!!), then the other side is not forbidden either...


(c) A. Stepanov

https://dzen.ru/a/Y0G6FBNaChoJxhzR - zinc

And then they were offended when, after the assassination attempt on Lenin and the murder of Uritsky, the Red Terror began. And what about me?

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9448087.html

FBI Dossier: How Solzhenitsyn Became a Weapon in the Cold War

Image

FBI Dossier: How Solzhenitsyn Became a Weapon in the Cold War

We are publishing declassified FBI documents ( https://t.me/darpaandcia/356?comment=1109 ) that shed light on the role of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in the confrontation between the USSR and the West. These materials show how American intelligence agencies monitored the writer’s life after his expulsion from the Soviet Union in 1974.

After Solzhenitsyn left the Soviet Union, he became an instrument in the fight against communism in the West. His works, such as The Gulag Archipelago and Cancer Ward, were actively published in the West, and the royalties from these books reached an impressive sum of 6 million dollars. These funds came thanks to Western publishers who saw his work as a powerful tool for undermining Soviet ideology.

The FBI received information about Solzhenitsyn’s movements through confidential sources. For example, the agency monitored his plans to visit Vermont in 1976 to participate in a public speech. The FBI was interested in ensuring Solzhenitsyn's safety, fearing the possible risks associated with his popularity and anti-Soviet statements. Although there were no direct threats to his life, Solzhenitsyn was always under close scrutiny, which underlines his political importance in the Cold War.

The FBI documents also allow us to conclude that the West used Solzhenitsyn as a powerful ideological weapon against the Soviet Union. His speeches, such as the one in Taiwan in 1982, where he emphasized the importance of resisting communism and cited Taiwan as an example of a successful fight against totalitarianism, were widely used to strengthen anti-Soviet sentiments in the international community.

Declassified FBI documents show that Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn was more than just a writer and critic of the Soviet regime. He became an important figure in the global political game, where the West used him to undermine the USSR.

https://t.me/darpaandcia - wbyr

Which has been said for many years.
Actually, Bushin laid all this out back in the 90s.

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9449409.html

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Wed Oct 23, 2024 2:04 pm

On Lenin's appearance at the trial
No. 10/98.X.2024

June 1917. The bourgeois government, at the request of the Anglo-French allies, launches an offensive at the front, expecting that its success will strengthen the position of "revolutionary defencism." However, the offensive ends in failure. Dissatisfaction with the government's course is rapidly growing among the masses. Anti-war sentiments are spreading both in the rear and at the front, so the bourgeoisie decides to provoke. On the night of July 3, the Cadet ministers, counting on the fact that the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, left alone with the revolutionary-minded people, will be forced to side with the counterrevolution, announce their resignation. The expectations of the Cadets are justified: the organizing committee of the Menshevik Party formulates the task of organizing a new government "with, if possible, a predominance of representatives of the bourgeoisie" [1]. In response to the withdrawal of the Cadets from the government, the dissatisfied masses spontaneously begin protest demonstrations in some areas of Petrograd with the goal of transferring all power to the Soviets. Gradually, individual demonstrations grow into a single citywide demonstration.

At the evening meeting on July 3, the Bolsheviks, seeing the masses' readiness to continue their demonstrations at any cost, decided to lead the demonstration on July 4 so that it would not take violent and anarchic forms. However, the counterrevolution, with the connivance of the Central Executive Committee, used armed force against peaceful demonstrators. Blood flowed through the streets of Petrograd again [2]. Taking advantage of the moment, the counterrevolution accused the Bolsheviks of the failure of the June offensive, of disintegrating the army, and of spying for Germany. A pretext was found to stop the legal activities of the rapidly gaining popularity party and to arrest its leaders. On July 5, the editorial office of Pravda was smashed. On July 6, the Trud printing house, which printed Bolshevik publications, was smashed. On the same day, the Peter and Paul Fortress, whose garrison had joined the Bolsheviks on July 4, and the Kshesinskaya Palace, which housed the headquarters of the Central Committee, the Provisional Government, and the Military Organization of the Bolsheviks, were captured. The Provisional Government was afraid of the Bolsheviks and understood that further political inaction by force was "like death." The recommendations given to the Russian counterrevolution by its "Western partners" played no small role in the advance of the counterrevolution:

“The English Ambassador Buchanan handed over to the Minister of Foreign Affairs Tereshchenko a letter from the military attaché A. Knox, which stated that if the Provisional Government prevailed in this crisis and if it wanted to continue the war effectively, in accordance with the interests of the allies, then it should take a number of decisive measures, such as: the restoration of the death penalty in the rear and at the front, the prosecution and punishment of the participants in the demonstration of July 3-4, the disarmament of the workers of Petrograd, the introduction of military censorship for the press with the right to confiscate the printing houses of those newspapers that called on the troops or the population to violate order and military discipline, the organization of a militia in Petrograd and other large cities from soldiers wounded at the front, aged forty years and older, etc.” [3].

