The Soviet Union

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blindpig
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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Sat Jul 19, 2025 3:45 pm

On the problems of teaching Russian language and literature in the Leningrad region in 1946
July 18, 17:02

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Relevant, in light of recent legislative initiatives aimed at supporting the Russian language.
A noteworthy document on the state of teaching Russian language and literature in the Leningrad region after the end of the Great Patriotic War.

Information on the state of teaching literature and Russian language in schools and pedagogical colleges of the region. November 29, 1946.

To the Secretary of the Leningrad Regional
and City Committees of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks
), Comrade POPKOV P.S.
To the Secretaries of the Leningrad Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks),

Comrade BADAEV G.F.
Comrade DMITRIEV I.D.
Comrade GRIGOREV A.M.
Comrade SINTSOV N.D.

R E F E R C E S T I O N on the state of teaching literature and the Russian language in schools and pedagogical colleges of the region.

The beginning of the new 1946-47 academic year in the schools of the region coincided with the report of Comrade Zhdanov A.A. and the resolution of the Central Committee and Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on the magazines "Zvezda" and "Leningrad".

Report of Comrade Zhdanova and the historical resolutions of the party on ideological issues require the Leningrad party organization to radically improve the education of the younger generation in the communist spirit, require the restructuring and improvement of the entire system of educational work in schools and pedagogical colleges.

In the system of communist education, a major role should be played by teachers of Russian language and literature, through their native oral and written speech, literary works of Russian classics and Soviet writers, they are called upon to educate our students to be steadfast, cheerful, unafraid of difficulties, selflessly devoted to the Soviet social system, the Soviet state, the party of Lenin and Stalin.

In August and September, on the instructions of the regional committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the district and city committees of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), at district teachers' conferences, school pedagogical councils and at sectional methodological associations, discussed the resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of August 14 and the report of Comrade A.A. Zhdanova "On the magazines: "Zvezda" and "Leningrad" and that was all.

In most cities and districts, they did not achieve a restructuring of educational work, an improvement in the teaching of Russian language and literature.

A survey of 50 schools in the region, organized by the schools department, showed that only the best part of the teachers correctly understood the essence of these decisions and began to restructure their work. These teachers conduct lessons at a high ideological and theoretical level, when studying the program material, they pay more attention to revealing the ideological direction of the content of works and their heroes, they dwell more on moments that cultivate the will to win, honesty, devotion to the homeland, overcoming difficulties and other traits necessary for builders of a communist society.Teachers - Comrades Ivanova (Oranienbaum Secondary School), Kozinov (Pargolovskaya Secondary School), Pavlova (Kingisepp Secondary School), Ermolaeva (Gatchina Pedagogical College), Olderoge (Gatchina Secondary School) and others - widely use material about the heroic struggle of the Soviet people against the German invaders, about the restoration of the national economy in the new Stalinist five-year plan, changed the topics of essays in favor of using achievements in science and art, took control of extracurricular reading of students, systematically recommend books, question schoolchildren about what they have read, organize lectures, reports, discussions of books, films. These teachers have achieved solid knowledge in students, instilled in children a love for books, work, homeland, our heroes. Children's essays on free topics indicate their healthy, cheerful mood. Favorite heroes of schoolchildren are Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya, Oleg Koshevoy, Vanya Solntsev, Pavel Korchagin, Alexander Matrosov, Alexander Pokryshkin, Valery Chkalov, Suvorov and others.

Students of the 10th grade of the Gatchina Secondary School in an essay on the topic "After finishing school, I ..." widely used epigraphs that reveal their goals and aspirations. Typical are excerpts from Chernyshevsky: "The historical significance of a person is measured by his services to the Motherland, and human dignity - by the strength of his patriotism" (student Dobryakova) and Nekrasov: "There are no limits to the Russian people: before them is a wide path" (student Shchedrin). In general, in the region, the teaching of Russian language and literature is still unsatisfactory, lessons are held at a low ideological and theoretical level.

Most literature teachers and primary school teachers work in the old way. There are facts of distortion of historical materials of Russian reality. For example, in the Kingisepp secondary school, students of teacher Khalyuta analyze the image of Oblomov as an "indigenous national type." For some schoolchildren, the ideals are far from the advanced people of the last century: Stolz (from Goncharov's novel "Oblomov"), Dubrovsky, Anna Karenina, etc. When studying the program material, its educational aspects are underestimated. Thus, the teacher of the Luga secondary school V.N. Miklukha, analyzing folklore, did not cite a single proverb or saying created during the Great Patriotic War, did not tell the children about Ilya Muromets as a defender of the Russian people from foreign invaders, limiting herself to only retelling the epic; the teacher of the Rapotskaya seven-year school of the Luga district, Ms. Egorova, analyzing Pushkin's poem "To Siberia", did not pay any attention to the ending, did not reveal what "desired time" Pushkin was talking about. Such examples are not isolated.

In a number of schools, students write few creative essays. In the Efimovskaya Secondary School (teacher Novorusskaya), students in grades 8-10 wrote only one essay each in September-October; in the 7th grade of the Oranienbaum Secondary School, teacher Tokanaeva conducted only one essay and two dictations in the first quarter.

The topics of essays in many schools are monotonous and ideologically uninspired. In the senior grades, the characteristics of heroes from classical works of past centuries (Prostakov, Oblomov, etc.) predominate; in the junior grades, the topics of nature descriptions predominate: autumn, autumn day, what I see from the school window, etc. Material about the heroic struggle of the Soviet people against the German invaders is insufficiently used for essays, dictations, and grammar sentences, and there is a complete lack of material about the persistent work of millions of people to restore the national economy during the years of the new Stalinist five-year plan.

Pupils in the region, especially in remote schools and districts, read little Soviet fiction and popular science literature. A survey showed that many children managed to read only 2-3 books during the summer holidays and the first term. School libraries, which contain 30-50 books in primary schools and 100-300 in seven-year schools, do not meet the increased requirements. Work in them is not organised. Extracurricular reading of fiction takes place without proper guidance.

Due to the poor reading of pupils, their speech is poor and inexpressive. General literacy in many schools is low. In Boksitogorsk Secondary School, out of 176 pupils who wrote an essay, not a single one received an "A" grade, while 69 people received "Fs" and "1s". In Yefimovsky District, out of 705 pupils who completed the work, 202 people failed to complete it. In the Rapotskaya seven-year school of the Luzhsky district, 19 fifth-grade students made 78 spelling errors, 40 punctuation errors and 20 stylistic errors in their essay. The teaching of Russian language and literature is especially poor in the schools of the Efimovsky, Luzhsky, Oyatsky and Kapshinsky districts.

Extracurricular educational work on literature is not sufficiently developed, students very rarely give reports on literary topics, clubs work poorly, amateur art evenings are rarely held. Discussion of books read and films watched is not organized. Primary school teachers do not know children's books well.

Teachers of Russian language and literature are mostly prepared for teaching - out of 378 people, 171 people graduated from the Pedagogical Institute, 159 people from the Teachers' Institute and only 48 people have secondary education or pedagogical courses.

The indicated shortcomings in the teaching of Russian language and literature in the schools of the region are explained by the fact thatThe district and city committees of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) do a poor job of explaining the decisions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on ideological issues to teachers, exercise weak control and provide little assistance in their work. There is not enough pedagogical and fiction literature in the schools of the region, and inspectorate control over the work of teachers is still unsatisfactory. All this has led to a low ideological and theoretical level of teaching literature and the Russian language, to the fact that literature lessons are still not a powerful means of communist education of youth.

The Schools Department of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) considers this state of teaching Russian language and literature in schools and pedagogical colleges of the region intolerable and asks you at the bureau of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) to discuss the issue of improving the teaching of Russian language and literature in seven-year, secondary schools and pedagogical colleges of the region.

Head of the Schools Department
of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (Sheverdalkin)
“29” November 1946

Archive - TsGAIPD SPb. F. R-24. Op. 2c. D. 7519. L. 60–62

rev https://istmat.org/node/69050 - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9962111.html

About fashionable western things
July 19, 14:50

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V. Zaitsev. "Don't hang out with them, their parents can't get anything!"

A couple more comments that, in my opinion, perfectly reveal the theme of “getting hold of trendy Western things” and “the pursuit of show-off” in the late USSR.

Natalia Dudina: “I remember how it bothered me in high school. And then school ended, and the 90s began... I always believed that it was precisely this desire for clothes and the created system of “getting” them that led to the collapse of the Union, because it all, like an infection, acted on the psyche of people. You are cooler not because you are educated or even earn well - but because you got hold of a trendy Western thing. And every year you definitely need a new one. It started with Khrushchev, ended after Gorbachev”

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1976. Galina (1928-2014) and Valentin (1929-2001) Karavaev. “- An ambulance? Here a woman fell off the platform...”