After the Cabinet of Ministers had officially decided on the arrest and prosecution of the participants and organizers of the July demonstration [4] on July 6, searches were conducted in the apartment where Vladimir Ilyich lived (the Yelizarovs' apartment) on the night of July 7. Fortunately, Lenin was not at home. Maria Ulyanova (Vladimir Ilyich's sister) wrote in her memoirs:

"Late in the evening, on our quiet, deserted street, we heard the rumble of a huge truck that stopped near our house. "It's coming to us, it's them!" I exclaimed. And indeed, going up to the windows, we saw that the truck had stopped near the house where we lived, and the soldiers were already heading towards the entrance. From the windows, we heard their loud voices, heard them talking to the janitor or the doorman, and a few minutes later there was a ringing of the bell and a loud knock on the door.

We opened the door immediately, since there was nothing to hide, and our entire apartment was filled with a ferocious crowd of cadets and soldiers with guns in their hands. They barely showed us the search warrant before they quickly began searching for the person they had come for. The assistant to the chief of counterintelligence with two or three officers and soldiers headed for the room where Ilyich lived, the rest occupied all the other rooms.

Although we had said that Ilyich was not in the apartment, they nevertheless began to look for him everywhere they could think of where a person might hide: under the beds, in the closets, behind the curtains of the windows, etc. They demanded the keys, and when I opened this or that basket or chest, they pounced on me and pierced the contents with bayonets . <…> After examining this or that thing, I locked it again with a key, but I soon became convinced that this only further inflamed passions. “If it locks, that’s where he is,” they probably thought, and other soldiers immediately pounced on the basket and again forced it to be unlocked, rummaged around, pierced it with bayonets . They were not interested in what was in the basket, they did not examine the things: they only needed to make sure that the “German spy” they had come to look for was not hiding there. The senior janitor scurried about with them. Now his tongue was loosened, and he was no longer afraid to speak frankly. “ If I had known earlier, I would have strangled him with my own hands! ” he shouted” [5].

As can be seen, the aggressive actions and statements of the subjects of the search (both the soldiers and the janitor) testified to their extreme lack of interest in Lenin being alive and unharmed. The counter-revolutionary "bloodhounds" would not have been very upset if, during the search, they had "accidentally" pierced Lenin with a bayonet.

Having learned about what was happening in the Yelizarovs’ apartment, Vladimir Ilyich wrote a letter to the Central Election Commission bureau in which he “expressed protest against” this form of search and asked the Central Election Commission to “investigate this direct violation of the law,” adding:

“…I consider it my duty to officially and in writing confirm what, I am sure, no member of the Central Executive Committee could doubt, namely: that in the event of an order from the government for my arrest and the approval of this order by the Central Executive Committee, I will appear at the place indicated to me by the Central Executive Committee for arrest” [6].

It is clear from the text of the appeal that Lenin, at the time of its writing, was ready "to appear for arrest in the event of an order from the government." The fact that Lenin was for some time inclined to appear in court is also confirmed in Krupskaya's memoirs:

“On the 7th, we were at Ilyich’s apartment with the Alliluyevs, together with Maria Ilyinichna. It was precisely at this moment that Ilyich was wavering. He was arguing for the necessity of appearing in court . Maria Ilyinichna hotly objected to him. ‘ Grigory and I have decided to appear , go tell Kamenev about this,’ Ilyich told me. At that time, Kamenev was in another apartment nearby. I hurried. ‘Let’s say goodbye,’ Vladimir Ilyich stopped me, ‘maybe we won’t see each other again’” [7].

Lenin’s biographical chronicle also speaks about this:

“ In the afternoon [July 7], at S. Ya. Alliluyev’s apartment, Lenin consults with N. K. Krupskaya and M. I. Ulyanova on the issue of appearing at the trial of the Provisional Government; he expresses his intention to appear at the trial ” [8].

However, as can be seen from the evidence presented, the letter to the Central Election Commission was written before a discussion of the question of appearance was organized at Alliluyev's apartment (where Vladimir Ilyich was hiding during those days), in which Stalin, who insisted on the incorrectness of the appearance, took part. Moreover, at the time of the discussion, Lenin was already leaning in favor of not appearing at the trial, although not completely. Here is how Ordzhonikidze described it:

“Together with Stalin we hurry to Ilyich [to Alliluyev’s apartment]. Zinoviev, N.K. Krupskaya, Nogin and V. Yakovleva are already there. There is talk about whether Vladimir Ilyich should appear and allow himself to be arrested. Nogin rather timidly spoke out in favor of appearing and giving battle before a public court. This was the opinion of a significant part of the Moscow comrades. Vladimir Ilyich, with his characteristic clarity, proved that there would be no public court. Stalin is resolutely against appearing before the authorities. “They won’t take the cadet to prison, they’ll kill him on the way,” he says . Ilyich, by all appearances, is also against it, but Nogin confuses him a little ” [9].

The discussion of the question of attendance was interrupted by the appearance of Elena Stasova, or rather, by the information she shared with her comrades:

"Just at this time, E. Stasova comes in and reports on a rumor that has been spread around the Tauride Palace that Lenin is allegedly a provocateur, according to documents from the police department archive. These words made an incredibly strong impression on Ilyich. A nervous tremor crossed his face, and in a tone that did not allow for objection, he declared that he should go to prison " [10].

But first, security guarantees were needed. To find out whether the Central Election Commission was capable of providing such guarantees, Comrades Nogin and Ordzhonikidze were sent to the Tauride Palace:

“Nogin and I were sent to the Tauride Palace to negotiate with Anisimov, a member of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet, about the conditions of Ilyich’s detention in prison. We had to obtain guarantees from him that Ilyich would not be torn to pieces by the brutal cadets. We had to ensure that Ilyich was put in the Petropavlovka (our garrison was there), or if he was put in the Kresty, then we had to obtain an absolute guarantee that he would not be killed and that a public trial would be held. If Anisimov [a Menshevik, a member of the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee] answered affirmatively, Ilyich would be taken to prison in the evening…” [11]

During the conversation at the Central Executive Committee, it turns out that the Central Executive Committee cannot give any absolute guarantees of Lenin's safety, that Anisimov himself " does not know in whose hands he will be tomorrow ." Hearing all this, Ordzhonikidze decides to return to Alliluyev's apartment in order to convince Lenin not to appear in court. On the way back, Comrades Ordzhonikidze and Nogin meet Lunacharsky, who, in turn, also asks to dissuade Lenin from his intention to go to prison. Soon Ordzhonikidze and Nogin returned to Alliluyev's apartment, where Lenin, Stalin, and others were waiting for them, and told them what they had heard from Anisimov and Lunacharsky. Having familiarized himself with the new information, Lenin accepted Stalin's point of view, deciding to go underground.

As was written in Ordzhonikidze's memoirs, Stalin insisted on Lenin's failure to appear, convincing Lenin that instead of a fair trial there would be a shameful reprisal. However, already in CPSU literature, Stalin's position is deliberately hushed up [12]. Stalin is mentioned only among other party members who "came to a unanimous decision," while in fact, even before the response was received from the Central Executive Committee, Stalin had stood by Lenin's failure to appear at the trial, because he was sure that appearing at the trial under those conditions would be tantamount to Lenin's death, and that the "invitation" to the trial was only a pretext for reprisals against the leader of the revolution. This silence was made with one goal - to obscure the principled nature, consistency, and insight of Stalin's position at such a difficult moment for the party and the revolution. Nor should we belittle the fact that the opinion of an authoritative comrade, who Stalin undoubtedly was, could not but have an influence on Vladimir Ilyich's final decision.

Stalin’s role in these events is also emphasized by Krupskaya:

“In the evening [of July 7], Comrade Stalin and others convinced Ilyich not to appear in court and thus saved his life” [13].

And Yaroslavsky:

“The Central Committee, having discussed the situation, accepted Comrade Stalin’s proposal that Lenin should not appear before the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie, but should go into hiding” [14].

Following the discussion that took place on July 7, Lenin wrote a work entitled “On the Question of the Appearance of Bolshevik Leaders at Trial,” in which he consistently refuted the arguments of those who considered it possible to have a fair trial of Bolshevik leaders under the conditions of July 1917 (the dominance of the counterrevolution):

“In principle, the question comes down most of all to an assessment of what is commonly called constitutional illusions .

If we consider that in Russia there is and is possible a correct government, a correct court, and the convening of a Constituent Assembly is likely, then we can come to a conclusion in favor of appearance.

But such an opinion is completely wrong. It was precisely the latest events, after July 4, that most clearly showed that the convocation of the Constituent Assembly is unlikely (without a new revolution), that there is no proper government or proper court in Russia and there cannot be (now).

<…>

A military dictatorship is in effect. It is ridiculous to even talk about a "trial" here. The issue is not the "trial", but an episode of civil war. This is what the supporters of the turnout in vain do not want to understand.

<…> Isn't it funny to talk about a court here? Isn't it naive to think that any court under such conditions can sort out, establish, investigate anything?

Power is in the hands of a military dictatorship, and without a new revolution this power can only be strengthened for a certain time, for the duration of the war first of all.

"I have done nothing illegal. The court is fair. The court will sort this out. The court will be open. The people will understand. I will appear."

This is a reasoning that is naive to the point of childishness. <…>

Let the internationalists work illegally as much as they can, but let them not commit the stupidity of turning themselves in voluntarily!” [15]

Lenin also wrote a letter together with Zinoviev, which began with the words “We have changed our intention to obey the decree of the Provisional Government about our arrest…”, which once again indicates that Lenin, under the influence of party discussions and news from Tavrichesky, changed his mind.

It is also worth noting that Stalin helps Lenin go underground:

“July 7-8. I. V. Stalin and G. K. Ordzhonikidze, together with V. I. Lenin, decide the question of Lenin’s departure from Petrograd.

July 8-11. I. V. Stalin prepares for V. I. Lenin’s departure from Petrograd.

July 11. I. V. Stalin and S. Ya. Alliluyev see V. I. Lenin off to Primorsky Station, from where he leaves by train for Razliv station” [16].