Vlad An.: “I will never forget the show-off in the early 70s about the “platform”. This is not some kind of station, these are shoes! That is, footwear. An object of admiration, especially if with flared Wrangler jeans from the hip... “A dude on a platform” is already a recognition of a special status in life.
As they used to say back then - you can tell a bird by its flight, a brand by its shoes. These shoes were incredibly expensive. More expensive than jeans. But in such shoes you were accepted into the most “elite” society. [Which] was engaged in what is now called “business”. Pumping money from someone else's pocket into your own. Using other people's hands for this...”

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1975. Vladimir Shkarban (1940-1997).
“- What kind of platform is this, my daughter?
- French.
- Look where I, an old man, have ended up!”

(c) Sergey Maysuryan

https://maysuryan.livejournal.com/3085900.html - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9963790.html

Google Translator
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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blindpig
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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Mon Jul 21, 2025 2:47 pm

What did the Soviet Union give to the Georgians?
July 21, 15:23

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What did the Soviet Union give to the Georgians?

Georgia is a small country in the Transcaucasus. The role and place of Georgia in the so-called geostrategic alignments are determined by the place of the Caucasus region in the system of international struggle. There are three major powers in the region: Russia, Turkey and Iran. Since Georgia is located territorially between the Russian Federation and Turkey, it is a space of clashes between these two powers, therefore the interest of Europe and the United States in Georgia is connected with preventing the strengthening of the influence of these neighbors.

Georgians are an ancient people, cheerful and close to us in mentality. In terms of servility to Europeanism, Georgians are more Russian than we are. One of the pro-Western ideologists of Georgia once said that the Georgian principalities swore allegiance to the Russian Tsar because they considered Russia a real European power. As they say on the Internet: "They miscalculated, but where?" In this classic twist of thought for an ideological interpretation of history, everything is fine.

The political mood of Georgian society is full of bizarre contradictions, which are played on by all possible friends of the people.

The history of "independent" Georgia after the collapse of the USSR is tragic because, as Georgians say, friendship and enmity are sisters. These are Yale graduates and their admirers who believe that the Soviet government was based solely on terror, the GULAG, punitive psychiatry and "Pioneer Dawn". In fact, the Soviet Union as a single state was possible thanks to, firstly, the party-ideological dictatorship with its center in Moscow (the monopoly of power of the CPSU recognized by the people), and secondly, the subtle resolution of the national question. What the Soviet government called the friendship of peoples was a decisive factor not only in the achievements of the USSR, but also in the stability of the state as such.

The national question in the USSR was far from being limited to administrative borders, which were redrawn depending on the situation, autonomous statuses of territories of compact residence of ethnic groups, the role and place of national languages and all other sensitive things from the area of political and cultural consciousness. The main thing was still the material foundation. Namely: the formation of a single Soviet economy with electrification, mechanization, urbanization, etc. through industrialization and collectivization. On the one hand, there was a division of labor between all the republics, on the other hand, it was not imperialistic (metropolis - colonies). That is, throughout the entire territory of the USSR, all citizens were equally provided with conditions not just for a normal life, but for the prosperity of their republics, territories and regions through the integration of efforts and cooperation. Therefore, there was no mass spontaneous migration, therefore, all the peoples of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War defended the common Fatherland as one. And conversations like "my hut is on the edge" were considered not just shameful, but also criminal.

The Caucasus (and Transcaucasia), populated by small, proud, warlike, historically feuding peoples, has always been a sore point of the Union. As soon as the central government weakened, the CPSU grew decrepit, ideologically degenerated, Transcaucasia was one of the first to break out in civil strife. The Caucasian peoples were easiest to propagandize with anti-Russian sentiments not even because they were somehow especially offended by the Russians in the past, but simply by playing on the national feelings inherent in all small peoples.

The Georgians are unique because in thirty years of free navigation they have not missed a single chance for a large-scale experiment on themselves. Reckless advisers say: "You need to try everything in life." The Georgians have tried, if not everything, then a lot! Fascism, civil war, mafia capitalism, Maidan, anti-Maidan, shock therapy, minarchism, war with Russia, friendship with Russia, the EU, NATO, Americanism, anti-Americanism. Georgians live the fullest political life. Therefore, in order to move on to the main topic - what the Soviet Union gave the Georgians - first we will have to write a lot about the sophisticated ways in which the Georgians squandered all this.

Thus, after declaring the so-called independence in 1991, Georgia plunged into the abyss of civil war. Under the jubilant glances of the West, the Georgians fought with the Ossetians and Abkhazians. The Adjarian separatists raised their heads. The independence of Georgia and the transition to a market economy throughout the former USSR destroyed old economic ties, and enterprises and production facilities became of no use to anyone.

What was happening was what Soros in his book The Crisis of World Capitalism nicely called the disintegration of Soviet society:

“In 1979, when I had made more money than I needed, I created a foundation called Open Society. I decided then that its purpose should be to help open societies become more viable and able to form a critical way of thinking within themselves. Through this foundation, I was closely involved in the process of disintegration of Soviet society.”

Soros and his associates helped the Soviet people destroy their country in order to build an open society for the Sorosites in its place.

The Georgian nationalist frenzy was embodied in the specific person of Gamsakhurdia. A dissident, human rights activist, nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, translator of Wilde, Shakespeare, Shelley. A true intellectual and a clever man, a sufferer from Soviet totalitarianism, he became the first president of independent Georgia with absolute support of the electorate (87 percent). An evil romantic, as the perestroika press wrote. What could go wrong?

In the 1990s, Georgia experienced not only a civil war, but also an economic and social collapse on a much larger scale than Russia and many other republics of the former USSR, because Georgia had no oil or gas. And the world market, into which we all plunged headlong, was only ready to absorb hydrocarbons. Until 1995, the Georgian economy lost almost a third of its GDP every year! Having opened up the economy, the Georgians lost almost all of their industry and quickly ruined small farms due to the flood of Turkish goods. Turkey, in conditions of free competition, economically suppressed its small neighbor. The main currency in the 1990s was the US dollar, capital investments almost completely ceased, the shadow economy, according to some estimates, equaled the legal economy in size. Georgia turned into a territory of organized crime, which merged with the state. The liberal communist with five Orders of Lenin, Shevardnadze, who was called upon to lead Georgia after Gamsakhurdia's removal, failed to cope with the Georgian mafia, or with the devastation, or with the formation of a stable state power. All of this was done for him by another dissident, a descendant of the allegedly repressed and a certified agent of Western intelligence - Saakashvili.

Georgia became the first country in the former USSR where Maidan technologies were fully tested. In 2003, according to manuals in the spirit of Sharp's book, which no one believed in at the time, the party apparatchik Shevardnadze was overthrown, and power passed into the hands of a truly reactive Westerner, Saakashvili. He organized not only a war with Russia, but also the "Georgian miracle" - the most outstanding reforms in the post-Soviet space, as our liberals sang about them all day long on Ekho Moskvy.

Jokes aside, Saakashvili had a serious team of American political scientists, consultants, experts and American money behind him. Saakashvili's team destroyed the old state, created a new one, and unleashed large-scale repression. It was real shock therapy. They privatized everything, even rivers and lakes, essentially repealed the Labor Code, abolished oversight services, shook up the security agencies, reduced taxes to a minimum, and completely opened the country to foreign capital. In short, Saakashvili embodied the dreams of Novodvorskaya and the most radical Gaidarovites.

For the war with Russia, Saakashvili received solid loans and grants, amounting to 20 percent of the country's GDP. Thus, Georgia defeated the mafia, suppressed corruption and improved its cities. Indeed, it looks impressive... especially for tourists. The Georgian people received the very liberal freedom that they were promised, with poverty and a state in the hands of international adventurers. But how professionally Saakashvili licked his master’s boot.

Due to the aggressiveness of the reforms, adventurism and even greater growth of inequality in the country, Saakashvili lost popularity by 2012, and the Georgian Dream came to power - initially exactly the same or even more pro-Western political force. But gradually its sponsor, the oligarch Ivanishvili, changed course to a more pro-Russian one. This was due to two factors. The first: the personal rise of Ivanishvili, who became a political figure capable of maneuvering between the interests of the West and Russia due to his capital and connections. The second: the demand of the Western curators of the Georgian government to take the same pro-Ukrainian position on the NWO as the Baltic countries. Ivanishvili himself even says that Georgia was required to open a second front. The Georgian Dream did not agree to this, including because Georgia earns money on the so-called re-export to Russia.

Thus, the political history of modern Georgia can be conditionally divided into the following stages. The period of destruction of the Soviet system by nationalists through civil war (Gamsakhurdia). The period of bandit capitalism, crisis and devastation (Shevardnadze). The period of neoliberalism, the omnipotence of foreign capital (Saakashvili). The period of power of national capital (Ivanishvili). The last one is just beginning.

They say that the Georgian government should follow the national interests of the Georgian people. What national interests can there be for the Georgian people if they are small, locked between major powers? Multi-vector? Sell out at a high price here and there? In any case, the small country will have to choose which of the major countries to join and on what terms.

Despite the roller coaster in politics, two key contradictory ideas dominate the public consciousness of Georgian society, which determine the appearance of national self-consciousness.