Stalin’s activities to evacuate Lenin are also reflected in Alliluyev’s memoirs:

"Lenin was forced to hide underground. I. V. Stalin and I had to accompany Vladimir Ilyich to the Primorsky railway station, from which Lenin left for Razliv" [17].

This same fact is confirmed in the memoirs of another party member, the Sestroretsk worker N. A. Yemelyanov, with whom Lenin lived for several days:

“At the appointed time, I met V. I. Lenin and I. V. Stalin and S. Ya. Alliluyev, who were accompanying him, at Bolshaya Nevka” [18].

After the discussion at Alliluyev’s apartment and Lenin’s departure to an illegal position, an extended meeting of the Central Committee was held in Petrograd on July 13-14 [19], and on July 16 the work of the Petrograd City Conference, interrupted by the events of July 3-4, was resumed. At them, Stalin continued to defend the impropriety of appearing in court under those specific historical conditions. Thus, speaking at the morning session of the Petrograd Conference on July 16 with a report on the current situation, he said:

“...Neither Comrade Lenin nor Comrade Zinoviev are evading the trial, since they are clear of the charges brought against them, but the Bolshevik faction of the Central Executive Committee has no guarantees that our comrades will not be torn to pieces by unauthorized gangs in view of the frenzied persecution that is being waged against them . I personally raised the question of their appearance with Lieber and Anisimov, and they answered me that they cannot give any guarantees ” [20].

However, among the Bolsheviks and the interdistrict members close to them, there were many who considered it necessary for the Communist leaders to appear in court. They said that they could not fail to respond publicly to the charges brought against them; they could not fail to justify themselves and the party before the people [21]. In a large number of sources from Stalin's time, Trotsky, Kamenev, and Rykov were mentioned as supporters of the appearance [22] [23] [24] [25]. In post-Stalin times, this was not widely discussed. They mentioned those party members who spoke out in favor of the appearance at the 6th Congress, and diplomatically "forgot" about Trotsky and Co. It seems that such a "misunderstanding" needs to be corrected.

It is worth starting with Trotsky. After the Provisional Government issued a decree on the arrest of the Bolshevik leaders, Trotsky wrote a letter, and not to just anyone, but to the Provisional Government itself. In this letter, he demands recognition of his (Trotsky's) merits from the bourgeoisie and essentially asks to go to prison, arguing this with the revolutionary phrase that "he has nothing to hide." To avoid any misinterpretations, the text of Trotsky's letter is given almost in full:

“Citizens ministers!

I am informed that the decree on arrest, in connection with the events of July 3-4, applies to comrades Lenin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, but does not affect me .

In this regard, I consider it necessary to bring to your attention the following:

1. I share the principled position of Lenin, Zinoviev and Kamenev and have developed it in the magazine “ Forward ” and in all my public speeches.

2. My attitude towards the events of July 3-4 was the same as the attitude of the aforementioned comrades, namely:

<…>

b) when the demonstration nevertheless took place, I, like the Bolsheviks, repeatedly spoke in front of the Tauride Palace, expressing my complete solidarity with the main slogan of the demonstrators: “All power to the Soviet,” but at the same time persistently called on the demonstrators to immediately return, in a peaceful and organized manner, to their military units and their neighborhoods;

c) at a conference of a number of members of the Bolshevik and inter-district organization, which took place late at night (July 3-4) in the Tauride Palace, I supported the proposal of Comrade Kamenev: to take all measures to avoid a repeat of the demonstration on July 4; and only after all the agitators who had arrived from the districts reported that the regiments and factories had already decided to act, and that until the government crisis was liquidated there was no possibility of holding back the masses, all the participants in the conference joined in the decision to make every effort to bring the action within the framework of a peaceful demonstration and to insist that the masses come out without weapons;

d) throughout the entire day of July 4, which I spent in the Tauride Palace, I, like the Bolsheviks present there, repeatedly spoke to the demonstrators in the same sense and spirit as the day before.

3. My non-participation in Pravda and my non-entry into the Bolshevik organization are explained not by political disagreements, but by the conditions of our party past, which have now lost all significance.

4. The newspaper report that I “renounced” my involvement with the Bolsheviks is the same fabrication as the report that I asked the authorities to protect me from “mob justice,” as are hundreds of other statements in the same press.

5. From all that has been stated it is clear that you cannot have any logical grounds in favor of removing me from the effect of the decree, by virtue of which Comrades Lenin, Zinoviev and Kamenev are subject to arrest .

6. As for the political side of the matter, you have no reason to doubt that I am as irreconcilable an opponent of the general policy of the Provisional Government as the aforementioned comrades .

The seizure in my favor only more clearly emphasizes, thus, the counter-revolutionary tyranny in relation to Lenin, Zinoviev and Kamenev” [26].

At first glance, it may seem as if Trotsky wanted to stand up for his slandered comrades with his letter, who were separated from him by "not political differences", but by some "conditions of the party past that have lost all meaning". Trotsky tries to present the matter in such a way that his indignation at the "confiscation" was caused solely by its injustice: if the government's accusations had been fair, then Trotsky himself would have been subject to arrest in addition to the Bolsheviks; and since he was "confiscated", then all accusations against the Bolshevik leaders, ignoring the equal participants of the July days, are biased and aimed at arresting specific leaders, first and foremost Lenin. What nobility!.. in the eyes of illiterate, but impressionable citizens.

In fact, with his letter, Trotsky actually urged the government to arrest him, thereby doing Lenin and the Bolsheviks a "disservice", since Trotsky's theses and subsequent arrest cast a shadow on Lenin's authority and reputation. The logic is simple: since Trotsky has nothing to hide and is ready to be arrested, then what prevents Lenin from doing the same? In other words, the consequence of Trotsky's statements that he has nothing to hide was new questions for Lenin, who, according to the logic of the philistine (which dominated even the minds of many revolutionary-minded citizens), had something to hide. In this cunning way, Trotsky's "nobility" was turned into a weapon in the fight against Lenin. Trotsky's "honesty and openness" were directly contrasted with Lenin's "cunning and secrecy"; Trotsky's readiness to appear before the court was contrasted with the lack of such readiness on the part of Lenin. It is noteworthy how absurdly this sabotage of Trotsky is interpreted by modern Trotskyists [27].

It is worth noting that there is some truth in Trotsky's words. The government really needed a pretext not only to close the printing houses and ban the party, but also to kill Lenin. But the nobility of Trotsky's impulses is false, because the main goal he pursued with his letter was, as modern bourgeois political scientists would say, to earn socio-political capital, to increase his popularity and significance as a revolutionary.

But Trotsky decided not to limit himself to just one letter. Speaking at the plenary session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, which took place on July 17, Trotsky continued to ask to be sent to prison, directly indicating that he was not hiding the location of his actual stay and possible detention:

"I want to draw your attention to one circumstance. If the revolutionary dictatorship believes that we have committed a crime, then it must deal with us with all the force of revolutionary power. Someone here said that my address is unknown. This is not true, it is on the list of members of the Central Committee" [28].

And so, the prayers were heard. On the night of July 22-23, the Provisional Government condescended to Trotsky, arresting him and putting him in the Kresty prison. However, even the atmosphere of the torture chamber did not dampen the ardor of the r-r-revolutionary. After Trotsky was arrested, he wrote a letter from prison to the Minister of Justice, where he complained about the prosecutor of the Petrograd Judicial Chamber, pointing out to the Minister the inadmissibility of such "arbitrariness" for the "republican justice":

"Citizen Minister.

…I consider it necessary to draw your… attention to the unprecedented work that the Prosecutor of the Petrograd Judicial Chamber is currently developing.

<…>

The Dreyfus affair, the Beilis affair are nothing compared to the deliberate attempt at moral murder of a number of political figures which is now being carried out under the banner of republican justice . An authoritative intervention is necessary, Citizen Minister! An immediate investigation of the work of Mr. Prosecutor is necessary! [29]

What if these are not constitutional illusions, criticized by Lenin? Of course, one can present the matter in such a way that Trotsky, having no delusions about the integrity of the Minister of Justice, decided to open the eyes of gullible citizens to the counter-revolutionary nature of the government with his letter. And such an argument would have worked... provided that Trotsky himself had not succumbed to the provocation, tearfully begging the government to give him the opportunity to defend his honest name in an honest republican court. Thus, in his autobiographical book “My Life,” Trotsky, narrating the July days, wrote:

“The gentlemen ministers drew the appropriate conclusion from this letter [to the Provisional Government] : they arrested me as a German agent” [30].

Trotsky may be being sarcastic when he speaks of the "proper conclusions" drawn by the government, but the logic of the political process is ironclad: Trotsky's letter is a virtual attempt on Lenin's life and authority, an attempt that failed thanks to the efforts of Stalin, Krupskaya, Ordzhonikidze and others . These are the facts.

Of course, Lenin had nothing to hide, but the question in those days was not whether any of the communists had anything to hide, but how meaningful and safe it was for the revolution (the success of which directly depends on the presence of Marxist leaders like Vladimir Ilyich in the communist party) for Lenin to appear at the trial. Trotsky, with his characteristic superficiality and pomposity, decided to take advantage of the situation for his own benefit, thereby seriously undermining both Lenin and the Bolsheviks. If Trotsky had been a communist, he would have used the "confiscation" for the good of the party and the revolution, as Stalin did, for example, by taking part in the July events and "managing" not to go to prison, but to continue working to strengthen the party. But Trotsky was not interested in the case; what was important to him was popularity, discussion, and the status of a political prisoner suffering for his convictions. And so it was: while Lenin and Stalin were making the revolution, Trotsky was playing at it .