The first is Stalin. Stalin is Georgia's main brand. Without Stalin, Georgia is nowhere, no one can be indifferent to Stalin. Or he is a terrible tyrant and a Russian politician who betrayed his people. As an option, a Jew, Mingrelian, Ossetian. Or Stalin - the Georgian king of the red empire, the pride of the nation.

Naturally, a positive attitude towards Stalin is associated with nostalgia for the USSR as a whole, especially since in the Georgian SSR the debunking of the personality cult was not so rabid, and at the everyday level, according to the recollections of the older generation, Georgians revered Stalin in the 1980s and 1990s. In independent and free Georgia, ordinary people have a much harder time living than in the Soviet period.

The second is a monstrous, subconscious servility to Europe, the EU, European values, democratic freedoms and all the most dismal things in liberal propaganda. Just like we had somewhere in the early 1990s. But in this case, it is such a complex of a small country: Georgians want to be accepted into Europe, to be known, talked about, admired by European liberals. This is absolutely the same disease as the concept of “Ukraine is Europe”.

Many people remember the protests in Georgia over the law on foreign agents. It is very interesting how the opposition criticized it. They did not simply repeat, for example, our liberals. The Georgian opposition said something like this: Georgia became democratic because it opened up to the West. Western funds finance democracy in Georgia, freedom of speech, liberalism and fair elections. This is very important, we cannot stop this, otherwise Georgia will go back to Russia, to the Soviet Union, etc. In one of the liberal interviews, I even heard the idea that if the Americans from NED and USAID stop financing Georgian NGOs, the Americans will simply forget about the existence of Georgia, because for Americans, Georgia is the state of Georgia.

In short, in Georgia, many people's admiration for Western liberalism and democracy goes beyond the boundaries of national dignity. But at the same time, the legacy of Saakashvili's reforms continues to exist, the "Georgian Dream" does not fundamentally change anything in this regard: Georgia has a market economy with a minimal role for the state. About fifteen percent of Georgia's GDP are remittances from labor migrants from abroad.

The servility to the West is strikingly combined with Stalinism precisely in the fact that Georgia is famous for Stalin. That is why Georgia has both a disgusting museum of totalitarianism and Soviet occupation and a wonderful Stalin house-museum, which neither Khrushchev, nor Saakashvili with Soros and Bush Jr. could close. In Georgia, the Soviet period is officially considered a Russian occupation and the memory of the suppression of the Stalinist uprising in 1956 is officially preserved.

Georgians were the first to go through the entire spiral from anti-Sovietism, ultra-liberalism, Russophobia, war with Russia to accepting the objective fact that it is necessary to be friends with a large neighbor. Then they will have to accept that we all have one future - in cooperation. All other peoples of the former USSR will go the same way at different speeds and with different catastrophic results. Even Ukrainians and the Balts.

Before the revolution, Georgia was a backward agrarian province. The USSR created a powerful economic base here. You might think that the Georgian SSR was a resort town, a supplier of wine, mineral water, tangerines and other subtropical crops. But this is not quite true. Back in 1957, Georgia had more than four thousand state-owned industrial enterprises, including ferrous and non-ferrous metallurgy, manganese ore, coal, oil, and mechanical engineering. Georgia produced cast iron, steel, rolled metal, oil, machine tools, trucks, building materials, paper, and not just products of the light and food industries. Mechanical engineering and metalworking accounted for a solid 13 percent of total industrial production. This shows that the Soviet government, developing obvious directions, strove to achieve uniform industrial development in all its republics, thereby increasing the overall safety margin of the economy and providing the same Georgians with the opportunity to become more than just winemakers.

If we talk about development and growth, then by 1987, compared to 1940, the industry of the Georgian SSR had grown 22 times, and agriculture - more than four times. Annual capital investments in the second half of the 1980s exceeded those of 1940 by 18 times. Electricity production by 1987 had grown 40 times compared to 1940. The Georgian SSR supplied the fraternal republics with the following non-obvious products: manganese, ferroalloys, steel pipes, rolled products, metal-cutting machines, precision instruments, trucks, chemical fibers, mainline electric locomotives, hydrofoil boats.

And where is the Kutaisi Automobile Plant now? Wikipedia reports that "in 1995-1996, the American concern General Motors planned to buy KAZ to organize the production of its own models of cars and their export to Russia. But due to high taxes in Georgia and on the recommendations of the IMF, GM abandoned the project. At that time, the automobile plant itself continued to produce 15-20 units of the KAZ-4540 family of trucks until 2001... In 2019, the plant's staff consisted of 160 senior people. Automobile production has not been carried out since 2001."

The years of Soviet power in Georgia saw the heyday of education, culture and science. In 1940, the number of scientific workers was 3.5 thousand people. At the beginning of 1988, there were 28 thousand people, of which 30 percent were employed in technical sciences, 1.4 thousand doctors of science, 11.5 thousand candidates of science (by the way, 12 percent of all scientists in the world at the time of the collapse lived in the USSR).

For comparison, a quote from a brief review of modern problems of Georgian science by two professors from Tbilisi (Ketsbaia and Kutubidze):

"Today, Georgian scientists face the following problems: low funding, a decrease in the number of scientific personnel, the brain drain abroad (today, more than 400 scientists work abroad), the aging process of scientific personnel (most representatives of the scientific field are over 50, due to low social status and prestige, young people do not strive to go into science, considering it an unprofitable and unpromising field of activity, and the state's efforts to rectify the situation are ineffective and inadequate)."

Georgia's population increased from 2.4 million in 1921 to 5.3 million in 1988. The percentage of the urban population increased from 20 to 55 (today 61 percent). The level of meat consumption per capita has almost doubled from 1960 to 103 pounds per year in 1987, and today, free and independent Georgia has still not reached it… The number of doctors per capita has increased from 13.3 per 10,000 people in 1940 to 56.7 in 1987. Today it is 56.1, and a monstrous imbalance has formed: there are twice as many doctors in Tbilisi as in the rest of Georgia.

Another interesting figure: in 2024, 1.7 million people visited Georgian museums, and in 1987 - 8.5 million people! We can also recall the Georgian cinema, which played a prominent role in Soviet culture and gained worldwide fame. Today it has fallen into complete decline, as have other spheres of production and culture.

In general, social degradation, decline or stagnation are evident by almost all indicators. In thirty years of independence, the Georgians have not reached the Soviet level. In general, a third of a century has passed, technologies have made a powerful leap forward and, in theory, all productivity should have grown, life should have improved greatly.

The Soviet Union gave the Georgians national peace, harmony, prosperity and a powerful industrial reserve for development. The foundation of Georgian statehood, its educated personnel, industry and infrastructure were created entirely during the Soviet period. The USSR created industry, infrastructure, educational and scientific base, formed a modern Georgian nation, despite the cultural and linguistic differences of the Georgians themselves. Soviet power provided free education, medicine, guaranteed work, and a developed union culture. Georgian politicians who criticize the Soviet legacy do so standing on the shoulders of this very legacy. Without Soviet modernization, Georgia would have remained a backward rural province on the outskirts of the Ottoman or Persian empires.

If we imagine that the Georgians did not have the Soviet Union, then we can compare Georgia, for example, with Greece. Greece has a larger population, but in other respects it is similar to Georgia: mountainous terrain, access to the sea, subtropical zone, scarcity of mineral resources, border position between empires, agricultural specialization and tourism. Industrialization would have taken decades: Greece, at best, became a more or less industrial country by the end of the 1980s, but with the dominance of light industry. In 1980, industry accounted for only 25 percent of Greece's GDP, while in the Georgian SSR, industrial production accounted for more than 60 percent of national income. Greece completed electrification only by the 1970s, while in the Georgian SSR - in the 1950s. Greece received large-scale "aid" under the Marshall Plan, but nevertheless, throughout the second half of the 20th century, it was poorer and less developed than the Georgian SSR by all indicators. But today, the Georgians have caught up with the Greeks in terms of economic depression.

(c) Anatoly Shirokoborodov,

https://alternatio.org/articles/article ... l-gruzinam - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9967904.html


Comrade Stalin. Pay attention to the Jewish question.
July 20, 21:04

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Letter from Engineer Major Lerner to Comrade Stalin with a request to pay attention to the Jewish question.

Comrade Stalin. Pay attention to the Jewish question

SECRET
Engineer Major LERNER M.I.
Member of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus since January 1930
P/B No. 1029116.
Moscow
April 14, 1946

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE ALL- UNION Communist Party of Belarus
Comrade STALIN I.V.

I have decided to address you, our dear Comrade Stalin, on a matter of great importance for the personal fate of many hundreds of thousands of people, for the benefit of our state, for the general Leninist-Stalinist theory and practice of the national question.

The essence of the matter.

Thanks to Soviet power, our country has become the only country in the world where anti-Semitism has been fundamentally undermined and where it seemed that the soil for its emergence in any form had been knocked out. However, over the last year and a half, I have heard more and more often about a peculiar liberation of our state, especially central, apparatus from persons of Jewish nationality, about a measure carried out secretly but quite widely and systematically by dismissals and refusals to hire persons of Jewish nationality to more or less responsible positions, in each individual case, under various pretexts. As a member of our party, I had every reason to doubt the possibility of such a situation in our country and I long and ardently refused to believe it. However, this is apparently so.

About the facts.

I have not had to read documents with resolutions on dismissal or refusal to hire because of belonging to the Jewish nationality. I think that this is possible only with the rarest of exceptions; such documents cannot appear in our country under any circumstances.

But what I have heard about such facts over a very long period of time, from people of various nationalities, various official positions /even very responsible ones/, party and non-party, working in various institutions /including people's commissariats, in particular in the People's Commissariat of Foreign Trade/ and even in various cities/in particular, in Moscow, Kyiv and Leningrad/, shows that such facts are widespread. Finally, I encountered this myself when in March of this year I was seconded from the Engineering Department of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, where I had worked for the last 4 years.

If we take into account that I have not stained myself in any way either in the NKVT or before, have not had any offenses and have no vices /although of course I have shortcomings/, and my experience of working in the NKVT, my desire to work and the need for employees allowed me to continue to be used in work in the system of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, if we also take into account a number of circumstances and details, which I am not giving in order not to clutter up the letter, showing that my secondment was not made for business reasons, then it will become clear that the main reason for my secondment was the above-mentioned circumstance.

I tried to draw the attention of Comrade KRUTIKOV A.D. to this by submitting a report to him, but the policy of the personnel department turned out to be effective and Comrade KRUTIKOV passed it by. I made an attempt to contact Comrade MIKOYAN A.I., but unfortunately I was unable to do so. I will only add that I have been out of work for the second month, despite the fact that the heads of several institutions have expressed a desire and readiness to hire me /in particular, a special letter signed by the Deputy Minister of the Aviation Industry Comrade was sent to the Personnel Department of the Air Force of the Red Army. KUZNETSOVA, No. K-18/1738 dated 14. 3. 46 with a request to second me to work in my specialty, at the Scientific Research Institute of Aircraft Special Equipment, Ministry of Aviation Industry /however, as soon as it comes to the personnel departments of institutions or the Personnel Directorate of the Air Force of the Red Army, apparently the aforementioned unfortunate reason continues to operate.

Some considerations.

a/ About true nationality.
I am a Jew, but I can say that I am a Jew only because I was recorded as such in documents at birth. In reality, I do not profess any religion at all, neither Jewish nor any other, I do not use the Jewish language, I do not know it at all, I do not observe any national or religious rituals, my personal qualities as a member of society were formed under the influence of an environment consisting of people of different nationalities /Russians, Ukrainians, Jews, etc., and the influence of the former significantly prevailed/, I have never been associated with any national communities or associations. What is important and significant for me is not my, I could say assigned, nationality, but my citizenship, the fact that I am a citizen of my homeland - the Soviet Union. And I do not know whether this agrees with theory or legal science, but when asked about my nationality, I always want to answer - I am OF SOVIET NATIONALITY.

Perhaps it would also be correct to consider myself as belonging to the nationality in which I developed as a person and where my main work activity took place.
I am sure that the given concepts of nationality would correspond to the truth and spirit for the majority of Jews in our country.

b/ About Jews in our country.

It seems that in our country, people of Jewish nationality, in their majority, have worthily appreciated the trust of the Soviet Power and our party, have gratefully accepted the fraternal attitude and fellowship between the peoples of our country, have selflessly and selflessly given themselves to serving the common goals of our country on any sections of the peace and war fronts and have shown themselves from the best side both in peacetime and in wartime. Therefore, it is unclear for what hidden reasons, after such a general and decisive victory - the victory of our Soviet Power, the Soviet-socialist system and our Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist worldview, a peculiar rule of anti-Semitism could appear in our country on a large scale, about which the Central Committee probably has more complete information.
Is this fair? And does it correspond to our interests?

in / On the Jewish Question.

As is well known, the Jewish question is an age-old question that has been deliberately elevated to the status of an "eternal" problem and zealously maintained as such, and which those in power have never seriously attempted to resolve, especially in the era of capitalism, so as not to lose the most convenient and most familiar object of distraction for the masses during clashes of economic and social contradictions and impending revolutionary explosions. And as is well known, there is no people or nationality that has suffered and made greater sacrifices in its entire history than the long-suffering Jewish nationality suffered during the period of fascist rule abroad and its tyranny in the temporarily occupied areas of our country. A nationality that, due to its dispersal and unique historical development, has absorbed world culture and whose representatives fruitfully work for the benefit of all mankind, in all areas of culture, art and science, and from which come such thinkers and figures as Spinoza, Marx, Einstein and others.

From individual reports in our press it is known that abroad some governments are fussing over the Jewish question, over the question of creating somewhere in the region of Palestine, a Jewish national state, and it is quite obvious that these undertakings are being discussed without the participation of broad sections of the Jewish population and regardless of their wishes. It is also known that outstanding representatives of both the Jewish and other nationalities have resolutely spoken out against this and quite rightly.

Although I am not familiar with the history of the emergence, activities and life of the Jewish National Region in the USSR, I am deeply convinced that the broad masses of Jews in our country have never sought any kind of national isolation, and that such a national republic is also necessary both for the Jews of our country and for our country itself.

Purpose of the note.

The purpose of this report is to ask YOU for the following.
It would be a real blessing for people of Jewish nationality and a decisive contribution to this specific and exciting issue if you, our Leader and Teacher, the brilliant creator and conductor of Stalin's national policy, the pinnacle of truth and human thought, would devote your attention to this issue and say what you consider necessary to say.

With all my heart and thoughts devoted to you,

p/p /Lerner/

/Moscow. Oruzheiny per. house No. 25/a/ apt. 3./ tel. D-1-39-53

RGASPI Archive. F. 558. Op. 11. D. 867 L. 72-76

https://istmat.org/node/69049 - zinc

In 1948, Comrade Stalin supported the creation of the state of Israel.
At the same time, even under Stalin, the fight against political Zionism intensified after Israel took the side of the West in the Cold War.

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/9967052.html

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Mon Aug 11, 2025 2:02 pm

How Finnish writers participated in the execution of the author of "For Matches"
August 9, 21:00

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How Finnish writers participated in the execution of the author of "For Matches"

Sometimes we come across such eloquent facts that can give more to understanding the historical process than long abstract discussions. So, the White and Red Terror through the prism of one episode that took place near Sveaborg on May 21, 1918.

“On the morning of May 21, 1918, a certain harbor tugboat cast off from the pier at the Market Square in Helsinki. Its destination was the nearby island of Santahamina. A motley crowd climbed on board: armed soldiers and civilians, Red prisoners taken during the capture of Helsinki and their guards from the White Army. The most famous of the prisoners was the writer Algot Untola, who worked in Helsinki as an editor of the Social Democratic Party newspaper Työmies.

In addition to the prisoners and guards, several people who did not have a specific task on this trip climbed on board. All of them – Eino Railo, Kyösti Vilkuna, Toivo Tarvas and Toivo T. Kaila – were also writers. They knew what event they were going to observe. When the tugboat arrived in Santahamina, the prisoners transported on its deck were to be shot…”

This is a quote from the book “Finnish Fascists – Heralds of the Black Dawn” https://rabkrin.org/oula-silvennojnen-m ... 016-kniga/ by Finnish authors Oula Silvennoinen, Markko Tikka and Aapo Roselius. Its Russian translation appeared only recently.

Earlier, I already wrote about the circumstances of the death of the Finnish writer Algot Untola. It is unlikely that many of us have heard this name. However, someone may remember his pseudonym – Maiju Lassila. However, almost everyone knows the wonderful film based on his story "For Matches", about the adventures of Finnish merrymakers Antti Ihalainen and Jussi Vatanen.

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A short biographical note: the future writer was born in 1868 into a poor peasant family. However, the young farm laborer not only worked a lot, but also read a lot, getting books wherever possible. In 1887, the talented young man entered the Sortavala Teachers' Seminary.

Algot turned out to be a capable student. In general, Untola was a natural polyglot. He spoke fluently not only Russian and Swedish, but also German, English, French, Latin. Then there was work as a teacher in the Finnish hinterland, then a move to St. Petersburg, participation in the revolutionary movement, and then a return to Finland...

Then his journalistic activity began. In 1909, under the pseudonym Ilmari Rantamala, he published his first novel "Harhama" - "Wandering". It was a serious philosophical work, which posed the most pressing questions of its time. And in those same years he wrote humorous works, like the story "For Matches" or the sparkling story "Resurrected from the Dead" with its unexpected plot twists (I highly recommend reading the latter). These stories were published under the name of Mayu Lassila. There were other pseudonyms.

Interestingly, along with his pseudonym, he also changed his writing style dramatically, so that Finnish readers were sure that there were several different writers. Fortunately, at that time he led a reclusive life, communicated with publishers by mail, and indicated his profession in the house register as a general worker.