As for Kamenev, he, like Trotsky, surrendered to the authorities without permission, as evidenced, for example, by the text of his statement to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, written by him after he had been arrested:

"Today marks exactly a week since I was imprisoned. I placed myself at the disposal of the judicial authorities, for I trusted in the authority of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, its resolution on "judicial guarantees" and the statement of the members of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee, Anisimov and Nikolsky, that I would immediately be presented with a precisely formulated charge by the judicial authorities, and I would be given the opportunity to present all explanations; meanwhile, for the entire week I have not seen a single representative of the judicial authorities, they have not presented me with any charges, and I have not yet been interrogated.

"At the same time, by the very fact of my imprisonment I am deprived of the opportunity to publicly combat the vile slander about my involvement in money or in general in the plans of the German government and to bring to justice the liars who bring forward this accusation for the purposes of political struggle without a shadow of any facts in their hands. Instead of an investigation of the case for which I went to prison, a trap has resulted, into which I have been thrown unarmed in the face of political enemies and to the joy and mockery of all the enemies of socialism" [31].

The text of Kamenev's letter speaks, firstly, of his having constitutional illusions criticized by Lenin, and consequently of the fact that Kamenev, as was stated in the books of Stalin's time, was indeed a supporter of Lenin's appearance in court, and, secondly, of the correctness of Stalin's thesis about the trial as a "trap" for Lenin: from Kamenev's statements it is clear that no one was going to hold any honest trial with the possibility of publicly refuting the slander. Kamenev was simply lucky that he was not Lenin, that he did not threaten the bourgeoisie with his existence in the same way as Vladimir Ilyich.

Unfortunately, it was not possible to find specific information about Rykov, but even the materials presented above about Trotsky and Kamenev are quite sufficient to be convinced of the truth of the accusations made in the literature of the Stalin era. It is obvious that the failure to mention the role of Trotsky, Kamenev and Rykov (in the context of Lenin's appearance) in the literature of the post-Stalin era has the goal of discrediting Joseph Vissarionovich, to erase from Lenin's and Stalin's biographies yet another proof of Stalin's and other Bolsheviks' loyalty to Vladimir Ilyich and his (Lenin's) betrayal by Trotsky and other opportunists. This is precisely why Stalin mentioned this incident in the "Short Course". And this is precisely why it was no longer mentioned after 1956 [32].

However, if in books published after 1956 the position of Trotsky, Kamenev and Rykov regarding the appearance in court was shamefully hushed up, then Stalin's position, voiced by him at the 6th Party Congress (July-August 1917), was directly distorted. Thus, in the six-volume "History of the CPSU" it was written:

“In his closing remarks at the congress on the report on the political activity of the Central Committee, Stalin justified Lenin’s failure to appear in court in accordance with the decision of the extended meeting of the Central Committee, which spoke of the lack of security guarantees, and made the question of appearance dependent on these guarantees. Emphasizing that at the present time there were no such guarantees, he proposed discussing this issue when considering the current situation, having made a definite decision on Lenin’s avoidance of appearing before the authorities. Stalin motivated his proposal by the fact that “at the present time it is still not clear in whose hands the power is,” that while “the situation has not yet become clear, while there is still a silent struggle between the official and the actual authorities, there is no point for comrades to appear before the authorities.” This assessment of the political situation did not take into account the fact that after the July events, power was already in the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie ” [33].

Similar rhetoric can be found in the notes to the 5th (post-Stalin) edition of Lenin’s collected works:

“This formulation of the question was based on an incorrect assessment of the state of political power in the country and the assumption of the possibility of an ‘honest’ bourgeois court” [34].

And here is what is written in Ordzhonikidze’s biography from 1962:

“Stalin took a vague and erroneous position on this issue. While speaking out against V. I. Lenin’s appearance in court at the present moment, he at the same time considered this appearance possible on condition that a government was created that “could guarantee our comrades from violence,” “would have at least some honor”… However [it is worth noting that the conjunction “however” was used to emphasize the difference between Stalin’s position and the positions of the other supporters of non-appearance, in order to secretly identify Stalin’s position with the position of the supporters of appearance, who suffered from “constitutional illusions.” — Author’s note] the overwhelming majority of delegates gave a decisive rebuff to the supporters of V. I. Lenin’s appearance in court before the Provisional Government. Dzerzhinsky, Shlikhter, and other delegates to the congress fully approved of Lenin’s actions in evading arrest, and categorically declared: we will not hand Lenin over to the executioners, we will not hand over Ilyich!” [35]

As you can see, the Soviet opportunists openly accused Stalin of misjudging the political situation. But how fair are their accusations? In order to answer this question correctly, it is worthwhile to analyze in more detail the speeches and statements of the participants in the discussion at the congress.

It is worth starting with Stalin’s own speech:

"At the moment it is still unclear who holds the power. There is no guarantee that if they [Lenin and Zinoviev] appear, they will not be subjected to brutal violence. It would be a different matter if the trial were democratically organized and a guarantee were given that violence would not be allowed. When we asked about this, the Central Executive Committee answered: "We do not know what might happen." Consequently, while the situation has not yet become clear , while there is still a silent struggle between the official and the actual authorities, there is no point for the comrades to appear in the "court." But if there is a power at the head that can guarantee our comrades against violence, they will appear " [36].