But suddenly in 1916, already being a mature man, Lassila once again abruptly changed his life. He published “Letters of a Bourgeois”, in which he claimed that only socialism gives strength to life. He was one of those representatives of the Finnish intelligentsia who unconditionally sided with the people. He took an active part in the events of 1917-18. He edited the red newspaper “Tyemies”. When red Helsinki fell and white terror raged in the country, Maiju Lassila consciously shared the fate of thousands of Finnish workers.

Only relatively recently an archive photo has appeared: the transfer of prisoners from the Sveaborg fortress to the place of execution on the island of Santahamina. In the center of the photo is an unshaven man with a moustache - Maiju Lassila. Experts say that it is very likely that this is him.

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Some of the executioners left memoirs, but they all describe the circumstances of the writer's death differently. Some recall that Lassila tried to support those sentenced to death with him until the last minute, even standing up for a woman insulted by a guard. Allegedly, in revenge, he was thrown into the water and shot, then pulled back on board the boat and finished off. Others write that Lassila was shot while trying to escape.

However, the authors of the book "Finnish Fascists - Heralds of the Black Dawn" recalled another fact - the writer's colleagues went to watch the execution, and perhaps even took part.

Quote: “The brutal atmosphere of the civil war in Finland in the spring of 1918 is practically all that can be said about the fact that gentlemen representing literary circles set out to witness the murder of their colleague. Eino Railo was also Untola’s publisher, since the publishing house he headed, Kirja, published Untola’s stories “Mariasse Jappinen,” “Rivals,” and “Iivana.” Now this circumstance was of no importance…”

***

Incidentally, the authors of the book, while researching the origins of Finnish fascism, write that it did not seem to have had much influence.

However, “radical black Finland derived its strength and influence from the broader support of white Finland; the success of Finnish fascism depended on how effectively the black core could win over the white masses.” The decisive role was played by Finnish fellow travelers of fascism, who did not openly consider themselves radicals, but whose thinking was essentially no different from their ideas. The fellow travelers were white influential people, sympathizers and opinion leaders. They were present where black Finland appeared: at the unveiling of monuments, in the civil guards, at wreath-laying ceremonies, in societies, on the pages of newspapers. In the spring of 1918, they were present at illegal executions.”

***

And now let us turn to the history of our country. Imagine a situation where Mayakovsky goes to Petrograd to take part in the execution of Gumilev (who, by the way, was sentenced not for propaganda, but for participating in a real conspiracy https://dzen.ru/a/ZL-BwHcBfXem18mu ). Okay, unlike Finnish writers like Kyösti Vilkuna, who themselves took part in the war, Mayakovsky did not personally participate in military actions. Let's replace him with Fadeyev or Bagritsky. Can we imagine such a thing? Still, no.

Yes, the degree of ferocity in the Finnish civil war was much higher than in Russia. This can be explained not by some special local "mentality", but by the fact that Finland was the most developed part of the Russian Empire, far ahead of the metropolis in the "construction of capitalism" (More about this here https://dzen.ru/a/YioRaRSXAVj6PNnN ).

Therefore, class contradictions there, despite the external civilization, were the most violent.

(Here it is worth reminding certain commentators that Finland became a peaceful, cozy and social state somewhat later than 1944. That is, our glorious Red Army and personally Comrade Stalin motivated the Finnish bourgeoisie to create a "society of universal prosperity").

But in 1918, all this was still far away, so then in this small country 8 thousand red Finns were shot and another 12 thousand people died in concentration camps. Almost 3 percent of the country's population was thrown into prisons and camps, that is, 2-4 times more than all the prisoners, criminal and political, in the GULAG, even in the harshest years.

In Russia, if the Whites had won, it would have been exactly the same (Read - https://dzen.ru/a/ZGRhes9tUDCQZXH5 ).

So, a couple of conclusions from this whole story.

First - what happened in our country during the civil war was not some kind of "anomaly" peculiar only to the Russian people, due to their natural cruelty and hatred of "better people". In "civilized" European Finland, in terms of cruelty and ruthlessness towards opponents, everything was much worse. Moreover, what is characteristic, the Finnish state has not repented for all this to this day. And why?

The second conclusion. In case of the victory of the Whites, their terror is always more large-scale, cruel and inhumane than the Red terror, which always began only as a "retaliatory strike" against the actions of political opponents.

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And by the way, there is no doubt that if the Whites had won, Mayakovsky, Yesenin, Blok, Bryusov, Serafimovich, Malevich and many other writers, poets and artists would have been shot for collaborating with the Bolsheviks. Just as the remarkable Finnish writer Algot Untola was shot, who gave us a funny story about the adventures of Antti Ihalainen and Jussi Vatanen...

(c) A. Stepanov

https://dzen.ru/a/aJWsncXC62vUPIy5 - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/10004758.html

On the liberation of the mentally ill and the dying from the Gulag during WWII
August 10, 18:57

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On the procedure for releasing mentally ill and terminally ill people from the GULAG during the Great Patriotic War. For a number of particularly serious categories, mentally ill and terminally ill people were prohibited from being released until the end of the war. Restrictions also applied to German prisoners and nationalities of the satellite countries of Nazi Germany. For other materials, it was proposed to send them to court for consideration.

Directive of the NKVD, NKJ and the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR No. 375/18/37/17/11311s. "On the procedure for considering cases on the release from custody of convicts who have contracted a mental illness or a serious incurable disease." Supplement. July 24, 1943.

Archive - GAVO. F. R-3174. Op. 2. D. 3. L. 110

https://istmat.org/node/69077 - zinc

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/10006567.html

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Tue Aug 19, 2025 2:31 pm

The winter factor
August 16, 15:39

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The winter factor

When I was in the Ivolginsky Datsan, a local novice who gave us a tour told me that the German advance on Moscow was stopped by Buddhist monks. They were brought to Moscow by plane on Stalin's orders and there they prayed fervently to bring on a harsh winter that would stop the Germans.
An interesting remake of the well-known "story" about the Germans being stopped by a flying icon. But as we can see, there is a competing "version". I wonder which one came first? And do Muslims and Jews have similar stories?

Of course, the Germans were stopped by the Red Army, the NKVD troops, and the Moscow militia, who also experienced all the hardships of the winter of 1941. It was not the weather that won, but the people (naturally, under the leadership of Stalin, Zhukov, Rokossovsky and others), who stopped the enemy and drove them away from Moscow. The issue of blaming the winter for the German defeat is an issue of the attempts of beaten German generals to justify their operational and strategic failures in 1941 and write them off to the weather, and not to the resistance of the Red Army and their own mistakes. When the role of the Red Army in the battle for Moscow is leveled and everything comes down to the weather, then the German excuses are played up.

P.S. And so, the Ivolginsky Datsan was interesting (I will write about it separately), but this story really got to me. By the way, the Ivolginsky Datsan itself actually exists thanks to Comrade Stalin, who gave the go-ahead for its opening in 1946. I also learned that local Buddhists revere Catherine the Great as one of the manifestations of Buddha. She belongs to the white tara.

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/10013746.html

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Sun Aug 24, 2025 5:21 pm

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The loss of the Soviet Union
Originally published: Socialist Voice on August 12, 2025 by Nicola Lawlor (more by Socialist Voice) | (Posted Aug 21, 2025)

Progress is never linear, consistent, smooth or at a fixed rate. Class consciousness, and its militant organisation, in the west is at a low-ebb right now, however, anti-imperialist struggle is renewed in many parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America. New global alliances and formations, although not always socialist, are disrupting western hegemony.

This resistance is often expressed in cultural, nationalist, religious or tribal forms, while in a few cases explicitly socialist, as opposed to in the twentieth century where it more often took shape in secular socialist or national liberation tendencies.

This is not to romanticise or idealise the past but it is to reflect on the material and ideological force that was the existence of the Soviet Union and how that framed resistance and struggle globally. The achievements, priorities and rhetoric of the USSR shaped struggle and outcomes all over the world. This article will note just a few.

Women won the right to vote on equal terms with men in 1917 making it the first European nation to do this. The new states Constitution explicitly guaranteed equality. Alesandra Kollontai became the first female Government Cabinet Minister in a European State and then later also became the first female Ambassador. Civil divorce was introduced in the USSR in 1917 and abortion was legalised in 1920 (before being banned between 1936 to 1955).

Often today the call for peace and for negotiated settlements is difficult. Ironically, one has to fight for peace against the war mongering media, arms industry and captured politicians. Again, the Soviet Union demonstrated and exemplified this in accepting a difficult peace to end WW1 and later prioritising the United Nations and supporting the World Peace Council as structures to promote peace and resolve international disputes.

The Soviet Union, despite aggression and hostility on many fronts, worked to eliminate or at least end the proliferation of nuclear weapons. It drove the successful negotiations of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty signed in the 70’s.

In an unprecedented move in 1917, when other countries were expanding their empires, the USSR lived up to its commitment to self-determination by supporting Finland’s independence from the Russian empire. The Constitution provided the right of nations to secede from the USSR, a right denied to colonies of empires.

The Soviet Union also inaugurated the first explicitly conscious and organised welfare state. Kollontai, mentioned above, became the Minister for Welfare and the State. In her role, she introduced free and universal access to healthcare, education, childcare, pensions and maternity benefits. Housing was primarily state-led based on needs with heavily subsidised rents and secure tenures. Homelessness, for long periods of time, was virtually eliminated. Public transport, bus rail and trams primarily, was widespread and heavily subsidised making it accessible and affordable.

These developments preceded similar initiatives in western Europe by decades. Indeed, many were never matched elsewhere and are unlikely to do so now. Even Google’s AI tool acknowledges that western nations were forced to compete with the USSR in social policy by introducing welfare reforms, although never going as far as the Soviet support system.

These achievements don’t even mention its historic role in defeating fascism and saving Europe from Nazism, as well as the role it played in supporting Black liberation in the US and the national liberation struggles across Africa. These initiatives took place while being forced to compete in a resource sapping arms race with aggressive US imperialism.

Even though these are just a few examples, and all was far from perfect, the practical achievements but also importantly the ideological announcements, priorities and rhetoric of the Soviet State served to shape and frame the struggle of peoples elsewhere and all over the world. It is no coincidence that anti-imperialist resistance took on a more explicitly secular and socialist character during the period of the Soviet Union. It is no coincidence that trade unions in Europe were stronger and won better working conditions for their members. It is no coincidence that women’s rights, children’s rights and the welfare state developed, yet lagged, behind the USSR.

In many ways, the USSR was the hidden hand at the negotiating table for western European workers. And sadly, it is no coincidence today that after the counter-revolution and its dissolution, workers rights have deteriorated, the welfare state is being actively dismantled across Europe, unions are unable (and sometimes unwilling) to mount effective resistance, democracy and freedoms are being rowed back and rhetoric is increasingly war-like and aggressive, both internally and externally within many countries.

More than ever, we need to support and strengthen counter-hegemonic blocs that challenge US-led imperialism and its sub imperialisms in the EU, Israel and Japan. Because we know from history that these material and ideological forces that may exist far away geographically play a hugely significant role in assisting workers and peoples everywhere.

https://mronline.org/2025/08/21/the-los ... iet-union/
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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Wed Sep 03, 2025 2:32 pm

Finland defeated the USSR.
September 2, 21:01

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Regarding Stubb's ridiculous statements that "Finland defeated the USSR because it survived as a state", let's look at the facts.

1. Finland lost the Winter War of 1939-1940 to the USSR.
2. Finland, as an ally of Nazi Germany, lost the war of 1941-1944.
3. As a result of the two lost wars, Finland ceded territories to the USSR (without exchange), was forced to neutralize and even fight a little with the Nazis. Finland was forced to abandon the idea of ​​"Greater Finland".
4. The USSR under Comrade Stalin was completely satisfied with the outcome of the two wars won against Finland.
5. Stubb's statements are ordinary historical revanchism and revisionism.

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Sat Sep 27, 2025 2:14 pm

For your money I will draw any execution
September 27, 12:56

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For your money I will draw any execution

The other day, I posted another Ivan Vladimirov on Minutka (I've already posted him 12 times) and decided to check out what people were saying about him on Telegram. I immediately stumbled upon a post ( https://t.me/holmogor_talks/42072 ) by E.S. Kholmogorov, which made drops of saccharine pathos start dripping off my monitor in large streams. I had to run for rags and wipe them up immediately—otherwise, the apartment would have flooded.

He features the artist Vladimirov—a perfect "knight of the white deed" and a sincere inner fighter against the wicked Sofia Vlasyevna. Moreover, he didn't stop there and even wrote a post about the "traps" that communists supposedly fall into with this brilliant artist. I shed tears of emotion at the presence in Kholmogorov's head of such stupid communists "with their visceral, Sakhalin-like mugs" (straight out of Bunin!). Yes, it's easy to fight and defeat such red fools in the intellectual arena. The main thing is to invent them well :)

But let's still add a touch of the real, not fictional, Ivan Vladimirov to this blissful picture. Especially since at the end of 2017, the Hermitage hosted an exhibition of his works, which I took the time to attend and gleaned a wealth of interesting information about him.

1. Vladimirov was an anti-monarchist and enthusiastically greeted the February Revolution. During the spring of 1917, he managed to pen many sentimental slogans and rants for revolutionary leaflets, mostly calling for the overthrow of monuments to former satraps and oppressors and the casting of them as a "monument to freedom." I'll post one example separately ( https://t.me/periskop_pacific/8027 ), from April 21, 1917.

2. He had an incredibly well-developed political intuition and quickly pivoted depending on the political situation. He always sided with the victors. For example, having enthusiastically embraced the February Revolution, he rejected the October Revolution and in the summer of 1918 joined the Whites, painting "Red horrors." However, in the late autumn of 1919, he somersaulted and abandoned the Whites (considering their cause lost), defecting to the Reds. Then he joined the Association of Artists of Revolutionary Russia (AKhRR) and was already actively drawing sketches against the Whites, and then large paintings.

3. But that's not all! An active member of the "red" AKhRR, when the ARA (American Relief Organization) arrived in Soviet Russia, he accepted an offer to work for them. In 1921-22, he painted watercolors commissioned by the Americans, each with a completely different content. The Yankees paid him $20 for each watercolor—a huge sum in the famine-stricken RSFSR of 1922. So, appreciate the humor of the situation: he was simultaneously working for two clients and painting watercolors with completely different content during the same period. A striking illustration of the saying, "A gentle calf sucks two mothers." Then the Americans left, and Vladimirov worked exclusively for the Soviet government. He earned numerous honors under Stalin, dying in honor and glory in 1947. Moreover, he survived the siege of Leningrad.working for TASS Windows.

This is the real Ivan Vladimirov, not the fictional one – one of the most famous turncoats in the world of painting, who vacillated between power and the opportunity to make a buck wherever he could. :)

And another striking addition to the portrait of the turncoat artist Ivan Vladimirov ( https://t.me/periskop_pacific/8026 ).
Look, here are two of his watercolors, painted around the same time (1921-23), but for different clients. The first, as a member of the AKhRR (Association of Artists of Revolutionary Russia), is "Execution of Peasants by White Cossacks." The second, "Execution of Tsarist Policemen by the Red Guard in March 1917," was commissioned by the ARA for dollars. The first watercolor is signed in Russian, the second – since the clients were Americans – in English. A living illustration of the saying "a gentle heifer sucks two mothers" :)

It should also be added that Vladimirov spoke English perfectly: his mother, Kate, was English, and his father worked as a librarian at the Moscow English Club before the revolution. So, our beloved artist was not only an anti-monarchist, but also an Anglophile by upbringing.


https://t.me/periskop_pacific/8031 - zinc

Basically, the man simply loved money, so he took it wherever it was offered. If they'd given him money for bragging about the Tsar, he'd have painted Nikalashka, too. But back then, the only money he got for the Tsar was a punch in the face. So he took both Soviet rubles and American dollars. Under Stalin, taking from everywhere was dangerous, so he only took Soviet rubles.
Such creators exist, so creativity should always be distinguished from the author's inner world. Sometimes they can completely misinterpret. Many of our modern "creators" are living examples of this.

P.S. Of course, none of the above changes the fact that both the Whites and the Reds executed their opponents during the Civil War as part of the White and Red Terrors. So, formally, both images reflect the reality of those years. But, as the saying goes, "there's a nuance."

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/10095554.html

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Wed Oct 01, 2025 3:05 pm

Stalingrad and Nanking: The Silent Victory of World War II
Sep 30, 2025 , 1:20 pm .

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Soviet soldiers in Stalingrad, January 1943 (Photo: Georgi Zelma/Sputnik)

Eighty years after the end of World War II, historical memory remains a battleground. While Hollywood and Eurocentric narratives dominated the global narrative for decades, two nations—Russia (as the successor to the Soviet Union) and China—have been systematically marginalized in the recognition of their decisive role in defeating fascism.

For decades, the story of World War II has been told from a single perspective: that of those who dominate the narrative. Hollywood, with its powerful entertainment industry, has turned D-Day into the absolute symbol of liberation, while reducing the eastern fronts to mere backdrops. But the historical truth is different: the war against fascism was decided not only on the beaches of Normandy, but in the smoking ruins of Stalingrad and the bloody streets of Nanjing.

There, at those two epicenters of suffering and resistance, Russia and China paid the highest price in human lives—more than 60 million combined—and played a decisive strategic role in containing the Axis in Europe and Asia. However, their contribution has been systematically minimized, forgotten, or simply erased from the collective Western memory.

The Soviet Sacrifice: The Price of Victory in Europe
The Great Patriotic War , as the Soviet war effort against Nazi Germany is known in Russia, was the bloodiest and most decisive theater of operations of the entire conflict.

On June 22, 1941, Operation Barbarossa plunged the Red Army into a war of survival that would last 1,418 days. During that period, the USSR lost between 20 and 27 million people, most of them civilians, a figure far exceeding the combined casualties of all the other Allies.

The so-called Eastern Front was not a secondary stage: it was the epicenter of the war against Nazism. Decisive battles such as Stalingrad (1942–1943), Kursk (1943), and the final offensive on Berlin (1945) were fought there.