As can be seen from the above fragment, Stalin, at the time of the 6th Party Congress, was against Lenin's appearance in court, while allowing for the possibility of holding a fair trial under a government capable of guaranteeing the Bolsheviks' safety. This position does not contradict, but, on the contrary, corresponds to Lenin's statements formulated in his work "On the Question of the Appearance of Bolshevik Leaders in Court":

“If we consider that in Russia there is and is possible a correct government, a correct court, and the convening of a Constituent Assembly is likely, then we can come to the conclusion in favor of appearance.

But such an opinion is completely erroneous. It is precisely the recent events, after July 4, that have most clearly shown that the convocation of the Constituent Assembly is unlikely (without a new revolution), that there is no proper government or proper court in [present-day] Russia and there cannot be (now) one ” [37].

In other words, Lenin was ready to appear in court and prove his innocence, but only under the condition of absolute guarantees of safety, which were to be provided by the Central Executive Committee. And since the July events destroyed dual power in favor of counterrevolution (which was confirmed by the words of Anisimov, "not knowing in whose hands he himself would be tomorrow"), then there could be no talk of any trial until the political situation changed fundamentally. This is also indicated by the contents of Lenin's letter, written on July 15:

“ There can be no talk in Russia now of any legal basis, or even of the kind of constitutional guarantees that exist in bourgeois, orderly countries .

<…>

The Constituent Assembly, if it meets and is not convened by the bourgeoisie, will be the only one that will be authorized to have its say regarding the order of the Provisional Government for our arrest ” [38].

That's what Lenin thought. That's what Stalin thought, considering it a mistake to appear in court under the temporary victory of the counterrevolution. They both most likely understood that under the condition of a successful communist revolution the question of the trial would disappear by itself, but at that specific historical moment they could not abandon the very idea of ​​the trial, because under the conditions of the strengthening of reactionary anti-Bolshevik propaganda it was necessary to respond with a readiness to publicly refute the slander, while having the opportunity to make their own accusations against the counterrevolution. That is why Stalin considered it necessary to note the possibility of appearing under the presence of guarantees.

Moreover, it is absurd to attribute to Stalin an incorrect assessment of the political situation because, firstly, he actually led the congress (together with Sverdlov) and, secondly, he read the most important reports at the congress (the “Report of the Central Committee” and the “Report on the Political Situation”), the content of which was obviously agreed upon with Lenin [39]. Thus, Stalin in his concluding remarks to the report on the political situation asserted:

"Nobody talks about dual power any more. If earlier the Soviets represented a real force, now they are only organs for rallying the masses, without any power. That is why it is impossible to "simply" transfer power to them. Comrade Lenin in his pamphlet ["On Slogans"] goes further, clearly indicating that there is no dual power, since all power has passed into the hands of capital..." [40]

These words of his directly contradict what is said about Stalin’s position in CPSU literature:

“[Stalin’s] assessment of the political situation did not take into account the fact that after the July events, power was already in the hands of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie” [41].

In other words, according to the version of the post-Stalin falsifiers, Stalin first insisted at Alliluyev's apartment that there was no point in appearing in court [42], made the same statement at the Petrograd Conference, and then suddenly at the 6th Congress spoke in favor of appearing in court under certain conditions, having made, according to the opportunist professors, a mistake, in order to refute himself a little later at the same congress by declaring that power was in the hands of the counterrevolution. Such confusion suggests that in an attempt to discredit Stalin's name, the CPSU falsifiers did not bother to construct a more or less convincing version, supporting it with something other than a single phrase of Stalin's, taken out of historical and political context. Apparently, the calculation was made that readers would take the slanderous formulations about Stalin "misjudging the situation" at their word, that such a small lie would be imprinted in the reader's head, would become another small puzzle in the future picture of Stalin as an opponent of Lenin and an anti-Marxist. Thus, Stalin's position, which presupposes the admissibility of a trial under the appropriate government, does not contradict, but, on the contrary, duplicates, repeats Lenin's position. The absurdity of the CPSU accusations against Stalin becomes even more obvious after comparing Stalin's speech with the speeches of other participants in the discussion. Thus, Ordzhonikidze, speaking after Joseph Vissarionovich, said:

“… Whether Comrades Lenin and Zinoviev will appear for trial, the future will show … <…> …We must make every effort to keep our comrades safe until such time as guarantees of a fair trial are given ” [43].

It is obvious that there is no contradiction between the contents of Stalin's and Ordzhonikidze's speeches. However, the CPSU authors tried to artificially separate Stalin and Sergo: the matter is presented as if Ordzhonikidze's speech was a separate, independent speech, not containing mistakes similar to Stalin's. Here is how Ordzhonikidze's position was presented after 1956:

“G.K. Ordzhonikidze spoke at the congress with a report on V.I. Lenin’s appearance in court. He emphasized that Lenin should not be handed over to the investigative authorities under any circumstances” [44].

And no accusations of misjudging the political situation.