It was the Red Army that destroyed the bulk of the Wehrmacht: more than 70% of German divisions were defeated by Soviet forces.

As Winston Churchill acknowledged to Stalin himself ( September 27, 1944 ): "It is the Russian army that has ripped open the entrails of the German military machine."

Despite this, a narrative has been constructed in the West that minimizes this effort. D-Day (June 6, 1944) is presented as the "turning point" of the war, when in reality Stalingrad had already broken the backbone of the Third Reich a year earlier.

This distortion is not accidental: it responds to a Cold War logic that sought to erase the Soviet contribution from the historical map in order to consolidate a hegemonic Western narrative.

China: The Forgotten Front of Anti-Fascism
Few remember that the world war in question began in Asia, not Poland. Or at least it was a continuing precedent that spread to Europe.

On September 18, 1931, Japan invaded Manchuria. On July 7, 1937, with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, all-out war broke out between China and the Japanese Empire. China held out for four and a half years before the United States entered the war after Pearl Harbor.

During fourteen years of conflict (1931-1945), China suffered more than 35 million deaths, both civilians and military personnel, and saw more than 1,100 cities razed to the ground. The Nanking Massacre (1937), with more than 300,000 civilians killed, and the biological attacks of Unit 731 are war crimes that rival those of Nazism in horror, yet they barely appear in Western school textbooks.

British historian Rana Mitter, author of China, the Forgotten Ally , has highlighted that Chinese resistance was key to containing the Japanese Empire. Between 1937 and 1945, 65–76% of Japanese ground forces were trapped in China, preventing Tokyo from launching decisive offensives against British India, the Soviet Union, or even Australia.

As US General Joseph Stilwell wrote : "Had China collapsed, Japan would have immediately redeployed 30 divisions to the Pacific, prolonging the war by at least two years."

China was not only an ally, but the "fourth power" of the Allied side, alongside the US, the UK, and the USSR. However, its role has been reduced to a footnote in mainstream Western historiography.

Historical distortion and US soft power
Why has this history been silenced? The answer lies in the cultural and media hegemony of the United States. Since the postwar period, Hollywood has shaped the global collective memory, presenting the United States as the "savior of the world." Films like Saving Private Ryan and Dunkirk , or series like Band of Brothers , glorify the American effort, while the Eastern and Asian fronts are practically invisible.

This bias is not innocent: it is part of a soft power system that seeks to legitimize the US's hegemonic position in the international order. By presenting victory as an essentially American achievement, it justifies its moral, political, and military leadership in the postwar world.

Thus, recognizing the critical role of Chinese theater and Soviet achievement would directly undermine the narrative sanctity of the "Western savior."

Furthermore, the Cold War accelerated this process of forgetting. After 1949, both the USSR and communist China were portrayed as enemies, leading the West to erase their anti-fascist contributions from the historical narrative. Even figures like Stalin, whose leadership was crucial in the defeat of Nazism, were systematically demonized .

The manipulation of historical memory
Today, this distortion has become state policy in some Western countries. President Donald Trump recently said that the US won World War II, completely ignoring the USSR and China.

In France, President Emmanuel Macron excluded Russia from key commemorations, despite the fact that it was Soviet soldiers who liberated much of Europe, including allies like Czechoslovakia and Hungary.

Meanwhile, Japan has avoided fully assuming its historical responsibility, with leaders continuing to visit the Yasukuni Shrine —where war criminals are honored—while the West remains silent.

This contrasts with the constant demand for "historical memory" from Germany, revealing a geopolitical double standard.

Towards a fair and multipolar historical memory
Recognizing the role of Russia and China is an act of historical justice, not mere revisionism. Both countries paid the highest price in human lives and, above all, changed the course of the war with crucial strategic decisions:

The USSR stopped the Blitzkrieg at Moscow (1941), defeated the Axis at Stalingrad (1943) and crushed the Kwantung Army in Manchuria (August 1945), hastening the Japanese surrender .

China, with heroic resistance since 1937, prevented Japan from consolidating its empire in Asia and served as inspiration for anti-colonial movements throughout the Global South.

In a world moving toward a multipolar order, it is urgent to pierce the veil of history and reveal the truth. This entails continuing to affirm the historical importance of the Asian and Eastern fronts with the same depth as the European one; recognizing that World War II was a truly global conflict, not a "European war with episodes in Asia"; and rejecting attempts to rewrite history to serve petty geopolitical agendas.

As Chinese scholar Andy Tian, ​​founder and president of the Global Governance Institute, has written : "Defending the truth of World War II is, at its core, a fundamental inquiry into the justice of the postcolonial international order."

The truth does not remain silent
The victory over Nazism and fascism was not the work of a single country, but the brunt of the sacrifice fell on the Soviet and Chinese people. To deny this is not only historically false, but morally reprehensible.

At a time when neo-Nazi, revisionist, and militaristic rhetoric is resurfacing—especially in Ukraine and Japan—preserving historical memory becomes an act of resistance.

Russia and China, aware of this distortion, have promoted a "memory diplomacy" to reclaim their place in history. Exhibitions, documentaries, joint commemorations, and bilateral declarations seek to counteract decades of neglect. Moscow celebrated the 80th anniversary of Victory Day with the most prominent figures of the multipolar world; Beijing did the same with the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the victory in the World Anti-Fascist War.

But real change must come from everyone: historians, educators, filmmakers, and citizens around the world, because it's not just an official task.

Honoring the 27 million Soviets and 35 million Chinese who gave their lives means recognizing that the current peace was built on their blood, and that any attempt to falsify that truth is a betrayal of those who fought—and died—for a world free of fascism and Nazism.

History has already been written, it only remains to remember it in its proper place.

https://misionverdad.com/memoria/stalin ... ra-mundial

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Mon Oct 13, 2025 1:28 pm

The Last Jew of Vinnytsia
October 13, 10:52

Image

The Last Jew of Vinnytsia

The photograph "The Last Jew of Vinnytsia" is one of the most famous symbols of the Holocaust. I don't know where the name came from, but the photo isn't of Vinnytsia, but of Berdichev, and the Jew wasn't the last. The photo was taken on July 28, 1941. In 1944, 960 bodies of Jews and captured Red Army soldiers would be recovered from the ditch depicted. The murder of Jews in Berdichev continued until September 15. A total of 38,536 Soviet citizens were murdered in Berdichev, including the mother of Soviet writer Vasily Grossman. Recently, a citizen recognized his wife's uncle in the photo. After comparing a photograph of the uncle from the family archive provided by relatives with AI, the name of the executioner in the photo was confirmed. He was Jacobus Onnen, a member of Einsatzgruppe C, a member of the NSDAP since 1931, and a former schoolteacher. The former teacher was denazified by Soviet partisans near Kiev in August 1943.

https://t.me/Tyzemsovet/241 - zinc

A typical example of false attribution of a photograph.

https://colonelcassad.livejournal.com/10126050.html

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Re: The Soviet Union

Post by blindpig » Tue Oct 14, 2025 2:10 pm

Geoffrey Roberts: Moscow’s 1954 Proposal that the USSR Join NATO
October 13, 2025

Putin mentioned in his Valdai speech that in 1954 Moscow proposed Soviet membership of NATO – as part of a package of policies to create an inclusive, pan-European system of collective security.

This brought to mind my publication of the key Soviet archival document on this somewhat surprising suggestion – which was part of Moscow’s campaign to radically curtail the cold war:

https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publicatio ... march-1954

~Geoffrey Roberts

Molotov’s Proposal that the USSR Join NATO, March 1954
By Geoffrey Roberts, The Wilson Center, November 21, 2011

CWIHP e-Dossier No. 27

The document below is a translation of V. M. Molotov’s proposal to the Soviet Presidium in March 1954 that the USSR should issue a diplomatic note to the Western powers stating its willingness to consider joining NATO. The background to Molotov’s memorandum was the launch of the Soviet campaign for European collective security at the Berlin Conference of Foreign Ministers in February 1954. At that conference Molotov proposed the Soviet alternative to western plans for a European Defense Community (EDC) involving the participation of a rearmed West Germany—the conclusion of a pan-European collective security treaty. This proposal was linked in tum to a further set of Soviet proposals on the German question, including Germany’s reunification and neutralization in the cold war.

Molotov’s collective security proposal was rejected by western representatives on two grounds. Firstly, because the United States was excluded from the proposed treaty and relegated, together with Communist China, to observer status. Secondly, because the Soviet proposal aimed, it was said, to disrupt NATO as well as halt the formation of the EDC. Molotov responded to these criticisms by saying that the Soviet proposal could be amended and that he was open to persuasion about the value of NATO as a defensive organization.

When Molotov returned to Moscow he tasked Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko to formulate proposals on the furtherance of the Soviet collective security campaign. On 10 March Gromyko presented Molotov a draft note for the Presidium proposing that the Soviet position on European collective security should be amended (a) to allow full US participation in the system and (b) the possibility of the USSR joining NATO.[1] Further drafts were presented to Molotov on 20 and 24 March.[2] These drafts were corrected in detail by Molotov. The major change made by Molotov was to delete Gromyko’s statement that the USSR would join NATO on certain conditions and to substitute the formulation that the Soviet Union was prepared to discuss the matter with interested parties. He also added a paragraph stating that the implications of possible Soviet membership of NATO had to be considered even now (see paragraph 9 in the document below). The final version of the note was sent Malenkov and Khrushchev on 26 March, together with the text of the proposed Soviet statement to the Western powers. This text was issued, unaltered, to Britain, France and the United States on 31 March 1954. It announced two amendments to the Soviet draft treaty on European collective security: the United States would not be excluded from formal participation in a system of pan-European collective security and if NATO relinquished its aggressive character the USSR would consider participation in the organization. In those circumstances, concluded the note, NATO “would cease to be a closed military alignment of states and would be open to other European countries which, together with the creation of an effective system of European collective security, would be of cardinal importance for the promotion of universal peace.”[3]

The administrative process through which the Soviet proposal was produced internally was typical of Molotov’s foreign ministry i.e. the production of numerous drafts by his deputies that he personally hand-corrected before they were sent to the Presidium (in the first instance to Khrushchev and Malenkov) for approval. It was unusual, however, for Molotov to present the Presidium with a long, discursive memorandum justifying what was being proposed. Usually, he just sent a short note enclosing the foreign ministry’s proposals which were then discussed in personal conversation at the Presidium level. On this occasion Molotov evidently felt the need for an advance written justification of what was being proposed.

Readers can judge for themselves what the document tells us about the character of the Soviet campaign for European collective security but it seems clear that (a) the reformulation of the Soviet position on 31 March 1954 was designed to further that campaign and (b) that while Molotov thought it unlikely the proposal would succeed (c) he did not rule out the possibility of the USSR joining NATO under certain conditions. It should be noted, too, that while propaganda advantage was an argument the foreign ministry frequently deployed in its submissions to the Presidium that did not mean the proposals were not seriously intended as well.

In May 1954 the Western powers rejected the Soviet proposal to join NATO on grounds that the USSR’s membership of the organization would be incompatible with its democratic and defensive aims. However, Moscow’s extensive and intensive campaign for European collective security continued until the Geneva Foreign Ministers Conference of October-November 1955.[4]

Geoffrey Roberts is Professor and Head of the School of History at University College Cork, Ireland. His latest book is Molotov: Stalin’s Cold Warrior, Potomac Books, 2011.

Footnotes
[1] Foreign Policy Archives of the Russian Federation (Arkhiv Vneshnei Politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, or AVP RF), F. 6, Op. l3, Pap. 2, D. 9, Ll. 20-25. I am grateful to Alexei Filitov for bringing the existence of this file to my attention.

[2] Ibid., Ll. 34-37, 44-55.

[3] “Note of the Soviet Government… 31 March 1954,” Supplement to New Times, no. 14, 3 April 1954.

[4] For a more in-depth discussion, see Geoffrey Roberts, “A Chance for Peace? The Soviet Campaign to End the Cold War, 1953-1955,” Working Paper No. 57, Cold War International History Project, December 2008.

Document

Source: Foreign Policy Archives of the Russian Federation (Arkhiv Vneshnei Politiki Rossiiskoi Federatsii, or AVP RF), F. 6, Op. 13, Pap. 2, D. 9, L1. 56-59. Translated for CWIHP by Geoffrey Roberts.

[Click to view the document in CWIHP’s online Digital Archive]

Presidium, CC CPSUTo: Comrade G.M. Malenkov and Comrade N.S. Khrushchev

According to reports from Soviet embassies and missions and in the foreign press, the Soviet draft of a General European Agreement on Collective Security in Europe has provoked positive responses from quite broad public circles abroad, including such French press organs as Le Monde… At the same time, the Soviet draft has, for understandable reasons, provoked a negative reaction from official circles and from supporters of the “European Defense Community” in France, England and other West European countries. It should be noted that official circles in France have also taken measures to mute the Soviet proposal. Among opponents of the European Defense Community there are also those who don’t support the proposal for a General European Agreement. In this regard the main argument advanced against our proposal is the thesis that the Soviet draft is directed at dislodging the USA from Europe so that the USSR can take its place as the dominating power in Europe. Especially broad use of this thesis is being made in France. Meriting attention in this connection is a conversation between our ambassador in Paris, comrade Vinogradov, and the Gaullist leader [Gaston] Palewski, who said the Soviet proposal is unacceptable in its present form because it excludes the USA from participation in the collective security system in Europe. According to Palewski attitudes to the Soviet proposal would change if the Soviet government declared the USA could take part in the system of collective security in Europe in its capacity as an occupying power in Germany, bearing in mind that the occupation of Germany would not last forever. From this statement of Palewski’s it follows that the USA’s participation in the General European Agreement on a system of collective security would be of a temporary character and limited to the period until the conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany.

The thesis of the dislodgement of the USA from Europe is also being used against the Soviet proposal by supporters of the European Defense Community in England and other countries, by official circles that support the plan for the creation of such a “community” and its so-called European army.

Taking this into account, the Foreign Ministry considers it advisable to limit the possibilities of using this argument against the Soviet draft by sending the governments of the USA, England and France a note which states that on its part the Soviet government sees no obstacle to the positive resolution of the question of the USA’s participation in the General European Agreement on Collective Security in Europe. In the Foreign Ministry’s view it would be inadvisable to declare that the participation of the USA would be of a temporary character. In this regard the Foreign Ministry proceeds from that fact that from the point of view of the interests of the struggle against the European Defense Community it would be inexpedient to indicate the temporary character of the USA’s participation in the General European Agreement.

In introducing a proposal for the participation of the USA in the General European Agreement, the Foreign Ministry considers it advisable not to change the previous proposal that the Chinese People’s Republic would participate in the system of collective security in Europe as an observer

It is necessary to consider another argument deployed against the Soviet proposal, namely that it is directed against the North Atlantic Pact and its liquidation. In order to limit the use of this argument against the Soviet proposal the Foreign Ministry considers it advisable that simultaneously with our proposal about the participation of the USA in the General European Agreement we should, in the same note, pose, in an appropriate form, the question of the possibility of the Soviet Union joining the North Atlantic Pact. Raising this question would make things difficult for the organizers of the North Atlantic bloc and would emphasize its supposedly defensive character, so that it would not be directed against the USSR and the people’s democracies.

The simultaneous posing of the possible participation of the USA in the General European Agreement and possibility of the USSR joining the North Atlantic Pact would be advantageous for us because it would be perceived as demanding a concession in return for the USSR’s agreement on the participation of the USA in the General European Agreement… However, the Foreign Ministry’s view is that our agreement on the admittance of the USA into the General European Agreement should not be conditional on the three western powers agreeing to the USSR joining the North Atlantic Pact.

Most likely, the organizers of the North Atlantic bloc will react negatively to this step of the Soviet government and will advance many different objections. In that event the governments of the three powers will have exposed themselves, once again, as the organizers of a military bloc against other states and it would strengthen the position of social forces conducting a struggle against the formation of the European Defense Community. Such a negative attitude toward the initiative of the Soviet government could, of course, have its negative side for us in so far as it affected the prestige of the Soviet Union. Taking this into account, the Foreign Ministry proposes that the Soviet note should not state directly the readiness of the USSR to join the North Atlantic bloc but limit itself to a declaration of its readiness to examine jointly with other interested parties the question of the participation of the USSR in the North Atlantic bloc.

Of course, if the statement of the Soviet government meets with a positive attitude on the part of the three western powers this would signify a great success for the Soviet Union since the USSR joining the North Atlantic Pact under certain conditions would radically change the character of the pact. The USSR joining the North Atlantic Pact simultaneously with the conclusion of a General European Agreement on Collective Security in Europe would also undermine plans for the creation of the European Defense Community and the remilitarization of West Germany.

The Foreign Ministry considers that raising the question of the USSR joining NATO requires, even now, an examination of the consequences that might arise. Bearing in mind that the North Atlantic Pact is directed against the democratic movement in the capitalist countries, if the question of the USSR joining it became a practical proposition, it would be necessary to raise the issue of all participants in the agreement undertaking a commitment (in the form of a joint declaration, for example) on the inadmissibility of interference in the internal affairs of states and respect for the principles of state independence and sovereignty.

In addition the Soviet Union would, in an appropriate form, have to raise the question of American military bases in Europe and the necessity for states to agree to the reduction of military forces, in accordance with the position that would be created after the USSR’s entry into the North Atlantic Pact.

At the present time, however, it will be sufficient, taking into account the above considerations, to include at the end of the note a statement of a general character: “the Soviet Government keeps in mind that the issues arising in connection with this question must be resolved in the interests of strengthening world peace and the security of peoples.”

The draft resolution for the CC of the CPSU is enclosed

I ask you to examine it.

V.M. Molotov26 March 1954

[Click to view the document in CWIHP’s online Digital Archive]

https://natyliesbaldwin.com/2025/10/geo ... join-nato/
"There is great chaos under heaven; the situation is excellent."

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