In reality, Sergo was Stalin's CO-REPORTER on the question of turnout [45]. And, consequently, Ordzhonikidze's speech is a logical continuation of Stalin's speech. It is obvious that the Soviet falsifiers attempted to artificially contrast Ordzhonikidze's position with Stalin's: supposedly, Stalin is for turnout under certain conditions, and Ordzhonikidze is against it under any. This is done only in order to separate Stalin from Ordzhonikidze [46]. But they are not united by Sergo alone, because Dzerzhinsky spoke after him:

"The comrade who spoke before me [that is, Ordzhonikidze] also revealed my point of view. We must clearly and definitely say that those comrades who advised Comrades Lenin and Zinoviev not to be arrested did well" [47].

From what Dzerzhinsky said, it follows that his position completely coincides with Ordzhonikidze's position. And since the positions of Ordzhonikidze and Stalin are identical (as was clarified above), then, consequently, Felix Edmundovich also agreed with Joseph Vissarionovich's speech. Looking into the CPSU textbook, one can find a formulation there indicating that the CPSU authors did not find any mistakes in Dzerzhinsky similar to Stalin's:

“F. E. Dzerzhinsky declared [at the congress] that the Bolshevik Party does not trust either the Provisional Government or the bourgeoisie and fully approves of the position taken by Lenin” [48].

And again, no accusations of incorrect assessment of the political situation. And besides, neither Ordzhonikidze nor Dzerzhinsky spoke out against the resolution proposed by Stalin, which also confirms the unity of their positions. Moreover, if Dzerzhinsky's position completely coincides with Stalin's position, one can safely assert that Stalin, like Dzerzhinsky, also "does not trust either the Provisional Government or the bourgeoisie and completely approves of the position taken by Lenin." But then the Soviet opportunists would have to admit that the accusation they themselves brought forward (against Stalin) was far-fetched and false. In general, the absurdity of the accusations brought against Stalin becomes obvious after a minimal study of party materials, however, as was already written above, the Soviet falsifiers were counting on the fact that people studying the history of the party would not bother to read the documents and protocols, but would limit themselves to the official interpretation of events. However, that is what happened.

Voldarsky, Manuilsky and Lashevich, who criticized Lenin and Stalin's position on turnout, held genuinely oppositional views at the congress. Here is what Voldarsky said:

“ A political party cannot pose the question in the way that Lenin and Zinoviev pose it in their letter: they demand that they be judged by the Constituent Assembly .

<…>

Those who talk about the Beilis affair [for example, Lenin himself] forget that the Beilis affair was an indictment of the tsarist regime. And the Lenin affair will turn into a trial of Aleksinsky, Tsereteli, and others. We have every guarantee that our party will emerge victorious from this process” [49].

That is, Voldarsky directly speaks about the erroneousness of Lenin's position on turnout, simultaneously confirming the identity of the positions of Vladimir Ilyich and Joseph Vissarionovich. Manuilsky and Lashevich expressed solidarity with Voldarsky, and the latter also emphasized in his speech that their group is AGAINST Lenin and FOR turnout:

“Lenin himself says that he will not surrender himself into the hands of power because there are no guarantees of security, and that if the Constituent Assembly is not convened by the bourgeoisie, he will appear at the trial ” [50].

Lashevich, at first glance, implicitly, but says that Stalin's position is Lenin's position, because the latter is ready to appear at an honest trial, organized not by the bourgeoisie. Thus, Lashevich, without suspecting it, exposes the lies of the Soviet falsifiers, composed decades later. And in general, the entire Voldarsky group actually opposes the position of not only Lenin, but also Stalin, calling on the former "not to sit back," but to give battle to the accusers.

Following the congress, a resolution proposed by Bukharin was adopted [51].

So. A more detailed and thorough analysis of the facts shows that the discussion on the question of Lenin's appearance or non-appearance became one of the examples of Stalin's struggle not only for his views, but also for the life of his teacher. From beginning to end, Stalin consistently stood by the position of Lenin's non-appearance at the trial, opposing the supporters of his appearance. The CPSU authors attempted to falsify Stalin's position in order to obscure his role in saving Vladimir Ilyich's life. It would seem to be a trifle, one false sentence, but how many such sentences were scattered throughout anti-Stalinist books, how many similar sentences were borrowed by outspoken anti-communists, fascists and nationalists, liberal and religious fanatics, erecting harmonious buildings of their anti-communist arguments on the foundation of individual, private and insignificant, at first glance, fakes.

It is also worth noting that the sources exposing Stalin's erroneous position are very common scientific manuals, from which some communists still draw knowledge about the history of the party. Many beginning Marxists do not always study the history of the party according to the "Short Course", expecting to find more information in later literature: firstly, the "Short Course" ends in 1937, while the same "History of the CPSU" ends in 1959, and secondly, the "History of the CPSU", published in five volumes and eight books, is more voluminous and detailed than the "Short Course", published in one book. Therefore, sometimes beginning comrades, without realizing it, give preference to a less scientific, but more detailed manual, thereby falling into the trap of anti-communist historiography.

Bronislav
10/23/2024

(Notes at link.)

https://prorivists.org/98_lenin/

Google Translator
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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